THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 


a 


IA, 


,,  CALIF, 


MY    MEMOIRS 


MY    MEMOIRS 


BY 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ 


TRANSLATED   BY 

CONSTANCE    VESEY 


'      BOSTON   AND   NEW   YORK 
HOUGHTON     MIFFLIN     COMPANY 

1921 

36 


J3 

SIS 

THIS   BOOK  y~. 

IS    DEDICATED    TO 
THOSE   WHO   WILL    RECONSTRUCT 
HUNGARY    AND    AUSTRIA 


0  CONTENTS 

vi 

Sy  PA GH 

^  FOREWORD " 

Peace  negotiations  in  Switzerland,  n — Propaganda  for  Karolyi's 
Government,  12 — Night  attack,  13 — *'  Potato  Campaign,"  14 — The 
Austro-Hungarian  system,   18. 

BEFORE  THE  WAR         2I 

My  origin,  years  of  storm  and  stress,  21 — Hungarian  politics,  23 — 

v  Austria-Hungary  and  the  national  idea,  24 — On  secret  service  in 

Serbia,  26 — At  Sarospatak,  26 — The  elections  of  19 10  and  Tisza's 

policy   of  the   strong   hand,   26 — Michael  Karolyi,  28— Andrassy, 

leader  of  the  Opposition,  31 — Austria-Hungary's  misguided  domestic 

^^  policy,  31 — Our  policy  in  the  Balkans  and  as  regards  Italy,  32 — 

I  rejoin  the  army  and  take  part  in  the  Balkan  War  on  the  Bulgarian 

side,  34 — Rout  of  a  Turkish  corps,  35 — Submit  report  in  Vienna,  36 

— Berchtold's   policy,    37 — Masaryk   goes   to    Serbia,    38 — French 

attempt  at  rapprochement,  39 — My  stay  in  Paris,  40— Negotiations 

»  with   Caillaux,    41 — The    aimless   Austro-Hungarian    policy,    42 — 

*»\»  Balkan  policy,  42 — Relations  with  Italy,  43 — Lack  of  co-ordination 

fO  between     Austro-Hungarian     authorities,     44 — The     South     Slav 

question,    44 — My  brochure,  Austria-Hungary's  Armament  Policy, 

45 — The  domestic  political  situation  in  Hungary  in  the  spring  of 

1914,  46 — Tisza's  duels,  47 — Andrassy  and  Apponyi's  Opposition,  48 

— My  relations  with  the  heir  to  the  throne,  48— The  Serajevo  murder, 

*y  funeral,    49 — Effect   of    the    assassination    on    Austria-Hungary's 

domestic    policy,    50— The    Serbian    ultimatum,    51 — The    Prime 

Minister,    Stiirgkh,    and    the   departmental   standpoint,    52 — War 

enthusiasm  in  Buda  Pesth,  54— Annexation  policy  and  policy  of 

alliance,    55— Grey's  suggestion   that  the   ultimatum   should   be 

modified,  56. 

AT  THE  FRONT 5« 

The  advance  on  Serbia,  58— Forcing  the  Drina,  58 — The  fight  for 
Sabac,  60 — The  advance  across  the  Drina,  62 — To  Galicia,  65 — 
Organization  of  the  Espionage  Service,  66 — Conrad  von  Hötzen- 
dorif,  66 — The  clique  in  the  Supreme  Command,  66 — Advance 
under  Terstyansky  and  retreat,  67 — Notes  in  diary,  68 — The 
grooms  Viktor  and  Gaspar,  69 — In  the  Operations  Department,  69 
—With  General  Backmeister  at  Breslau,  70— Comparison  between 
German  and  Hungarian  soldiers,  70 — The  Espionage  Service,  71 — 

7 


MY  MEMOIRS 

PACK 

Belgrade  taken,  72 — Kaiser  Wilhelm  receives  Austrian  officers,  72 
— The  German  strategy,  72 — Our  ill-starred  system,  74 — The 
question  of  ceding  Transylvania,  75 — Visit  from  neutral  officers,  76 
— Journey  to  Vienna,  77 — Czech  mutiny,  78 — Aimless  forcing  a 
crossing  of  the  Carpathians  under  Terstyansky,  and  retreat  over 
the  Carpathians,  78 — Convention  of  Parliament  and  journey  to 
Buda  Pesth,  81 — Andrassy,  81 — Tisza's  attitude,  82 — Journey  to 
Vienna,  83 — The  Auffenberg  affair,  83 — Vazsonyi,  86 — With  Ter- 
styansky at  the  south  front,  88 — The  Italian  declaration  of  war,  88 — 
Intrigues  against  Terstyansky,  88 — On  leave  in  Buda  Pesth,  90 — 
With  Mackensen:  journey  to  Teschen,  91 — Terstyansky's  recall,  91 
— Taking  the  attack  orders  to  the  I  Bulgarian  Army,  91 — At 
the  Headquarters  of  the  I  Bulgarian  Army,  92 — German  troops,  93 
— Lady  Paget,  94 — Dr.  Ponten,  95 — A  sample  of  Austrian 
diplomacy,  95 — Journeying  through  Albania,  97 — As  General  Staff 
Officer  with  the  IV  Mountain  Brigade  at  the  south-west  front,  97 — 
Effect  of  the  heavy  artillery  fire,  98 — Alice  Schalek,  10 1 — To  Buda 
Pesth.  101 — Theabsolutistregimein  Austria,  102 — Austria-Hungary's 
foreign  policy,  102 — The  Polish  question,  103 — Collapse  of  the  front 
at  Luck,  104 — Andrassy  and  I  in  Berlin  for  negotiations  over  the 
Polish  question,  105 — The  Stiirgkh  terror,  106 — Bethmann  and 
Jagow  in  Vienna,  108 — Teschen  Headquarters  against  Tisza,  108 
— My  memorandum  to  Tisza  about  our  military  and  political 
situation,  no — Secret  sitting  of  Parliament :  my  speech  against  the 
"  system,"  in — Effect  of  the  speech,  114 — At  the  Rumanian  front, 
116 — Death  of  the  Emperor  Francis  Joseph,  117 — Successful  night 
attack,  119 — The  Archduke  Joseph  Karl,  120 — Election  of  the 
Coronation  Knights,  121 — To  Vienna,  122 — Meet  Michael  Karolyi, 
123 — Back  at  the  front,  123 — General  Litzmann  storms  the 
Magyaros,  124 — Russian  Revolution,  125 — Armistice  proposal,  126 
— Negotiations  with  the  Russian  General  Nekrassoff,   127. 

IN  THE  WAR  CABINET  130 

The  new  Regime,  130 — Czernin  Foreign  Minister,  130 — Esterhazy 
as  Prime  Minister,  131 — Jobbery  over  political  offices,  132 — The 
franchise  question,  132 — The  bloc  protocol,  133 — Vazsonyi,  133 — 
The  wheat  supply,  135 — Wekerle  Prime  Minister,  136 — His 
character,  136 — Ultimatum  to  Wekerle,  138 — Audience  of  the 
Emperor  Karl,  138 — The  South  Slav  question,  140 — My  office  as 
Hungarian  Food  Minister,  141 — Am  presented  to  the  Emperor  at 
Laxenburg,  142 — The  Emperor  on  foreign  policy,  143 — Visit  to 
Andrassy,  143 — Taking  over  my  new  appointment,  144 — Reorgan- 
ization of  the  food  supply,  145 — Memorandum  on  the  food  situation, 
148 — Requisitions,  148 — Andrassy  and  Czernin,  149 — Discussions 
over  adding  Galicia  to  Poland,  149 — Czernin  on  the  "  bread 
peace,"  150 — Czernin's  political  mistakes,  151 — The  franchise 
conflict,  151 — Audience  of  the  Emperor,  153 — Food  situation  and 
political  situation,  155 — Received  with  Czernin  by  the  Emperor 
Karl,  157 — Cabinet  Council  in  Buda  Pesth,  157 — Czernin's 
resignation,  158 — Andrassy  proposed  as  his  successor,  158 — Burian 
appointed  Foreign  Minister,  159 — Cabinet  intention  of  resigning, 
160 — Enmity  between  Tisza  and  Karolyi,  161 — Cabinet  crisis  and 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  9 

PAOS 

constitutional  question,  162 — Szterenyi  entrusted  with  the  formation 
of  a  Cabinet,  165 — German  military  authorities  demand  offensive 
on  the  Piave,  166 — Wekerle  remains  in  office,  167 — My  work  in  the 
Food  Office,  167 — My  relations  with  Tisza,  169 — Reappointment  of 
Wekerle's  Cabinet,  170 — Andrassyand  his  entourage,  170 — Karolyi's 
ambition,  171 — The  franchise  question,  172 — Prime  Minister 
Seidler,  175 — My  programme,  175 — Question  of  the  alliance,  178 
— Food  difficulties  in  Tirol,  180 — The  Polish  question,  181— 
Starving  Vienna,  182 — Discussion  of  the  military  position  in 
Berlin,  183 — Seidler's  Cabinet,  184— The  Piave  offensive,  185 — 
Karolyi's  plans  for  the  future,  186 — Journey  to  Udine,  186 — 
Council  of  War,  188 — Discussions  with  German  Headquarters 
about  supplying  food  and  Austria  sending  troops  to  the  West 
front,  188 — Kaiser  Wilhelm  on  the  Austro-Hungarian  policy,  190 — 
Conversations  with  the  officers  of  the  German  Headquarters  Staff, 
IQI — Conversations  in  Berlin,  192 — Austrian  Party  policy,  193 — 
Karolyi's  attitude,  194 — Franchise  Reform  Bill  accepted,  195 — 
The  question  of  State  control  of  wheat,  196 — Arbitrary  military 
requisitions,  197 — Conversation  with  the  Emperor  Karl  about 
our  domestic  and  foreign  policy,  199 — Julius  Szilassy  sent  for,  205 
— Szilassy's  programme,  207 — Burian  remains  in  office,  208 — 
German  journalists  in  Vienna,  209 — Burian's  peace  note,  210 — 
Tisza's  visit  to  Croatia,  Serbia  and  Bosnia,  210 — Opposition  in 
the  Food  Office,  210 — Bolshevist  propaganda,  211 — Tisza  consis- 
tently against  the  franchise,  212 — The  necessity  of  an  entirely  new 
policy  to  save  the  Monarchy,  213 — The  political  chaos,  218— 
Feeling  in  Prague,  219 — Attitude  of  the  Ban  of  Croatia,  220 — 
Breakdown  of  the  German  military  strength,  221 — Conversation 
with  Socialists,  221 — A  scene  with  Karolyi,  222 — Privy  Council 
to  consider  the  military  situation,  223 — Anxiety  about  Transylvania, 
223 — Reconciliation  between  Tisza,  Andrassy  and  myself,  225 — 
Audience  of  the  Emperor  at  Reichenau,  228 — Fresh  conflict  over 
the  franchise  question,  228 — Navay  sent  for,  229 — Talk  with 
Tarnovsky,  230 — Karolyi  conspires,  231 — The  South  Slav 
question,  232 — Supplying  German  Austria  with  food,  232 — 
Michael  Karolyi  with  the  Emperor  Karl,  233 — Manifesto  proclaim- 
ing liquidation  of  the  old  Austria,  234 — Karolyi  on  his  policy,  235 
— Talk  with  Czernin,  235 — The  joint  armistice  proposal,  237 — 
Navay  refuses  to  take  office,  238 — Negotiations  with  Karolyi,  239 — 
Political  double-dealing,  240 — Futile  formation  of  a  Cabinet,  242 
— The  Hungarian  crisis,  244 — The  Austrian  crisis,  245— An  English 
peace-feeler,  246. 

THE  LAST  DAYS 248 

Sitting  of  the  Hungarian  Parliament,  248 — Karolyi's  Party,  250 — 
The  South  Slav  question,  252 — Karolyi's  links  with  the  Entente, 
253 — Manifesto  proposing  an  Austrian  Federal  State,  254 — 
Dramatic  sitting  in  the  House  of  Deputies,  256 — Karolyi  and 
Tisza,  258 — Secret  sitting,  262 — Karolyi  and  the  Bolshevists,  263 
—King's  birthday  celebration  at  Debreczin,  263 — Decisive  state- 
ment to  the  King,  265 — Beginning  of  the  end,  267 — Andrassy 
Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  268— Andrassy  and  Karolyi,  269 — 


10  MY  MEMOIRS 

PAGE 

Organization  of  the  Revolution,  273 — I  take  leave  of  the  Food 
Ministry,  275 — Monster  demonstration  in  front  of  Andrassy's 
house,  276 — The  veiled  lady,  276 — Revolution  in  Buda  Pesth,  276 
— In  the  Hofburg,  278 — My  post  as  head  of  a  section  in  the  Foreign 
Office,  280 — The  separate  peace  note,  281 — Conference  with  Count 
Wedel,  281 — Difficulties  in  the  way  of  forming  a  Cabinet,  283 — 
Czernin  on  the  position,  283 — Telegram  to  the  German  Emperor,  284 
— The  position  on  the  Piave  front,  284 — Karolyi  aspires  to  be 
Prime  Minister,  285 — Andrassy's  speech  to  members  of  the  House 
of  Lords,  286 — Karolyi's  intrigues,  287 — Karolyi  acclaimed  as  a 
national  hero,  289 — The  position  at  the  front,  290 — Talk  with 
Viktor  Adler,  292 — Symptoms  of  decay  everywhere,  292 — The 
South  Slav  question,  293 — Tisza  on  my  policy,  294 — The  reserves 
refuse  to  obey,  295 — Vienna's  food  supply,  295 — Privy  Council 
at  Schönbrunn,  296 — Armistice  proposal,  297 — Karolyi's  role,  299 
— Agitation  promoted  by  German  Embassy,  300 — Demonstration  in 
Vienna,  302 — Ministers  discuss  question  of  releasing  military  men 
from  the  oath,  302 — The  military  authorities  fail,  304 — Outbreak 
of  revolution,  306 — Karolyi  Prime  Minister,  308 — Karolyi's  fear 
of  the  Hungarian  troops,  310 — Awaiting  Wilson's  answer,  311 — ■ 
Andrassy  proposes  resigning,  312 — Tisza's  assassination,  314 — 
With  the  King  at  Schönbrunn,  314 — Karolyi's  treacherous  policy, 
3!7 — Question  of  the  King's  abdication,  321 — The  Mission  to 
Berne,  323. 

IN  SWITZERLAND 325 

Verbal  note  to  the  Entente,  325 — The  Entente  wishes,  325 — No 
further  negotiations,  327 — Suppression  of  the  Imperial  verbal 
note  in  Austria  and  Hungary,  328 — Exchange  of  telegrams  with 
Michael  Karolyi,  329 — Karolyi's  political  personality,  333 — 
Aristocracy  and  people  in  Hungary,  334 — Agitation  against  Andrassy 
and  me,  337 — Garami's  activities  in  Switzerland,  339 — The 
King  takes  up  his  abode  in  Switzerland,  341. 

AND   YET! 344 

Political  reflections  on  decay  and  reconstruction,  344. 


FOREWORD 

I  arrived  in  Berne  on  the  3rd  November  1918,  and  put 
up  at  the  "  Schweizerhof."  I  was  head  of  a  section  in  the 
Foreign  Office  at  that  time,  and  had  been  sent  to  Switzer- 
land by  Count  Andrassy,  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs. 
An  appalling  tragedy  had  been  enacted.  We  had  lost  the 
war ;  an  ancient  and  great  Empire  had  gone  to  pieces 
and  lay  in  ruins.  Viribus  unitis.  Destroyed  with  all 
our  forces. 

At  the  eleventh  hour,  before  we  broke  down  completely, 
the  Entente  had  shown  some  inclination  to  enter  into 
peace  negotiations  with  us — that  is  to  say,  with  the  joint 
Ministry,  or,  rather,  with  Count  Julius  Andrassy — and  it 
was  to  pursue  these  slender  threads  and  prevent  their 
slipping  through  our  fingers  that  I  had  been  sent  to  Berne 
in  an  official  capacity. 

The  next  morning  I  saw  in  the  paper  that  I  had  fled 
from  Austria. 

A  day  later  I  read  in  print  that  I  had  taken  millions 
belonging  to  the  Emperor  of  Austria  with  me.  When  the 
Hungarian  papers  came,  I  found  that  I  was  responsible  for 
Hungary's  collapse,  that  Windischgraetz  was  only  another 
name  for  all  the  ills  on  earth,  that  I  had  helped  to  prolong 
the  war  and  had  been  the  evil  genius  of  the  last  few  months. 

The  Buda  Pesth  papers  were  full  of  it,  morning,  noon, 
and  particularly  night.  And  when  the  Buda  Pesth  Press 
takes  up  a  good  and  just  cause  in  which  it  firmly  believes, 
then — heavens  above  ! — then  it  sets  to  work  with  a  ven- 
geance !  It  was  a  thoroughly  well-contrived  hunt ;  all  the 
horns  were  in  full  blast  and  there  was  a  regular  hue  and  cry. 

In  the  meantime,  the  Revolution  in  Hungary  was  a 
fait  accompli,  and  within  a  few  days   my  department  had 

11 


12  MY  MEMOIRS 

ceased  to  exist.  But  the  Entente  had  no  idea  of  treating 
with  anyone  but  the  Imperial  Foreign  Office.  Regrettable 
as  this  may  be,  the  fact  remained,  and  it  could  not  be  helped. 
My  mission  was  at  an  end,  and  I  remained  in  Switzerland 
as  a  private  individual. 

I  noticed  something.  Whenever  I  came  into  the  entrance 
hall  of  the  hotel  a  man  was  standing  there,  always  the 
same  man,  and  when  I  went  out  he  accompanied  me  at  a 
respectful  distance.  One  day  I  accosted  him;  I  asked  what 
he  wanted,  and  what  he  meant  by  always  walking  parallel 
to  me.  "  Monsieur,"  said  the  honest  Swiss,  very  civilly, 
"  I  am  a  Swiss  police  detective."  "  Very  glad  to  see  you," 
I  said,  and  shook  hands  with  him.  We  got  into  conversa- 
tion and  were  soon  good  friends.  "  Do  your  duty,"  I 
said. — "  I  am  on  the  watch  to  see  that  no  harm  comes  to 
you,"  he  said.     I  shook  hands  with  him  again  gratefully. 

A  few  days  later  my  new  friend  pointed  out  to  me  that 
two  other  men  waited  regularly  for  me  in  the  hall  and  kept 
me  under  observation  wherever  I  went.  I  turned  round 
and  saw  that  he  was  right.  Two  individuals,  strangers  to 
me,  were  always  at  hand.  If  I  spoke  to  an  acquaintance 
they  came  unostentatiously,  but  perceptibly,  nearer,  pre- 
tended to  be  absorbed  in  their  Baedekers,  and  pricked  up 
their  ears.  If  I  went  into  a  shop  to  make  purchases  they 
followed  ;  and  if  I  sat  down  in  a  restaurant,  a  characteristic 
smacking  noise  soon  showed  that  they,  too,  were  having 
a  meal.  Peter  Schlemihl  might  have  envied  me ;  I  now 
had  four  shadows  ;  my  own,  the  one  attached  to  me  gratis 
by  the  Swiss  Federal  Government,  and  two  more,  attached 
to  me  by — well,  by  whom  were  they  attached  to  me  and 
paid  ?     By  whom  ? 

On  the  20th  November  a  party  of  Buda  Pesth  journalists 
had  arrived  in  Berne,  to  carry  on  propaganda  for  Michael 
Karolyi's  Government.  Some  of  them  were  of  no  note, 
men  I  had  never  seen  before,  but  in  general  appearance 
they  were  the  exact  counterpart  of  my  two  latest  shadows  ; 
a  good  many  of  them,  however,  I  knew  well,  very  well, 
for  I  had  been  a  Minister,  and  they,  forsooth,  had  been 
employed  in  the  various  editorial  offices  in  Buda  Pesth, 
and  had  been  ready  to  write  articles  at  any  time,  for  a  couple 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  13 

of  crowns,  at  the  slightest  hint  from  my  Food  Office  or 
from  any  other  Government  quarter.  Now  they  were  living 
at  the  Bellevue  Palace  Hotel,  and  throwing  about  money 
that  came  originally  from  the  Hungarian  State  Treasury. 

I  felt  sorry  to  meet  the  former  leader-writer  of  the 
Magyar  Hirlap,  the  gifted  Ignotus  Veigelsberg,  in  this 
company.  I  spoke  to  him,  however,  and  tried  to  find  out 
from  him  what  was  going  on  at  home.  But  he  was  evidently 
uneasy,  looked  about  for  his  comrades,  and  at  last  said  : 
"  You  must  give  me  a  good  deal  of  credit  for  speaking  to 
you,  Your  Highness,  but  I  have  stipulated  with  my 
Government  to  be  allowed  to  associate  with  everyone  in 
Switzerland,  regardless  of  their  political  opinions,  and  this 
of  course  applies  to  you  too."  I  congratulated  him  on  the 
truly  democratic  spirit  now  prevailing  in  Hungary,  which 
even  allowed  of  a  journalist  speaking  to  someone  who 
differed  from  him  in  politics.  It  should  be  observed  that 
for  years  past  Ignotus  had  written  under  Andrassy's  auspices, 
and  had  been  one  of  the  most  faithful  adherents  of  his  1867 
policy ;  Andrassy  had,  indeed,  subsidized  the  Magyar  Hirlap. 
Now  he  had  come  to  Switzerland  under  Karolyi's  banner, 
with  a  yearly  stipend  of  40,000  francs,  to  create  an  atmo- 
sphere in  the  French  Press  favourable  to  the  new  independent 
Hungary. 

The  Hungarian  papers  reported  that  I  was  preparing 
a  counter-revolution  and  carrying  on  monarchist  propaganda 
in  Switzerland. 

One  day  the  door  of  my  room  at  the  "  Schweizerhof  " 
was  opened  with  a  false  key  while  I  was  out.  I  found  my 
boxes  and  trunks  broken  open  and  ransacked — no  com- 
promising document  of  any  kind  was  found.  I  left  the 
hotel  and  established  myself  in  a  private  house  the  other 
side  of  the  Aar. 

Once,  when  I  was  coming  home  late  at  night  from  the 
Bellevue  Palace  Hotel,  I  noticed  that  two  men  were  fol- 
lowing me.  I  walked  faster ;  they  did  the  same.  I  could 
see  by  the  light  of  the  street  lamps  that  they  were  not  my 
usual  detectives — only  one  of  the  faces  I  seemed  to  have 
already  seen  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Boulevard  Waizner. 
They  rushed  up  to  me  on  the  Aar  bridge,  seized  me  by  the 


14  MY  MEMOIRS 

arms,  and  pushed  me  towards  the  parapet.  There  can  be 
no  doubt  that  they  intended  to  throw  me  from  the  high 
bridge  into  the  water.  It  was  dark,  and  there  was  no  one 
in  sight.  I  was  unarmed,  but  would  not  shout  for  help. 
I  wrenched  myself  free,  and  gave  one  of  them  a  blow  in 
the  face  and  the  other  a  kick  which  knocked  him  down. 
It  was  evident  that  both  had  been  drinking  freely,  to  get 
up  their  courage  beforehand.  They  made  no  further  attempt 
to  molest  me  and  I  went  my  way  quickly.  I  attached 
no  importance  to  the  assault  itself,  for  I  had  been  at  the 
front  for  thirty-seven  months  and  had  had  to  parry  far 
more  serious  attacks,  but  I  told  my  friends  what  had  occurred, 
and,  acting  on  their  advice,  I  reported  the  matter  to  the 
police.     This  accounts  for  there  being  a  record  of  it. 

The  attempt  to  put  an  end  to  me  had  failed,  and  it  did 
not  seem  advisable  to  try  again  with  surer  weapons  in  a 
neutral  foreign  country.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  no  further 
effort  was  made  to  molest  me  bodily,  but  other  and  less 
risky  methods  of  doing  for  me  were  resorted  to.  An  abso- 
lutely unprincipled  attempt  was  made  to  ruin  my  character 
by  means  of  the  so-called  "  Potato  Campaign  ". 

Early  in  January,  it  came  to  my  knowledge  that  there 
was  said  to  have  been  fraud  and  corruption  on  an  extensive 
scale  in  the  Buda  Pesth  Central  Food  Office,  for  which  the 
Hungarian  Government  proposed  calling  me  to  account, 
as  the  Minister  responsible  at  the  time.  I  was  accused  of 
having  had  moneys  belonging  to  the  Central  Potato  Office 
paid  to  me  by  the  head  of  the  department,  and  of  having 
arranged  that  false  entries  should  be  made  of  the  amounts. 
I  telegraphed  at  once  to  the  President,  Michael  Karolyi, 
but  received  no  answer.  On  the  other  hand,  I  found  that 
both  the  head  of  the  department  and  the  Director  of  the 
Central  Potato  Office  had  been  arrested  and  accused  of 
having  misappropriated  3,900,000  crowns. 

A  Berne  police  commissioner  called  at  my  house,  in 
accordance  with  a  request  from  the  Buda  Pesth  police 
authorities,  and  asked  me  to  make  a  deposition.  I  explained 
that,  as  a  Minister,  I  was  only  responsible  to  a  competent 
tribunal,  but  said  that,  notwithstanding  this,  I  would  make 
a  statement.     At  the  same  time  I  sent  a  telegram  to  the 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  15 

Hungarian  Government,  in  which  I  denied  the  accusations, 
said  that  I  accepted  material  as  well  as  moral  responsibility, 
and  threatened  to  appeal  to  the  international  public  in 
self-defence. 

I  sent  communiques  to  the  newspapers,  but  the  Vienna 
Neue  Freie  Presse  was  the  only  paper  that  published  them. 
The  Buda  Pesth  papers  said  that  I  was  afraid  to  appear 
before  my  judges  to  refute  the  charges.  The  Government's 
emissaries  roused  the  whole  Swiss  Press  against  me,  making 
out  that  I  had  embezzled  Hungarian  State  money,  either 
for  private  or  monarchical  purposes,  and  had  gone  off  with 
it  to  Switzerland.  A  Swiss  paper  announced  that  the 
Hungarian  Government  had  demanded  my  extradition 
and  that  I  was  to  be  sent  back  to  my  own  country  as 
a  common  criminal.  I  forwarded  a  protest  to  the  Swiss 
Federal  Government,  and  pointed  out  that  a  charge  of 
having  embezzled  money  could  not  be  sustained  against 
me,  if  only  because  I  had  accepted  full  material  responsi- 
bility, from  the  first,  for  the  sums  I  had  expended  in  my 
Ministerial  capacity  out  of  the  funds  at  my  disposal,  while 
on  the  other  hand  my  property,  valued  at  twelve  million 
crowns,  was  in  Hungary  and  afforded  ample  security.  After 
inspecting  the  documents,  the  Swiss  authorities  naturally 
saw  no  reason  for  taking  action  of  any  kind  against  me. 

In  the  meantime,  Michael  Karolyi's  Government  had 
appointed  Szilassy  Minister  Plenipotentiary  in  Berne.  I 
called  on  him  at  once,  in  order  to  give  all  the  information 
the  Republican  Government  might  require  in  the  potato 
affair  voluntarily,  but  although  he  telegraphed  several 
times,  asking  for  authority  to  take  my  evidence,  he  too 
received  no  answer.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  as  I  discovered 
later  on,  the  fact  that  a  mistake  had  been  made  in  entering 
the  sums  in  question  in  the  accounts  had  been  published 
in  the  Buda  Pesth  Press  the  previous  October  ;  the  whole 
agitation  proved  to  be  simply  a  manoeuvre  to  secure  my 
person,  to  discredit  me  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  and  thus 
deprive  me  of  any  power  to  injure  the  Karolyi  potentates  ; 
I  could  testify  to  a  good  many  things  that  would  have  been 
inconvenient  to  them  and  which  they  preferred  should  be 
kept  dark. 


16  MY  MEMOIRS 

The  charges  against  me  were  taken  up  by  the  foreign 
Press,  as  well  as  by  the  papers  of  the  former  Monarchy. 
The  American  and  French  newspapers  commented  on  my 
standard  of  honour ;  the  Morning  Post  and  the  Daily 
Telegraph  took  up  the  "  Hungarian  scandals  "  under  the 
heading  of  "  Prince  and  Potatoes "  ;  all  the  spleen  the 
Az  Est  vented  on  me  found  its  way  to  the  rest  of  the  world 
via  Geneva.  A  Vienna  newspaper,  unknown  to  me,  which 
had  only  been  started  since  the  war,  and  which  had 
selected  Freiheit  as  its  motto  and  title,  wrote :  "  The 
notorious  blackguard  Prince  Ludwig  Windischgraetz,  well 
known  in  Switzerland  on  account  of  his  propaganda  for  the 
Habsburgs,  is  to  be  prosecuted,  and  his  extradition  has 
been  demanded  by  the  Hungarian  authorities." 

Why  was  so  unscrupulous  and  barefaced  an  agitation 
carried  on  against  me  ?  Why  was  my  personal  honour 
dragged  through  the  mire  ?  Why  was  I  singled  out  as  a 
scapegoat  ?  Why  was  I  so  dangerous  in  the  eyes  of  all 
so-called  Peoples'  Governments  that  it  was  necessary  to 
resort  to  every  possible  method  of  suppressing  me  ? 

Before  Szilassy's  appointment  the  Hungarian  Govern- 
ment had  sent  no  less  than  five  envoys  with  full  powers  to 
Switzerland  at  the  same  time  ;  every  one  of  these  envoys, 
one  of  them  in  particular,  Frau  Rosika  Schwimmer,  was 
instructed  to  discredit  me  personally  in  foreign  countries 
and  have  me  watched.  The  German  Austrian  Foreign 
Office  also  arranged  with  its  Berne  agents  to  have  me 
secretly  watched. 

One  day,  when  I  went  to  Geneva  to  meet  some  French 
friends  I  had  not  seen  since  the  outbreak  of  war,  the 
German  Austrian  Government  felt  that  its  existence  was 
seriously  menaced  by  this  journey  of  the  "  princely  reac- 
tionary." Telegram  after  telegram  arrived,  with  instructions 
to  have  everything  I  did  in  Geneva  carefully  noted.  The 
day  I  returned  to  Berne,  one  of  my  friends  showed  me  the 
telegram  the  Consul-General  in  Geneva  had  sent  to  Vienna 
about  my  stay  there.  It  was  in  answer  to  the  question 
whether  I  had  had  political  interviews,  and  was  as  follows  : 
"  Prince  Windischgraetz  merely  indulged  his  inordinate 
love  of   pleasure,  and  lost   20,000  francs  at  the  '  Cercle  du 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  17 

Leman.'  "  The  sender  of  this  telegram  was  the  former  head 
of  the  Press  Department  in  the  Austro-Hungarian  Foreign 
Office,  Hofrat  Montlong,  already  a  zealous  Republican. 
He  was  well  known  in  Austria  and  Hungary,  and  I  had 
repeatedly  attacked  him  in  the  Delegations  as  a  pillar  of 
the  old  regime.  Only  a  few  months  ago  this  pillar  was 
dripping  with  black  and  yellow,  to-day  it  had  already  been 
painted  a  brilliant  red. 

Eventually  it  appeared  that  the  Buda  Pesth  terror  was 
directed  against  my  family  too.  My  wife  and  children, 
who  had  gone  to  Vienna,  were  subjected  to  most  insulting 
treatment  by  Karolyi  emissaries  on  independent  Austrian 
territory.  My  wife's  passports  and  certificates  of  identity, 
which  were  properly  made  out,  were  arbitrarily  taken  from 
her  in  Vienna  itself.  And  this  although,  as  Hungarian 
Food  Minister,  I  had  worked  day  and  night,  for  quite  six 
months,  to  save  the  lives  of  the  people  of  Vienna  and 
the  Austrian  highlands  when  they  were  on  the  verge  of 
starvation,  regardless  of  the  strong  hostility  shown  by 
my  fellow-countrymen  and  the  obstacles  thrown  in  my 
way  by  ultra-Hungarian  elements.  It  takes  my  breath 
away. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  campaign  against  me 
was  organized  by  my  political  opponents  in  Hungary  and 
that  the  Austrian  Socialists  looked  on  me  as  a  monarchist 
and  counter-revolutionary.  Even  so,  the  violence  of  the 
agitation  surprised  me,  familiar  as  I  am  with  the  tortuous 
hole-and-corner  methods  and  calculated  iniquity  of  political 
warfare.  This  very  system  of  underhand  intrigue,  the 
wretched  way  in  which  everyone  tried  to  put  a  spoke  in 
everyone  else's  wheel,  the  irresponsibility  and  want  of 
principle,  had  indeed  been  the  object  of  my  attacks  from 
the  moment  I  entered  public  life.  I  was  looked  on  by 
those  of  my  own  rank  as  a  "  red ",  an  anti-dynastic 
revolutionary,  from  the  very  beginning  of  my  political 
career  ;  the  heir  to  the  throne,  Franz  Ferdinand,  treated 
me  with  the  greatest  rudeness  ;  during  the  war  I  was  the 
officer  best  hated  by  the  master-minds  of  the  Supreme 
Command  of  the  army  and  the  "  pillars  "  of  the  old  regime  ; 
I  hardly  knew  the  Archduke  ;    I  had  never  been  to  Court 

2 


18  MY  MEMOIRS 

in  my  youth  ;  I  had  refused  to  accept  a  Privy  Councillorship 
or  any  distinctions  .  .  .  how  was  it,  then,  that  the  Peoples' 
Governments  looked  on  me  only  as  the  "  black  ",  the  reac- 
tionary prince,  the  notorious  grandson  of  a  notorious 
grandfather  ?  Why  did  they  spread  a  report  that  I  had 
had  Kurt  Eisner  murdered,  in  conjunction  with  the  Royal 
House  of  Bavaria — this  was  what  appeared  in  the  papers — 
that  I  had  stolen  millions,  like  a  common  thief,  that  the 
ruin  of  my  country  lay  at  my  door  and  was  a  heavy  load 
on  my  conscience,  and  I  was  a  blackguard  who  ought  to 
be  hanged  ? 

I  was  faced  with  such  hydras  as  these — bewildered,  but 
with  my  strength  unimpaired  and  good  weapons  in  my 
hands.  I  struck  off  one  of  the  reptile's  poisonous  heads 
after  another ;  fresh  ones  always  grew.  I  said  to  myself  : 
How  is  it  that,  of  all  people,  I  should  be  the  one  to  be  boy- 
cotted by  all  parties ;  why  should  I,  of  all  people,  a  most 
unsaintlike  Sebastian,  be  riddled  with  arrows  from  all 
sides  ? 

I  soon  found  the  answer.  I  was  not  the  only  one.  The 
hydra  is  "  The  System."  The  old  Austro-Hungarian  system, 
whose  neck  is  not  broken  by  a  long  way  yet,  which  still 
pries  into  all  the  dusty  offices,  even  though  it  now  flaunts 
a  republican  cockade,  which  crawls  about,  hiding  behind 
bundles  of  papers,  shooting  out  its  sharp,  poisonous  tongue. 
The  old  sour  wine  is  still  poured  into  new  bottles ;  the 
Revolution  has  indeed  upset  a  throne,  but  it  has  not 
changed  its  supporters  at  heart. 

The  Revolution  had  been  a  somersault.  What  should 
have  had  force  and  life  had  fallen  weakly  and  irresolutely 
to  the  ground.  .  .  . 

That  being  so,  I  decided,  after  much  hesitation — for  I 
would  rather  fight  with  the  sword  than  with  the  pen — to 
open  my  diaries  ;  to  tell  the  story  of  my  criminal  career 
as  briefly  as  possible;  to  tell  how  I  tried  to  save  Austria- 
Hungary,  an  Empire  and  its  peoples — aye,  and  its  throne 
too,  when  it  was  far  too  late.  No  longer  in  order  to  defend 
myself — for  the  system  is  impersonal — but  to  trace  the 
downfall  of  the  sick  double  eagle  from  the  example  of  the 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  19 

events  of  my  own  life,  to  depict  the  terrible  decay  against 
the  background  of  the  "  system  ",  to  show  the  true  "  road 
to  catastrophe",  and  the  hard,  inevitable  path  we  must 
tread  to  the  heights  we  shall  yet  regain  ! 

A  tale  for  the  benefit  of  a  rising  generation,  which 
it  is  to  be  hoped  will  be  wiser  than  the  one  which 
preceded  it. 


MY    MEMOIRS 


BEFORE    THE    WAR 

My  grandfather  was  the  Field-Marshal  Alfred  Windisch- 
graetz  who  had  put  down  the  Revolution  in  Vienna,  Prague 
and  Buda  Pesth  in  1848. 

My  father  was  also  a  General.  He  had  fought  in  all 
our  wars  since  1848  and  was  one  of  the  last  soldiers  of  the 
old  army.  He  also  held  the  highest  post  in  the  army,  that 
of  Inspector-General  of  Army  troops.  Almost  all  the  military 
leaders  in  our  five  years'  war  were  trained  in  his  school : 
Conrad,  Boroviec,  Böhm-Ermolli,  Rohr,  the  Archdukes 
Friedrich  and  Eugen,  and  others. 

My  mother  was  a  Countess  Dessewffy.  Her  father 
founded  the  Academy  of  Science  with  Stefan  Szechenyi 
and  was  leader  of  the  old  Conservatives  in  Hungary. 

I  wanted  to  go  to  sea,  but  my  father  would  not  hear 
of  it.  That  settled  the  matter.  I  entered  the  Military 
Academy  most  reluctantly,  with  a  view  to  going  into  the 
army.  I  served  for  three  years  as  a  Lieutenant  in  the 
Artillery  at  Cracow,  my  birthplace — I  was  born  in  October 
1882.  Then  the  Russo-Japanese  War  broke  out.  General 
Hübner  was  sent  to  study  the  siege  of  Port  Arthur,  and  I 
went  as  his  aide-de-camp  at  my  own  expense.  We  spent 
two  months  in  Peking.  Port  Arthur  had  fallen,  our  mission 
was  consequently  at  an  end,  and  I  asked  to  be  appointed 
military  attache  to  the  Russian  Army.  This  was  conceded 
on  condition  that  I  found  my  own  way  to  the  Russians. 
They  were    already  falling   back   behind   Mukden,  so    that 


22  MY  MEMOIRS 

I  had  to  get  through  the  Japanese  lines  in  order  to  reach 
a  Russian  detachment.  Armed  with  letters  from  a  firm  of 
English  wine  merchants,  I  got  through  the  Japanese  lines 
at  Hsinmieten  by  passing  myself  off  as  an  agent,  came  up 
with  a  detachment  of  Mischtschenko's  Russian  cavalry 
corps  at  Fakumen,  and  was  taken  prisoner  during  the  last 
phase  of  the  fighting  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Mukden. 
The  Japanese  treated  me  very  decently  and  set  me  at 
liberty. 

I  started  for  Japan  on  a  Norwegian  transport  boat. 
On  the  voyage  we  were  caught  in  a  typhoon.  The  captain 
and  I  had  ourselves  lashed  to  the  bridge  and  lived  on 
champagne  and  cakes.  We  were  held  up  by  Admiral  Togo's 
fleet,  which  fought  the  battle  of  Tschutsima  a  few  hours 
later. 

From  Japan  I  went  via  Honolulu  to  America,  where  I 
saw  life  both  from  above  and  below.  In  New  York  I  was 
ambushed  by  thieves  in  a  night-house  and  was  obliged  to 
fire  on  a  mulatto.  I  spent  the  night  in  prison  with  thieves 
and  prostitutes.  I  had  a  good  deal  of  sport,  including  two 
lion  hunts,  in  Africa,  and  in  the  Sudan  I  met  Slatin  Pasha, 
who  spoke  Arabic  with  a  pure  Viennese  accent.  Then  I 
returned  to  Hungary,  exchanged  from  the  artillery  to  the 
16th  Hussars,  and  married  Maria  Szechenyi.  In  the  mean- 
time I  had  run  through  all  my  money.  I  took  over  the 
management  of  my  estates,  where  Tokay  is  produced,  formed 
a  Limited  Company,  and,  remembering  my  experiences  in 
Manchuria,  I  acted  now  and  again  as  my  own  traveller, 
throwing  myself  heart  and  soul  into  the  business.  By  this 
means  I  won  back  the  fortune  I  had  lost. 

I  had  learnt  physical  geography  on  my  travels — the 
geography  of  the  world;  and  I  had  learnt  that  policy — high 
policy — is  geographico-economic  policy.  The  geographical 
question  is  at  the  root  of  all  sociological  and  economic  prob- 
lems. These  views  were  instilled  into  me  by  Sir  Robert  Hart, 
whose  acquaintance  I  made  in  China.  In  his  deliberate, 
rather  ironical  way  of  expressing  himself,  he  showed  me 
what  England's  policy  was  as  regards  China  and  Japan. 
He  himself  had  no  opinion  of  a  policy  of  intrigue,  and 
pointed   out   that,    to   be   effective,   European   policy   must 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  23 

keep  in  view  an  area  extending  from  Vladivostock  to  the 
Rhine.  At  that  time  he  believed  that  England's  world 
power  would  have  to  be  re-determined  on  a  geographical  basis, 
and  that  in  future  nothing  but  absolute  Western  and  absolute 
Eastern  power  would  be  of  any  account. 

From  this  I  saw  clearly  that  our  place  was  on  the 
side  of  Russia,  and  I  understood  that  the  much  abused 
Goluchovsky  had  not  propagated  the  necessity  of  an 
understanding  with  Russia  from  any  fellow-feeling,  but 
purely  for  geographical  reasons. 

When  I  came  home  I  found  that  the  Austrian  statesmen 
were  trying  to  settle  the  Czech  question,  as  from  time  imme- 
morial, and  that  the  Hungarian  politicians  and  the  '48 
Party  were  at  loggerheads. 

I  plunged  into  the  petty  arena  of  Hungarian  county 
politics  with  my  head  full  of  world  political  theories  and 
studies  which  embraced  every  quarter  of  the  globe. 

At  that  time  Hungarian  army  organization  was  the 
question  uppermost  in  all  minds,  and  those  who  were  in 
favour  of  a  Hungarian  army  were  stigmatized  as  anti-dynastic. 
Owing  to  its  peculiar  constitution,  the  Hungarian  Comitat, 
which,  unlike  the  German  Kreis,  is  not  a  State  institution, 
was  a  powerful  means  of  protecting  the  Hungarian  right 
of  self-determination,  and  I  made  ample  use  of  it.  I  also 
spoke  very  often  in  the  House  of  Magnates,  of  which  I  was 
a  hereditary  member,  and  in  the  Delegations.  The  speeches 
made  were  invariably  in  dispute  or  defence  of  our  national 
demands,  on  our  emblems  and  the  language  of  command — 
always  the  externals,  never  on  the  real  essence  of  the  matter, 
the  absolute  necessity  of  increasing  the  establishment,  of 
strengthening  the  defensive  force.  Vienna,  indeed,  appeared 
unable  to  see  that  the  two  questions  were  interdependent  ; 
for  if  we  had  been  allowed  our  own  Colours  and  our  language, 
Hungary  would  have  supported  any  Vienna  policy,  any 
budget,  and  any  addition  to  the  number  of  Hungarian 
recruits.  Every  red,  white  and  green  cockade  would  have 
added  another  battalion  to  the  army.  People  in  Vienna, 
however,  persisted  in  shutting  their  eyes  to  the  fact  that 
our  national  demands  might  be  to  the  advantage  of  the 
common  policy,  and  that  without  strong  weapons  no  policy 


24  MY  MEMOIRS 

whatever  can  be  pursued  and  supported;  consequently, 
instead  of  the  most  powerful  prop  of  the  Empire  working 
absolutely  hand  in  hand  with  them,  they  had  had  us  as 
opponents  for  the  last  forty  years  in  all  questions  common 
to  the  two  States.  I  was  still  an  officer  on  the  active  list, 
I  had  been  brought  up  in  the  military  spirit,  and  I  called 
for  soldiers,  soldiers,  for  strong  battalions. 

Then  I  discovered  that  my  red,  white  and  green  agita- 
tions had  brought  me  into  disfavour  with  the  heir  to  the 
throne,  Franz  Ferdinand.  The  Archduke  had  been  a  great 
friend  of  my  father's  and  was  very  fond  of  him.  This 
friendship  increased  when  certain  circles  at  the  Vienna 
Court  took  advantage  of  the  heir  to  the  throne's  impaired 
health  to  shut  him  out  of  all  State  affairs.  Franz  Ferdinand 
saw  that  preparations  were  already  being  made  to  bury 
him,  and  decided  that  he  could  best  thwart  these  intrigues 
by  continuing  to  live.  He  therefore  went  to  Egypt,  where 
he  recovered  his  health.  But  his  distrust  of  everyone 
dated  from  the  time  when  this  wrong  was  done  him,  and 
later  on  he  saw  enemies  and  antagonists  where  there  were 
none.  My  father  had  stood  up  for  him  when  the  camarilla 
was  at  work,  insisting  that  he  should  be  given  the  position 
due  to  the  heir  to  the  throne,  and  had  carried  his  point  with 
the  old  Emperor.  He  was  placed  at  the  direct  personal 
disposal  of  His  Majesty,  and  thus  became  the  Emperor's 
representative  in  all  military  affairs.  He  never  forgot 
the  service  my  father  had  done  him,  and  was  the  first 
to  present  himself  at  his  deathbed.  In  an  outburst  of 
gratitude  he  assured  me  that  I  could  rely  on  his  friendship, 
and  begged  me  to  apply  to  him  if  ever  I  were  in  need  of 
it.  I  have  never  applied  to  him.  A  year  and  a  half  after 
this  interview  I  made  my  first  speech  in  the  House  of 
Magnates,  and  later  on  my  brochure  appeared,  giving  all 
the  statistics  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  armament  policy. 
In  it  I  said  plainly  that  a  modern  army,  recruited  from  the 
people,  could  no  longer  be  mobilized  without  the  enthusiasm 
of  the  masses,  and  that  in  default  of  national  enthusiasm 
no  nation  would  any  longer  go  to  war.  I  concluded  with 
the  following  sentences  :  "  Looking  at  the  matter  dispas- 
sionately, it  must  be  obvious  to  everyone  that  if  Hungarian 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  25 

Chauvinism  did  not  exist,  just  such  an  agitation  would  have 
to  be  devised  in  the  interest  of  the  Monarchy.  Unhappily,  it 
is  the  one  and  only  movement  among  the  fifty-two  million 
people  forming  the  population  of  the  Monarchy,  which 
seeks  its  final  aim  solely  within  the  frontiers  of  Austria- 
Hungary.  People  in  both  States  have  truly  understood 
to  perfection  how  to  stamp  every  popular  movement  as 
being  hostile  to  the  joint  Monarchy,  and  drive  the  force  of 
the  agitation  into  the  camp  of  the  enemies  of  cohesion  and 
of  the  dynasty.  The  psychology  of  the  masses,  and  their 
enthusiasm,  are  precisely  what  is  indispensable  to  the 
system  of  defence.  If  the  Monarchy  is  to  continue  to  exist 
and  to  retain  its  power,  the  conduct  of  Austro-Hungarian 
policy  must  be  animated  by  a  new  spirit — a  new  spirit  must 
create  the  ideals  which  have  been  lost  in  the  course  of  years. 
The  form  can  and  must  be  found,  in  which  the  different 
peoples  with  their  ideals  and  aspirations  can  be  united  in 
the  struggle  for  the  maintenance  of  the  form  of  government 
which  centuries  have  created.  The  only  way  of  achieving 
this  organization  of  forces  is  to  make  a  clean  sweep  of  the 
formalism  whose  fixed  limits  make  any  practical  realization 
of  sound  ideas  an  impossibility." 

These  views,  which  I  had  already  propounded  in  certainly 
fifty  political  speeches,  got  me  into  disgrace  with  the 
Archduke,  who  pursued  me  with  undisguised  hatred  from 
that  time  forward.  The  way  in  which  he  treated  me  when 
the  Tegethoff  was  launched  at  Trieste  was  very  characteristic 
of  his  vindictive  nature.  To  my  great  surprise  I  found  my 
name  among  the  four  who  were  to  be  present  at  his  recep- 
tion as  representatives  of  the  two  Monarchies.  During  the 
ceremony  Franz  Ferdinand  spoke  to  all  the  invited  guests  ; 
when  it  came  to  my  turn,  he  turned  his  back  on  me 
and  walked  away.  Like  the  others,  I  had  been  invited  to 
the  lunch.  Five  minutes  before  the  appointed  hour  his 
Chamberlain  called  on  me  and  withdrew  the  invitation. 
It  would  hardly  be  possible  for  a  great  man  to  do 
anything  more  petty.  I  had  only  been  invited  that  I 
might  be  snubbed. 

In  1908  I  decided  to  leave  the  army.  Just  then  Serbia 
was  rabid,  after  the  annexation  crisis,  and  Prince  George 


26  MY  MEMOIRS 

was  making  violently  inflammatory  speeches.  It  was 
obvious  that  the  Monarchy  might  be  compelled  to  intervene 
in  the  Balkans,  and  that  it  might  be  important  to  have 
reliable  information  as  to  internal  conditions  in  Serbia. 
I  therefore  asked  leave  to  go  to  Serbia  on  secret  service. 
I  procured  a  Polish  workman's  passport  in  Constantinople, 
went  to  Salonica,  and  set  foot  on  Serbian  soil  disguised  as 
a  locksmith.  I  was  a  skilled  mechanic,  and  I  now  set  to 
work  to  study  the  lower  classes  of  the  people  in  my  new 
capacity.  Then  I  took  service  as  a  waiter,  and  listened  in 
the  two  or  three  better  class  restaurants  in  Nisch  and 
Belgrade  to  find  out  what  part  the  ubiquitous  Russian 
officers  were  playing.  One  night,  when  the  authorities 
were  already  on  my  heels,  I  crossed  the  Semlin  bridge, 
telegraphed  to  my  wife,  and  sent  a  report  to  Conrad  von 
Hötzendorf. 

In  the  autumn  I  discarded  the  uniform  of  the  16th 
Hussars,  retired  to  my  Sarospatak  property,  and  studied 
law.  I  was  twenty-eight,  was  one  of  the  leaders  of  the 
county  assemblies,  had  organized  the  peasantry,  and  made 
myself  unpleasantly  conspicuous  in  the  Delegations  and 
in  the  House  of  Magnates. 

In  the  spring  of  1910  writs  were  issued  for  a  fresh  election, 
to  clear  the  situation,  the  Coalition  Cabinet  having  resigned. 
The  result  was  an  overwhelming  majority  for  Tisza,  who 
led  the  "  National  Work  Party."  This  was  the  commence- 
ment of  Tisza's  second  and  new  regime. 

Owing  to  the  omission  of  a  formality  I  could  not  be 
elected  to  Parliament  on  that  occasion,  as  it  appeared  that 
during  my  absence  on  military  duty  I  had  not  been  put  on 
the  register.  But  I  joined  the  Andrassy  '67  Constitutional 
Party,  which  had  fought  disinterestedly  on  Tisza's  side  in 
this  election.  It  was  a  case  of  fighting  a  Government  whose 
stale  '48  claptrap,  combined  with  absolute  inertia,  had  pro- 
duced immense  dissatisfaction  throughout  the  country. 
The  ideal  antagonism  was  also  directed  a  good  deal  against 
those  in  power  in  Austria,  who  wanted  to  force  their  Vienna 
policy  on  us.  Some  years  earlier  Baron  Gautsch  had  intro- 
duced universal  franchise  into   Austria,   and  following  on 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  27 

that,  Fehervary's  military  dictatorship  was  to  have  carried 
through  universal,  equal  and  secret  franchise  in  Hungary 
too,  in  order  to  crush  out  our  national  tendencies.  We 
opposed  this  Greater  Austrian  idea,  propagated  by  Francis 
Joseph  and  Franz  Ferdinand,  as  one  man,  by  righting 
universal  franchise. 

The    arrangements    made    for    the    electoral    campaign 
were  on  an  elaborate  scale,  and  I  often  went  about  with 
Tisza,    who    was     received    with    tumultuous    delight    and 
enthusiastically    supported    throughout    the    province.     The 
whole  country  was    at  his  feet  and  worshipped   him  as  a 
national   hero.     The  great,   broad-shouldered   man   was   an 
impressive  figure,  in  spite  of  his  shabby  clothes  and  slovenly 
appearance  ;    he  really  looked  more  like  a  parish  school- 
master than  a  statesman.     He  was  harsh  and  unamiable, 
a  dogged  Calvinist,  and  yet  he  won  all  hearts.     His  obstinacy 
impressed  people,  and  on  one  point,  his  love  for  Hungary, 
all   were   one   with    him.      I   remember    an    episode   which 
occurred  before  one  of  the  tours  in  the  province  which  we 
were  to  make  together.     We  met  in  a  private  room  in  the 
Hotel   Hungaria    in    Buda    Pesth,    where    Tisza    intended 
to  dine  with  some  of  his  adherents,  of  course  to  the  accom- 
paniment   of    gipsy    music.     When    I    arrived,    Tisza    was 
standing  in  his  shirtsleeves  in  front  of  the  conductor,  who 
was   fiddling   away   with   his   orchestra   for   bare   life,    and 
dancing.     Tisza     was     dancing.     There     were     no     women 
present,   only  myself  and  the  two  or  three  other  men  of 
the   party,    but   Tisza,    the   grey-haired   old   man — he   was 
long  past  fifty  at  that  time,  the  highest  official  in  the  land, 
Prime   Minister — was  dancing,   lost  in   thought,   speechless, 
bewitched  and  fired  by  the  rhythms  which  are  the  breath 
of  life  to  Hungarians.     We    sat  in  a  corner  and  ate  and 
drank  and  talked  interminably.     Only  Tisza  danced.     Alone, 
for   four   whole   hours    without   intermission,    engrossed   in 
the  thoughts  the  gipsy  music  set  going  in  his  Hungarian 
brain.     Now  and   again   he  looked   at   the  conductor   with 
his  large  eyes — the  dark  gipsy  instantly  divined  what  was 
wanted,  changed  the  key,   started  another  and  yet  another 
song,  always  a  Hungarian  song. 

I    recollect    a   dinner   in    Buda    Pesth,     The    nationally 


28  MY  MEMOIRS 

thinking  elements,  Andrassy,  Kossuth,  Apponyi,  all  the  leading 
lights  in  Parliament,  had  met  to  demonstrate  against  the 
hostile  powers  who  wanted  to  crush  out  our  national 
tendencies.  Tisza  made  a  speech,  in  which  he  preached 
open  warfare,  and  said  everyone  in  the  country  must 
sacrifice  himself  to  help  the  ideals  embodied  in  his  party 
to  victory.  Another,  hitherto  unknown,  member  of  the 
National  Casino  rose,  Count  Michael  Karolyi.  In  his 
indistinct  voice,  but  speaking  as  clearly  as  he  could,  he 
paid  a  tribute  to  the  great  Tisza,  and  exclaimed  enthusias- 
tically :  "  We  will  all  sacrifice  ourselves,  and  ought  to 
sacrifice  ourselves.  You  must  be  the  exception,  for  the 
country  needs  you." 

At  that  time  Michael  Karolyi  and  I  were  on  friendly 
terms.  We  were  also  connected  through  my  wife's  family. 
We  members  of  noble  Hungarian  families  are,  indeed,  all 
more  or  less  nearly  related.  Michael  Karolyi  was  born 
with  a  serious  defect  of  speech.  It  is  well  known  that  he 
has  a  silver  palate,  and  had,  of  course  most  unjustly,  to 
put  up  with  a  good  deal  of  ridicule  and  many  slights  on 
account  of  this  defect  when  he  left  the  hothouse  atmosphere 
of  his  home  in  his  youth.  He  felt  this  all  the  more  because 
he  had  been  very  much  spoilt  by  his  parents,  proud  and 
haughty  magnates,  for  whom  no  one  was  good  enough, 
and  who  thought  themselves  better  than  anyone  else. 
Belief  in  the  Karolyi  superiority  was  in  his  blood.  Even 
in  the  nursery  he  had  been  taught  that  the  Karolyis  had 
no  equals  in  the  land,  and  now  people  were  rude  and  cruel 
enough  to  elbow  him  aside,  ignore  him,  and  look  down  on 
him  as  an  inferior  being.  This  treatment  by  a  pitiless  world, 
and  the  rebuffs  he  received  from  one  or  other  young  lady 
of  his  own  milieu  whom  he  admired,  had  already  stung  him 
deeply  and  left  an  incurable  wound.  When  only  a  small 
boy  he  is  said  to  have  clenched  his  fist  and  exclaimed  : 
"  Just  wait,  you  will  all  have  to  go  down  on  your  knees 
to  me  yet.  The  day  will  come  when  I  shall  show  you  who 
Michael  Karolyi  is." 

Many  years  went  by,  but  Michael  Karolyi's  threat  seemed 
idle  talk.  Far  from  making  himself  respected,  he  took  to 
making  himself  truly  ridiculous.     He  dressed  in  the  extreme 


PRINCE  LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ  29 

of  fashion,  he  strutted  across  the  Corso  in  Buda  Pesth 
wearing  an  eyeglass  and  craning  his  neck  far  forward,  he 
sat  in  the  bars  night  after  night  drinking  one  cocktail  after 
another  and  talking  to  women  of  the  lowest  class.  His 
orgies  were  a  by-word  in  the  town.  An  effeminate,  rather 
warped  character,  people  laughed  at  him  and  despised 
him — no  one  took  him  seriously.  His  uncle,  Sandor  Karolyi, 
had  been  the  founder  of  the  Agricultural  Society,  and 
Michael,  as  his  nephew  and  heir,  had  succeeded  him  as 
chairman.  Suddenly,  apparently  without  any  transitional 
stage,  he  was  seized  with  ambition.  He  saw  the  young 
people  of  his  country  engaged  in  political  warfare,  and  was 
himself  caught  by  the  wave  and  fascinated.  Hungary  is 
an  agricultural  country  ;  he  was  chairman  of  the  Agricultural 
Society,  and  began  to  inquire  into  the  question  of  what  an 
agricultural  society  really  was  and  what  its  object  might 
be — possibly  he  remembered  his  oath,  his  curse,  the 
humiliation  that  had  been  inflicted  on  him,  and  which, 
weak,  helpless  and  cowardly  as  he  is  at  heart,  he  had  had 
to  swallow.  He  set  to  work  with  extraordinary  diligence 
to  retrieve  what  he  had  left  undone;  he  braced  up  his 
muscles,  studied  agriculture,  history  and  social  economy, 
learnt  to  ride  and  fence,  showed  marvellous  tenacity  in 
trying  to  master  his  defect  of  speech,  threw  himself  into 
politics,  and  was  successful  in  every  direction.  He  could 
say  with  pride  that  he  had  given  himself  new  birth  at  the 
age  of  thirty.  He  had  acquired  knowledge  ;  an  iron  will 
impelled  him  to  do  what  was  beyond  his  strength  ;  ambition, 
vanity  and  love  of  power  led  him  into  extremes,  eccen- 
tricities and  absurdities.  He  was  never  a  good  motorist, 
but  he  drove  with  a  foolhardiness  that  made  one  nervous 
and  anxious  ;  never  a  good  rider,  but  he  played  polo  with 
amazing  courage  ;  he  could  not  speak,  and  made  speeches 
which  compelled  respect  and  admiration.  Michael  Karolyi 
began  to  show  who  Michael  Karolyi  was. 

I  was  impressed  by  the  performance  and  became  more 
friendly  to  him  at  that  time,  but  he  kept  to  himself,  would 
not  join  any  Party,  and  sat  in  the  House  of  Deputies  as  an 
independent  '48  member,  without  a  leader  and  without 
a  following. 


30  MY  MEMOIRS 

Tisza  did  a  monstrous  thing.  He  started  the  policy  of 
the  strong  hand. 

The  '48  Party's  opposition  in  Parliament  was  directed 
against  the  new  Army  Bill,  which  proposed  to  strengthen 
the  peace  footing  and  add  to  the  army  credits,  because 
the  tendency  of  the  '48  Party  was  to  consider  that 
strengthening  the  common  army  meant  strengthening  the 
anti-national  army.  For  fully  six  months  it  pursued  a 
policy  of  obstruction  such  as  had  never  been  known  before, 
by  forcing  divisions  on  the  most  trivial  and  ridiculous 
questions.  The  existing  rules  of  the  House  made  this 
possible.  Accordingly,  Tisza  set  to  work  to  alter  the  rules. 
He  created  a  body  of  Parliamentary  police  and  had  the 
obstructionists  removed  bodily.  The  whole  world  rang 
with  the  uproar  that  ensued.  At  that  time  an  attempt 
was  made  on  his  life. 

He  was  then  governing  hand  in  hand  with  Francis  Joseph 
and  Vienna.  He  knew  that  as  long  as  the  old  King  lived, 
who  could  be  just  as  inflexible  as  himself,  there  was  little 
or  no  hope  for  national  demands. 

I  saw  the  madness  of  both  sides,  of  the  obstruction 
and  of  the  attempt  to  suppress  it.  The  tactics  of  the 
exploded  '48  Party  were  ridiculous,  Tisza's  iron  hand  was 
fatal.  His  father,  Koloman,  whose  nature  was  in  many 
respects  the  exact  opposite — he  was  a  tactician,  who  ruled 
as  Prime  Minister  for  many  years  really  by  means  of  a 
cleverly  prepared  Opposition — had  prevented  his  being  made 
President  of  the  Hungarian  House  of  Deputies  in  his  time. 
He  knew  that  Stefan  would  not  work  with  anyone  else 
and  would  not  let  anyone  else  put  in  a  word. 

While  Tisza  was  Prime  Minister  the  other  Ministers 
subsided  into  being  Under  Secretaries.  Nothing  could  be 
done  in  the  country  without  his  sanction.  A  Ministerial 
Council  presided  over  by  Tisza  was  merely  an  hour's  lesson 
for  the  other  Ministers  present. 

With  all  my  admiration  for  Tisza's  strength  and  courage, 
I  saw  the  madness  and  ceased  to  support  him.  From  that 
moment  he  looked  on  me  as  a  political  enemy  and  hunted 
me  down  relentlessly      He  did  me  harm  wherever  he  could ; 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  31 

he  even  stirred  up  mj'  Comitat  against  me,  and  had  me 
driven  out  of  the  public  bodies  in  my  own  district. 

Andrassy  had  also  deserted  Tisza.  He  had  put  himself 
and  his  Party  at  his  disposal  with  patriotic  self-sacrifice 
until  it  came  to  violating  the  Constitution.  But  this  drove 
him  into  the  '48  Party,  and  thus  he  gradually  became 
one  of  the  leaders  of  the  regular  Opposition.  It  was  in 
this  circle  of  ideas  that  the  process  of  evolution  went 
on  until  the  war  broke  out.  At  that  time  the  House  was 
divided  into  two  great  Parties  :  the  Work  Party,  organized 
and  held  together  by  Tisza's  iron  grip,  and  the  Andrassy- 
Apponyi  Opposition. 

Michael  Karolyi  sat  on  one  of  the  left  benches  as  a 
modest  member  of  the  Apponyi  wing. 

And  so  we  went  on,  as  ever,  discussing  emblems,  the 
language  of  command,  the  "  God  save  " — God  save  our 
Emperor,  our  King,  our  country,  this  Kaiserlied  that  we  all 
took  as  a  provocation.  We  wanted  to  sing  our  own  hymns, 
but  Vienna  persisted  in  having  the  Austrian  hymn  sung 
everywhere  and  on  every  occasion.  By  degrees  the  strains 
of  Haydn's  beautiful  music  came  to  have  the  same  effect 
on  us  as  a  red  rag  on  a  bull.  I  was  the  first  to  point  out 
in  the  Delegation  that  Vienna  made  the  mistake  of  trying 
to  secure  and  consolidate  the  unity  of  the  army  by  mere 
externals.  I  gave  examples  enough  to  show  that  uniformity 
of  the  internal  organization  was  the  chief  thing — the  Indians, 
for  instance,  were  commanded  by  the  English  in  the  Indian 
dialects  without  any  detriment  to  their  army ;  the  Bavarians 
had  quite  a  different  uniform  to  the  Prussians,  they  had  their 
own  Colours,  but  yet  they  fought  within  the  framework  of 
the  German  Empire  —  it  was  no  use.  I  made  national 
demands  for  the  sake  of  joint  action,  whereas  people  in 
Vienna  thought  a  coat  of  black  and  yellow  paint  all  that 
was  necessary.  The  Colours  and  emblems  spectre  haunted 
all  our  political  assembly  halls  for  many  decades  and 
crippled  all  working  power. 

And  yet  I  saw  clearly  that  the  only  reason  why  the 
Monarchy  must  necessarily  get  the  worst  of  it  in  all  great 
foreign  political  questions  was  that,  even  to  the  allied  and 


32  MY  MEMOIRS 

friendly  States,  it  did  not  appear  a  sufficiently  reliable 
Power,  and  that,  as  far  as  our  enemies  were  concerned,  its 
power  of  resistance  was  very  far  from  being  in  proportion 
to  the  position  of  a  Great  Power  it  desired.  I  saw  equally 
clearly  that  the  absolutely  defective  organization  and  working 
of  our  domestic  policy  were  responsible  for  this  want  of 
proportion.  The  State  machine  was  worked  by  internal 
cogwheels,  whose  cogs  did  not  interlock.  I  had  turned  my 
political  ingenuity,  from  the  beginning,  to  the  task  of 
repairing  the  old  framework,  to  this  kind  of  higher  lock- 
smith's work. 

With  a  view  to  providing  a  further  outlet  for  the  thoughts 
that  were  seething  in  my  mind  and  boiling  over,  I  formed 
a  connection  with  the  Vienna  Zeit,  with  whose  publishers 
I  was  on  friendly  terms,  and  wrote  a  whole  series  of  articles, 
mostly  attacks  on  our  inner  political  organization  or  on 
Berchtold,  the  leader  of  our  foreign  policy. 

These  journalistic  activities  did  not  gain  me  any  new 
friends  at  the  Ballplatz,  nor  did  my  having  become  a  news- 
paper writer  add  to  my  prestige  among  my  relations  and 
those  of  my  own  rank. 

Then  the  Balkan  War  broke  out.  The  Delegation 
was  sitting,  and  I  had  just  interpellated  Berchtold  on  our 
attitude  towards  the  Balkan  question.  The  Minister's 
statement  was  only  in  general  terms,  and  did  not  give  any 
clear  idea  of  how  our  diplomacy  proposed  acting  in  the 
impending  dismemberment  of  Turkey.  It  appeared  that 
we  were  leaving  Serbia,  Bulgaria,  Greece,  Rumania  and 
Montenegro  an  absolutely  free  hand,  a  passive  attitude 
which  deprived  us,  from  the  start,  of  any  possibility  of 
fixing  our  spheres  of  interest.  It  would  have  been  of  the 
utmost  importance  to  secure  the  road  to  Salonica,  an  export 
route  by  land  to  the  Mediterranean.  Even  old  Andrassy 
would  not  allow  that  this  was  either  annexation  or  conquest, 
as  is  shown  by  his  celebrated  phrase,  au  delä  de  Mitrovitza. 
I  pointed  out  to  Berchtold  that  the  excessive  caution  we 
had  shown,  in  trying  not  to  fall  out  with  anyone,  had  pro- 
duced exactly  the  opposite  effect  and  made  all  the  Balkan 
nations   thoroughly   distrust   us.     I   attacked   the   Ballplatz 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  S3 

Cabinet  Noir,  in  which  a  few  individuals,  not  the  least  in 
touch  with  the  people,  pursued  a  policy  over  which  there 
was  no  control,  instead  of  announcing  the  Government's 
intentions  honestly  and  openly,  as  is  done  in  Western 
Parliaments  on  important  occasions.  I  also  touched  on 
our  relations  with  Italy.  Either  Conrad's  policy  of  aggres- 
sion is  right,  I  said,  or  the  Ballplatz  pacifist  policy — it  is 
quite  impossible  for  the  uninitiated  to  decide  this  ;  but  it 
is  our  duty,  as  delegates,  to  see  that  the  policy  pursued  is 
not  inconsistent,  for  naturally  such  a  policy  could  never 
be  successful.  We  have  allowed  the  Turco-Italian  campaign 
to  go  by  without  coming  to  an  honest  understanding  with 
Italy  and  securing  our  interests  in  the  Balkans  as  against 
Italy.  We  ought  to  have  done  all  we  could  to  support 
our  ally's  wishes  in  Africa,  and  ought  to  have  demanded 
an  absolutely  free  hand  in  the  Balkans  in  return.  That 
need  not  have  meant  that  we  should  take  possession  of 
Valona  or  pursue  a  childish  policy  of  annexation  in 
Albania  ;  on  the  contrary,  we  ought  to  have  stated  plainly 
that  we  had  no  intention  of  making  Valona  a  naval  port, 
but  that  equally  we  could  not  allow  any  other  Power  to 
establish  itself  on  the  east  coast  of  the  Adriatic.  Military 
annexations  ought  to  be  no  part  of  modern  policy ;  the 
ultimate  aim  of  modern  policy  should  be  peaceful  penetra- 
tion, economic-cultural  conquest.  But  what  really  hap- 
pened ?  Aehrenthal  was  profuse  in  his  assurances  of  the 
truest  friendship,  while  Conrad  was  at  the  same  time  making 
military  preparations  against  Italy  and  drawing  up  plans 
of  campaign,  which  was,  of  course,  absurd.  Our  policy 
was  based  on  the  Triple  Alliance ;  every  farthing  of  our 
military  budget,  which  was  meagre  at  best,  ought  therefore 
to  have  been  spent  on  the  obligations  of  our  alliance,  not 
in  making  military  preparations  against  one  or  other  of 
our  allies. 

Berchtold  defended  himself  very  indignantly,  in  words 
which  meant  nothing  ;  I  replied  and  produced  statistics — 
incontrovertible  statistics — with  regard  to  the  Italian  and 
our  own  military  preparations.  The  Censor  tried  to  prevent 
my  statements  from  appearing  in  the  Press.  On  the  strength 
of   this   I   interpellated    the    Minister   on    the    question    of 

3 


34  MY  MEMOIRS 

muzzling  the  Press,  and  continued  to  attack  the  Gabinet 
Noir,  in  which  Government  policy  was  concocted  behind 
closed  doors. 

But,  as  I  have  said,  in  the  midst  of  our  speeches  and 
debates  the  guns  began  to  thunder. 

I  left  the  Delegation  to  go  on  sitting,  and  had  myself 
reinstated  on  the  active  list  at  once.  I  wanted  to  be  on 
the  spot ;  I  had  to  do  something.  I  felt,  I  foresaw,  I  feared 
that  this  war  might  be  only  the  prelude  to  one  on  a  far 
greater  scale,  and  I  made  up  my  mind  to  see  this  prelude 
at  close  quarters.  The  War  Minister,  Auffenberg,  and 
Schemua,  who  was  then  Chief  of  the  General  Staff,  facilitated 
my  being  attached  to  our  military  attache"  in  Sofia  in  an 
official  position. 

When  Franz  Ferdinand  heard  of  this,  he  tried  to  prevent 
it,  but  the  King  gave  his  sanction,  and  I  went  to  Bulgaria, 
to  Tsar  Ferdinand,  whom  I  already  knew  personally. 

I  alone,  of  all  the  officers  of  the  Triple  Alliance, 
was  allowed,  as  an  exception,  to  take  part  in  and  study 
the  operations  with  the  troops ;  the  others  had  to  remain 
at  Headquarters  and  saw  nothing. 

I  soon  saw  that  the  orientation  of  the  country  was 
Anglo-French,  that  the  whole  Balkan  League  was  under 
Western  patronage — a  state  of  affairs  which  might  be  very 
momentous  in  the  future.  Either  our  Foreign  Ministry 
knew  nothing  of  it  or  the  Foreign  Minister  had  not  thought 
it  worth  while  to  inform  the  Delegations  or  the  rest  of  the 
public  of  this  important  fact.  In  any  case,  however,  it 
was  evident  that  our  Government  did  not  draw  the 
conclusions  from  these  facts.  I  therefore  had  the  matter 
out  with  the  Foreign  Office  regime  in  a  long  and  cutting 
article  in  the  Zeit. 

It  was  the  autumn  shooting  season,  and  I  heard  after- 
wards that  the  sportsmen  on  the  moors  and  in  the  forests 
had  turned  up  their  aristocratic  noses  in  indignation  at 
my  journalistic  attack. 

In  the  meantime  I  had  been  attached  to  the  3rd 
Bulgarian  Cavalry  Brigade,  which  belonged  to  the  army 
besieging    Adrianople.     The    brigade    was    detached,    and 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  35 

took  part  in  the  raid  on  Dedeagatsch.  I  obtained  a  real 
insight  into  the  Bulgarian  and  Turkish  methods  of  warfare, 
and  was  at  first  surprised  to  find  that  so  many  young  men 
belonging  to  the  intelligentsia  had  taken  the  field  voluntarily. 
The  war  was  regarded,  to  a  certain  extent,  as  a  war  of  revenge 
for  the  atrocities  practised  on  the  Christian  population  by 
the  Turks.  Women  and  children  were  massacred  and  all 
the  corpses  were  mutilated.  When  murderers  of  this  kind 
were  taken  prisoners,  of  course  short  work  was  made  of 
them,  and  they  were  equally  horribly  treated.  Whole 
villages  were  put  to  death.     I  saw  terrible  things. 

One  day  one  of  our  squadrons  was  sent  out  to  reconnoitre, 
was  fired  on  in  a  Turkish  village,  and  lost  six  men  and 
one  officer.  The  squadron  returned  to  its  quarters  and 
reported  the  encounter.  General  Taneff  cut  the  Captain 
short  and  said  :  "  Where  are  the  bodies  ?  "  The  Captain 
replied  that  he  had  had  a  whole  battalion  against  him, 
and  was  obliged  to  get  his  squadron  out  of  harm's  way  as 
quickly  as  possible.  "  Please  bring  the  bodies,"  said  the 
General;  "good-evening." 

The  squadron  rode  back,  attacked  the  Turkish  battalion 
that  very  night,  took  its  transport,  found  the  bodies,  which 
had  already  been  mutilated,  and  brought  them  back  to 
the  camp  on  horseback  the  next  morning.  General  Taneff 
shook  hands  with  the  Captain  and  said :  "  Thank  you." 

During  the  raid  on  Dedeagatsch  I  took  part  in  a  hand- 
to-hand  fight  with  hand  grenades  for  the  first  time  ;  but 
we  were  driven  out  of  the  town.  On  the  other  hand, 
General  Mehmet  Javer  Pasha's  corps  was  defeated  and 
driven  back  by  General  Geneff's  troops.  It  was  now  trying 
to  join  the  main  Turkish  forces  at  the  Dardanelles.  We 
were  stationed  in  the  Marizza  Valley  with  very  weak  forces 
under  General  Taneff,  being  reorganized  after  the  failure 
of  our  raid  on  Dedeagatsch. 

In  riding  out  to  reconnoitre  I  had  been  able  to  make 
such  a  close  survey  of  the  enemy's  position  opposite  us 
that  I  urged  the  General  to  attack  the  Turks  at  once,  before 
they  had  time  to  cross  the  Marizza.  I  was  so  convinced 
that  a  coup  could  be  carried  out  at  this  spot  that  I  could 


36  MY  MEMOIRS 

hardly  contain  myself,  and  kept  on  urging  the  General  not 
to  lose  time.  I  had  to  pull  myself  up  over  and  over  again, 
for  I  really  had  no  right  to  a  voice  in  the  matter.  At  last, 
after  the  most  persistent  entreaty,  the  operation  was  under- 
taken, and  the  result  was  astonishing.  The  Turks,  who 
were  far  the  stronger  and  who  could  easily  have  beaten 
us,  had  been  taken  by  surprise  by  our  determined  attack, 
and  sent  a  flag  of  truce  to  propose  negotiations.  By  my 
advice  Taneff  demanded  complete  surrender,  and  in  case  of 
refusal  threatened  a  night  attack  (which  we  could  not  have 
carried  out  with  any  hope  of  being  able  to  hold  the  position 
permanently).  At  ten  o'clock  in  the  evening  we  saw  the 
flash  of  a  lantern  on  the  heights  opposite.  General  Javer 
Pasha  appeared  with  his  officers  and  parleyed  with  us  for 
two  hours.  It  was  horribly  cold  and  dark.  Seated  on 
the  wet  ground,  I  wrote  down  the  various  points  of  surrender 
agreed  on,  in  French,  on  a  leaf  of  my  pocket-book. 

The  whole  Turkish  corps  had  surrendered.  It  was  the 
first  great  haul  of  prisoners  the  Bulgarians  had  made,  and 
Taneff  was  overjoyed.  I  was  awarded  the  highest  Bulgarian 
military  order,  the  cross  for  valour,  and  was  the  only  foreign 
officer  who  received  it. 

Eight  weeks  later  I  was  back  in  Sofia,  where,  for  a  fort- 
night, I  had  an  opportunity  of  discussing  political  questions 
with  our  ambassador,  Count  Tarnovsky.  He  asked  me  on 
one  occasion  whether  my  criticism  of  our  diplomacy — he 
had  read  my  article  in  the  Zeit — applied  to  him  too,  which 
I  could  honestly  deny.  For  Tarnovsky  was  very  clever  ; 
for  instance,  he  had  not  spoken  to  Tsar  Ferdinand  for  two 
years — they  were  not  on  good  terms — and  yet  he  was  able 
to  do  enough  wirepulling  to  bring  the  Bulgarians  into  our 
camp  ultimately. 

At  that  time  the  Monarchy  was  in  imminent  danger  of 
being  drawn  into  the  war.  Our  army  was  mobilized  and 
ready  for  war. 

I  went  to  Vienna  and  submitted  a  detailed  report  to 
our  General  Staff,  which  somehow  or  other  must  have  come 
into  Francis  Joseph's  hands,  for  he  proposed  bestowing 
the  Military  Cross  for  merit  on  me,  with  the  war  ribbon. 
Franz    Ferdinand    saw    the   document,    and    wrote    on    it  : 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  37 

"  Politically  unreliable  ;  not  worthy  of  such  a  distinction." 
Thereupon  the  old  King  took  a  little  private  revenge  and 
ordered  me  to  report  to  him  in  person.  I  had  an  oppor- 
tunity of  seeing  on  this  occasion  how  wonderfully  thorough 
the  old  man  was  in  his  work.  He  knew  every  detail  of  the 
Balkan  War,  and  was  au  fait  as  to  every  measure  that  had 
been  taken. 

I  had  to  submit  to  an  hour  and  a  half's  cross-examination, 
standing  at  "  attention "  before  him  the  whole  time,  at 
last  with  trembling  knees.  He  was  most  kind,  but  he 
would  not  let  me  off  the  standing  at  attention — military 
formalities  were  sacred — and  finally  he  pinned  the  Signum 
Laudis  with  the  war  ribbon  on  my  breast  with  his  own 
hands. 

In  the  autumn  of  1913  the  Peace  of  Bucharest  was 
concluded.  I  lost  no  time  in  attacking  Berchtold  again 
in  the  Delegations.  I  spoke  on  the  fundamental  questions 
of  our  foreign  policy,  which  in  my  opinion  are  closely  allied 
with  the  solution  of  our  North  and  South  Slav  problems. 
Opening  up  these  problems,  however,  would  mean  entirely 
reorganizing  the  Monarchy,  chiefly  in  the  south.  Khuen, 
the  Ban  of  Croatia,  had  made  the  mistake  of  playing  off 
the  Serbs  within  the  Monarchy  against  the  Croats,  who  were 
loyal  to  the  Monarchy.  I  found  fault  with  the  shifty  policy, 
which  irritated  and  gave  dissatisfaction  to  the  nationalities 
by  all  kinds  of  antagonistic  measures  of  education  or 
taxation,  in  order  possibly  to  prolong  the  life  of  a  Hungarian 
Ministry.  Undoubtedly  a  great  opportunity  had  been 
missed  in  the  Balkan  War.  We  ought  to  have  left  no  stone 
unturned  to  win  over  our  principal  enemy  and  most  important 
neighbour,  without  drawing  in  Europe  or  the  rest  of  the 
world.  But  instead  of  standing  by  Serbia,  we  took  part 
in  Bulgarian  adventures,  and  now  we  were  going  to 
indulge  in  the  luxury  or  the  joke  of  founding  a  principality 
in  Albania.  I  asked  Berchtold  what  his  idea  had  been  in 
ordering  mobilization  ?  Were  we  directly  interested  in 
rectifying  the  frontier  between  Turkey  and  Bulgaria  ?  On 
which  national  point  of  view  was  the  policy  of  the  Foreign 
Office  based  ?     What  great  general  idea  had  the  Ballplatz 


38  MY  MEMOIRS 

which  was  to  secure  us  our  one  and  only  sphere  of  expansion 
for  all  time  ? 

I  had  discovered  that,  at  one  time,  Berchtold  had  sent 
Professor  Masaryk  to  Serbia  ;  an  excellent  idea — this  showed 
a  tendency  to  geographical  policy.  At  the  commencement 
of  the  new  economic  negotiations  with  Hungary,  Masaryk, 
a  lover  of  peace,  a  convinced  Austrian  and  a  convinced 
monarchist,  had  offered  to  try  and  win  over  the  Serbian 
Minister,  Pashitch,  with  whom  he  was  always  in  close  touch, 
to  a  policy  friendly  to  Austria.  Armed  with  Foreign  Office 
passports,  he  went  to  Belgrade,  where,  thanks  to  his  powers 
of  persuasion  and  his  broad-minded  view  of  the  South  Slav 
problem,  he  succeeded  in  winning  over  Serbian  circles  to 
an  understanding  with  the  Ballplatz. 

I  have  these  facts  from  Dr.  Heinrich  Kanner,  an 
intimate  friend  of  Masaryk's,  who  had  seen  the  report  on 
the  Belgrade  conferences. 

When  Masaryk  returned  to  Vienna  with  this  information, 
so  vital  to  our  economic  development,  and  delighted  with 
the  result  of  his  journey,  Berchtold  received  him  coldly. 
Masaryk  was  more  than  surprised  to  find  that  his  good 
services  were  so  little  appreciated.  When  I  asked  Berchtold 
in  the  Delegation  the  reason  for  his  changed  attitude, 
his  answer  was  that  he  did  not  want  to  have  anything  to 
do  with  political  adventurers  like  Masaryk  and  Pashitch. 

Berchtold  is  a  cousin  of  my  wife's,  and  I  may  therefore 
criticize  him  through  the  spectacles  of  family  affection. 
Personally  he  is  a  very  agreeable  man  of  the  world,  very 
easy  to  get  on  with.  The  true  after-dinner  type :  an  enter- 
taining causeur  on  Gobelins,  women  and  horses  ;  an  ironist, 
who  is  difficult  to  understand  ;  as  highly  polished  as  a 
dancing-floor  ;  careless,  lighthearted,  and,  in  view  of  his 
power  over  fifty-two  million  human  beings,  inconceivably 
frivolous.  At  the  Bällplatz — I  was  going  to  say  the  race- 
course— a  specialist.  My  inconvenient  zeal  only  elicited  a 
superior  smile  from  him. 

There  were  a  variety  of  reasons  for  his  lack  of  apprecia- 
tion of  Masaryk  and  his  efforts  in  Serbia — which,  in  the 
light  of  later  events,  proved  to  have  been  criminally  short- 
sighted.    He    had    fallen    a    victim    to    the    narrow-minded 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  39 

provincialism  of  Hungarian  Comitat  machinations.  Should 
the  Minister  of  Agriculture  go  or  stay— importation  of  pigs 
or  prohibition— discontented  agrarians  or  positive  gover- 
ment—chicanery ;  changing  Ministers  instead  of  policy — 
things  of  no  importance,  for  the  sake  of  which  things 
of  real  importance  were  disregarded.  Besides  this,  he  had 
allowed  himself  to  be  intimidated  by  Hungarian  politicians 
and  German  deputies,  and  had  all  at  once  become  afraid  to 
tackle  the  South  Slav  question.  The  result  was  that  the 
Serbian  peasant  wondered  why  he  was  suddenly  unable  to 
sell  his  pigs  in  Hungary,  and  there  were  plenty  of  secret 
agents  in  the  country  who  could  explain  the  reasons  after 
their  own  fashion.  The  peasant's  leather  purse  was  affected  ; 
that  was  a  policy  he  could  understand.  It  was  not  very 
difficult  to  guide  dissatisfaction  of  this  kind  into  the  desired 
channels.  Tisza's  handling  of  the  commercial  treaties 
assuredly  had  the  full,  though  silent,  approval  of  the 
Russian  ambassadors.  The  Russian  ambassadors  were 
satisfied. 

But  in  France  there  were  ever-increasing  circles  which 
were  not  satisfied  with  the  Russian  ambassadors.  Under 
the  influence  of  Caillaux  and  the  radical  Socialists,  who 
were  tired  of  advancing  more  and  more  millions  to  the 
St.  Petersburg  Government,  Doumergue's  Cabinet  tried  to 
establish  unofficial  relations  with  Vienna.  The  object,  of 
course,  was  to  pave  the  way  to  an  understanding  with 
Germany  ;  and  as  it  was  impossible  to  get  into  direct  touch, 
the  idea  suggested  itself  of  putting  a  spoke  in  the  wheel 
of  the  Triple  Alliance  by  a  rapprochement  to  Austria.  Some 
efforts  had  already  been  made  to  get  into  communication 
with  the  Archduke  Franz  Ferdinand,  in  whose  foreign 
political  views  there  had  recently  been  an  important  change. 
Franz  Ferdinand  had  seen  that  we  should  never  be  able 
to  pursue  an  independent  policy  in  Germany's  wake,  and 
that,  in  addition  to  this,  an  independent  policy  could  not 
be  carried  out  for  want  of  an  adequate  army. 

Professor  Singer,  of  the  Zeit,  was  asked  whether  he  would 
speak  in  favour  of  an  economic  rapprochement  to  France 
in  his  paper,   and  it   soon  appeared  that  there  was  some 


40  MY  MEMOIRS 

inclination    in    France    to    give    the    Monarchy    financial 
assistance  in  the  form  of  loans. 

After  consultations  with  the  Prime  Minister  Stiirgkh 
and  the  Foreign  Office,  Professor  Singer  was  to  go  to  Paris, 
to  find  out  how  far  there  was  any  prospect  of  being  able 
to  place  an  Austrian  loan  on  the  French  Bourse.  I  was  to 
join  Professor  Singer  in  order  to  arrange  an  interview 
between  the  Austrian  and  Hungarian  Governments' 
financial  delegates  and  Caillaux,  whose  acquaintance  I  had 
made  when  he  stayed  in  Buda  Pesth. 

We  had  a  friendly  reception  from  Deschanel  and 
Pichon,  who  were  of  opinion  that  the  proposed  transactions 
could  be  set  on  foot  under  certain  conditions,  and  on  such 
a  basis  as  to  enable  France  to  quote  the  loan  in  the  Paris 
exchange  list  without  upsetting  her  existing  alliance. 
At  that  time  a  loan  of  a  milliard  to  Austria  and  five 
hundred  millions  to  Hungary  was  spoken  of. 

During  my  stay  in  Paris  I  noticed  two  factors  in 
particular  ;  the  first  was  that  the  leading  statesmen  dis- 
trusted and  disapproved  of  Tisza's  policy  of  the  strong  hand. 
Pichon,  the  Foreign  Minister,  told  me  plainly  that  so  long 
as  Tisza  ruled  autocratically  in  Hungary  there  could  be  no 
question  of  a  Hungarian  loan  ;  and  secondly,  I  saw  that 
our  Foreign  Office  had  left  its  official  representative,  the 
Ambassador  Szecsen,  quite  in  the  dark  as  to  the  aims  and 
objects  of  our  journey.  For  that  matter,  I  noticed  that 
Count  Szecsen  did  not  cultivate  any  relations  except  with 
aristocratic  diplomats  and  the  haute  noblesse  of  the  rest  of 
the  world.  He  was  not  in  touch  with  the  French  Press 
and  the  leaders  of  Party  policy.  In  1913  the  aims  of  the 
radical  Socialists  were  absolutely  pacifist.  An  obstacle 
was  to  be  put  in  the  way  of  Russia's  military  preparations 
by  the  refusal  of  further  loans,  and  the  object  of  the  elections 
of  1914,  for  which  great  preparations  had  already  been  made, 
was  simply  to  drop  Russia.  Caillaux  advocated  the  intro- 
duction of  a  very  severe  tax  on  luxuries,  with  a  view  to 
hitting  those  who  might  benefit  materially  by  war.  If 
there  were  to  be  military  preparations,  they  should  be  paid 
for  out  of  the  well-filled  pockets  of  the  Schwerindustrie, 
the  great  banks  and  leading  capitalists. 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  41 

Our  Embassy  had  no  idea  of  the  evolution  that  was 
preparing. 

I  put  myself  in  communication  at  once  with  the  Journal, 
the  Matin,  and  with  Regnier,  the  very  influential  director  of 
the  Havas  Agency,  and  tried  to  bring  the  journalistic  world 
into  touch  with  our  Embassy.  But  my  efforts  were  frus- 
trated by  Szecsen's  refusal  to  receive  the  French  journalists. 

I  spent  the  winter  of  1913  in  my  own  country. 

In  the  spring  of  1914  my  French  friends  advised  me 
that  a  great  change  was  impending  in  French  policy,  which 
would  find  expression  in  the  elections. 

At   that   time   Caillaux   was   generally   regarded    as   the 
coming  man,  all  the  more  as  there  was  no  essential  difference 
between   his   and    Pichon's   programme.     I    went   to    Paris 
and  had  long  conversations,  from   which  I  learnt  the  prin- 
ciples  of   Caillaux's  domestic  and  foreign  policy.     He   said 
that   the   supremacy   of  the   haute  finance  was  intolerable. 
In  order  to  contend  with  this   and  break  it  down,  he  had 
thought  out  a  great  scheme  to  take  financial  control  out  of 
the  hands  of  the  great  capitalists  by  monopolizing  mortgages 
— immobile  credit.    By  this  means  he  would  have  been  able  to 
provide  a  State  Bank  he  proposed  founding  with  the  secured 
income   of    the    banks    and    private    financial   institutions, 
and  in  the  second   place  would  have  obliged  the  financial 
institutions    to    compete   against    one  another    by    offering 
trade   credits,  thus  enabling  French  trade  to  obtain  ready 
money    more    easily.     In    the    course    of    the    negotiations 
with  him,  which  covered  the  most  varied  ground,  and  during 
which  time  I  often  had  an  opportunity  of  talking  to  Jaures, 
I  unfortunately  discovered  that  I  could  not  count  on  the 
smallest   support  from   our   ambassador.     All   the  same,   I 
made  gradual  progress   with   Caillaux,   and   the   possibility 
of  a  loan  seemed  to  be  within  reach.     I  had  also  the  great 
satisfaction  of  finding  that  a  man  like  Jaures,  whose  purity 
of  aim  I  profoundly  admired  and  respected,  was  quite  of 
my  opinion  that  war  ought  not  to  be  the  outcome  of  secret 
diplomatic    treaties   between   a   few   people,    and   that   this 
idealistic     Socialist    thoroughly    understood    the     essential 
conditions  of  a  modern  State. 


42  MY  MEMOIRS 

Then  came  Madame  Caillaux's  revolver  attack  on 
Calmette — an  event  which  swept  Monsieur  Caillaux  off 
the  political  arena. 

I  went  home. 

In  May  the  Delegations  were  convened  to  meet  at  Buda 
Pesth.  The  liquidation  of  the  Balkan  War  and  the  Albanian 
question,  which  had  been  a  good  deal  discussed  recently, 
formed  the  principal  subject  of  debate. 

The  discoveries  I  had  made  on  the  occasion  of  my  stay 
in  Paris,  and  my  impressions  from  the  utterances  of  French 
statesmen,  were  in  general  such  that  I  could  very  well  imagine 
an  independent  Austro-Hungarian  policy,  which  would  have 
been  in  a  position  to  try  to  form  a  connection  simulta- 
neously with  France  and  England.  In  England,  in  particular, 
there  had  been  a  feeling  favourable  to  the  Monarchy  since 
the  heir  to  the  throne's  last  visit  there.  Equally,  I  had 
been  able  to  ascertain  that  a  great  many  of  the  Socialist 
Party  in  France  were  working  with  might  and  main  against 
the  avowed  revanche  policy  of  the  Nationalists.  It  had 
become  clear  to  many  French  politicians  in  the  spring  of 
1914  that  the  Russo-French  alliance  was  unnatural.  The 
idea  of  bringing  our  own  foreign  political  necessities  into 
line  with  world  policy,  which  should  have  been  the  consistent 
aim  of  those  responsible  for  Austro-Hungarian  policy,  was 
the  only  thing  lacking. 

In  considering  the  policy  of  the  individual  European 
States,  it  might  be  said  that  Germany's  policy  was  one  of 
economic  expansion,  which  aimed  at  conquering  the  world 
for  German  trade ;  the  idea  underlying  France's  policy 
was  to  be  the  steadying  element  between  Eastern  and 
Western  aims  of  conquest  ;  England  was  entirely  influenced 
by  the  idea  of  her  world  supremacy  at  sea ;  Italy's  ardent 
wish  was  to  acquire  the  irredentist  territories.  The  policy 
of  the  Monarchy  alone  was  never  anything  more  than  to  go 
on  vegetating  without  any  conscious  aim  or  fixed  object. 

On  the  whole,  Count  Berchtold's  Balkan  policy  had 
never  pursued  a  uniform  plan.  It  was  a  series  of  petty 
trials  and  experiments,  as  had  been  shown  during  the  last 
few  weeks  in  the  Albanian  question. 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  43 

The  Peace  of  Bucharest,  which  did  not  satisfy  Bulgaria, 
and  which  did  Rumania  a  grievous  wrong,  had  not  contributed 
to  raise  the  prestige  of  the  Monarchy  in  the  Balkans.  The 
whole  policy  pursued  in  Albania  was  nothing  but  a  very 
amateur  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  Foreign  Office  to  put 
its  foot  down  in  Balkan  questions.  In  all  questions  con- 
cerning the  events  and  demands  of  the  day,  my  cousin, 
personally  so  charming,  showed  what,  for  a  statesman, 
was  crass  ignorance  of  the  facts. 

Neither  had  the  relations  to  Italy  changed  in  the  spring 
of  1914.  The  absolute  lack  of  good  faith  in  our  policy 
towards  Italy,  and  on  the  other  hand  in  Italy's  policy 
towards  us,  had  only  become  still  more  complex  in  conse- 
quence of  the  unfortunate  Albanian  procedure.  Anyhow, 
we  were  arming  against  one  another,  trying  to  injure  one 
another  as  much  as  possible  from  a  foreign  political  point 
of  view,  and  assuring  one  another  of  our  unalterable  loyalty 
to  our  alliance  on  every  public  occasion.  We  were  a 
laughing-stock  in  all  the  Cabinets. 

The  absolute  failure  of  our  foreign  policy  to  recognize 
the  essence  of  the  Serbian  question  was  positively  classic. 
A  friendly  policy  towards  Serbia  would  not  only  have  been 
of  incalculable  advantage  to  our  trade  and  industry,  but 
would,  what  was  equally  important,  have  been  an  invaluable 
support  to  our  Serbian  policy  within  the  frontiers  of  the 
Monarchy. 

To  consider  the  opportunities  missed  in  the  distant 
past  would  lead  too  far.  The  fact  was  that  the  Austro- 
Hungarian  Monarchy's  chances  in  the  Balkans  had 
diminished  from  year  to  year  since  the  Murzsteg  agreement. 
The  whole  Pan-Slav  agitation  in  Serbia  was  really  only  a 
result  of  Aehrenthal's  blunt  refusal  to  embark  on  a  policy 
of  understanding  in  the  Balkans,  in  agreement  with  Russia, 
which  St.  Petersburg  had  worked  heaven  and  earth  to  bring 
about. 

Under  Germany's  influence,  ostensibly  to  please  Turkey, 
we  had  refused  to  divide  the  spheres  of  interest  between 
Russia  and  the  Monarchy,  and  at  the  time  of  the  annexation 
we  had  offended  Turkey  both  inopportunely  and  needlessly. 
We  managed  to  make  an  enemy  of   Serbia,  our  immediate 


44  MY  MEMOIRS 

neighbour,  which  was  already  at  our  mercy,  without 
summoning  up  energy  to  cripple  this  embittered  enemy  at 
the  right  moment. 

In  the  course  of  the  sittings  of  the  Foreign  Affairs  Com- 
mittee I  often  took  an  opportunity  of  pointing  out  the  lack 
of  co-operation  between  the  common  authorities.  On  every 
occasion  it  was  clear  that  not  only  the  Austrian  and  Hunga- 
rian Governments  pursued  different  aims  in  all  their  measures 
and  in  the  guiding  lines  of  their  policy,  but  that  even  the 
authorities  appointed  to  represent  the  common  interests, 
such  as  the  Foreign  Office,  the  common  Ministry  of  Finance 
in  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  and  the  War  Office,  pursued 
a  different  policy  in  everything.  Even  in  peace-time  the 
influence  of  the  Emperor's  Military  Office,  combined  with 
that  of  the  General  Staff,  was  decisive  in  all  questions  of 
military  policy. 

As  I  have  already  said,  it  was  possible  for  hundreds  of 
millions  to  be  spent  by  the  War  Office  on  military  prepara- 
tions against  Italy,  while  at  the  same  time  the  Foreign 
Office  was  pursuing  a  Triple  Alliance  policy  friendly  to  Italy. 

Since  the  Khuen-Hedervary  regime  in  Croatia  and 
Slavonia,  the  Hungarian  Government's  policy  in  the  South 
Slav  question  had  been  absolutely  friendly  to  Serbia,  whilst 
the  Foreign  Ministry's  whole  Balkan  policy  was  working 
against  Serbia. 

I  had  had  an  opportunity  in  Paris  of  noting  how  care- 
lessly and  superficially  the  representatives  of  the  Monarchy 
in  foreign  countries  discharged  their  duties. 

In  the  course  of  the  winter  and  spring  I  had  made  the 
acquaintance  of  the  most  distinguished  French  journalists — 
Letelier,  Tardieu,  Regnier,  Philous,  Bunou-Varilla.  None 
of  them  were  received  at  our  Embassy. 

Further,  the  fact  that  there  were  more  South  Slavs 
living  within  the  frontiers  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  Monarchy 
than  in  the  adjoining  Balkan  States,  Serbia  and  Monte- 
negro, necessitated  the  Monarchy's  pursuing  a  South  Slav 
policy.  This  policy  should,  however,  have  been  based  on 
a  programme  of  fixed  principles,  for  nothing  short  of  this 
would  have  enabled  us  to  outrival  Russia's  preponderating 
influence  in  the  Balkans. 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  45 

As  long  ago  as  during  the  mobilization  in  1913  there 
were  increasing  indications  of  the  existence  of  secret  agree- 
ments between  Italy  and  Russia  with  regard  to  the  Austrian 
coast  of  the  Adriatic.  Since  our  refusal  to  pursue  a  policy 
of  understanding  with  Russia  in  the  Balkans,  Russia  had 
done  all  she  could  to  inflame  the  Balkans  against  us. 

It  was  only  thanks  to  the  ability  of  our  minister  in 
Sofia,  Count  Tarnovski,  that  the  Balkan  League,  which 
aimed,  au  fond,  at  breaking  up  the  Monarchy,  was  dissolved 
in  the  autumn  of  1913.  At  that  time  it  would  have  been 
possible  to  inaugurate  a  clear-sighted  South  Slav  and 
Balkan  policy. 

I  could  not  get  any  answer  from  Count  Berchtold  to 
my  many  questions  on  this  subject. 

In  my  brochure,  Austria-Hungary's  Armament  Policy, 
I  had  shown  clearly  that  our  military  equipment  not  only 
made  an  aggressive  policy  out  of  the  question  ab  ovo,  but 
that  our  present  army  was  not  even  strong  enough  to  defend 
our  frontiers.  The  intention  of  my  memorandum  was  to 
point  out  that  our  military  organization  is  complicated 
and  expensive,  without  constituting  a  military  power 
proportionate  to  the  cost. 

I  gave  plain  statistical  figures  showing  that,  in  case 
of  a  European  conflict,  we  must  either  be  defeated  within 
a  very  short  time  or  we  must  be  dependent  on  our  allies 
for  protection,  as  a  further  result  of  which  we  must  sink 
into  being  their  vassals. 

In  the  speeches  I  made  in  the  Army  Committee  of  the 
Hungarian  Delegation  I  had  pointed  out  more  than  once 
that  the  economic  position  of  the  Monarchy  did  not  justify 
the  maintenance  of  an  uneconomic  military  organization, 
namely,  the  expensive  and  unnecessary  three-army  system  : 
a  common  army,  an  Austrian  Landwehr  and  a  Hungarian 
Landwehr  (Honveds),  a  system  which  merely  originated 
in  our  inner  political  dissensions  and  was  kept  up  by 
Court  particularism  and  stubbornness. 

The  absolute  mismanagement  of  our  foreign  political 
affairs  and  the  lack  of  co-operation  between  all  the  leading 
factors  were  evident  on  every  occasion.  Most  of  the  posts 
in  the  army,  as  well  as  in  the  Foreign  Office,  were  filled  by 


46  MY  MEMOIRS 

incompetent  people  with  influential  friends.  Ambassadors 
and  ministers  were  mostly  Court  flunkeys  without  ability, 
who  were  quite  at  sea  as  regards  the  development  of 
economic  life,  which  is  decisive  nowadays. 

I  mounted  my  hobby-horse  again  and  again  and  rode 
to  the  attack.  The  minutes  of  the  meetings  of  the 
Delegation  and  of  the  Hungarian  Upper  House  can  bear 
witness  to  my  persistence. 

My  reports  on  the  Balkan  campaign  and  on  Serbia's 
military  preparations  had  been  acknowledged  and  accepted 
with  thanks  by  the  Intelligence  Bureau  of  the  General 
Staff,  but  none  of  the  information  was  turned  to  any  practical 
account.  The  reports  sent  by  our  Legation  in  Belgrade  at 
the  time  of  the  Balkan  War,  and  up  to  quite  recently,  denied 
that  there  were  any  serious  military  preparations.  The 
only  diplomat  in  the  Balkans  who  gave  a  perfectly  clear 
idea  of  the  situation  at  that  time  was  Count  Tarnovski. 
As  long  ago  as  in  the  winter  of  1912-13  he  foretold  with 
absolute  certainty  that  Serbia  and  Rumania  were  lost  for 
good  and  all,  as  far  as  the  policy  of  the  Monarchy  was  con- 
cerned, but  that  Bulgaria's  siding  with  Austria- Hungary 
would  depend  on  the  foreign  political  constellation. 

The  only  result  of  any  remonstrance  on  my  part,  how- 
ever, was  that  the  tiresome  preacher  was  represented  as 
unpatriotic.  I  have  ever  since  been  regarded  as  one  of 
the  worst  of  revolutionaries,  against  whose  attitude  every 
kind  of  insinuation  has  been  made.  Count  Tisza  and  Count 
Berchtold  vied  with  one  another  in  stigmatizing  the  steps 
I  took  in  this  respect  as  being  merely  Party  policy. 

When  I  attacked  Count  Tisza  again  in  May  1914 — for 
the  hundredth  time — on  the  subject  of  army  reform,  and 
pointed  to  the  storm-clouds  all  over  Europe,  he  answered 
sarcastically :  "Of  course,  the  young  delegate  sees  the 
world  war  already  at  our  door,  therefore  he  wants  guns, 
guns !  " 

The  domestic  political  situation  in  Hungary,  in  the 
spring  of  1914,  was  entirely  dominated  by  the  autocratic 
system  of  the  National  Work  Party,  which  exercised 
absolute  power  under  Tisza's  leadership.  His  policy  in 
foreign    questions   affecting    Hungary,    as    well   as   towards 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  47 

Austria,    might     be    described     as    a    policy    of     splendid 
isolation. 

Tisza's  drastic  measures  had  succeeded  in  carrying  the 
alteration  in  the  army  law  into  effect  in  the  preceding  years. 
This  was  done  against  the  will  of  the  Hungarian  national 
elements,  who  would  not  have  thought  of  opposing  a 
reorganization  of  the  army  in  general,  but  who  demanded 
that  it  should  be  reorganized  on  Hungarian  national  lines. 
By  his  suppression  of  the  Hungarian  obstruction,  Tisza 
had  succeeded  in  appearing  to  Vienna  circles  the  sole  supporter 
of  the  connection  with  Austria.  Count  Tisza's  political 
power  had  been  based  from  time  immemorial  on  his  position 
at  the  Vienna  Court,  to  which  the  school  of  Hungarian 
national  thought  had  always  been  a  thorn  in  the  flesh. 

For  many  years  war  to  the  knife  had  been  carried  on  in 
the  Hungarian  Parliament  against  this  system,  which  drove 
the  best  abilities  of  the  country  into  the  Radical  camp  by 
its  corrupt  practices.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the 
first  seeds  of  the  Revolution  were,  to  some  extent,  sown 
during  that  period. 

It  was  also  the  period  in  which  Tisza  had  to  fight  a 
succession  of  political  duels.  With  the  impetuosity  which 
was  characteristic  of  his  combative  nature,  he  had  already 
drawn  the  sword  times  out  of  number,  in  attack  or  defence. 
In  these  months  and  weeks  of  extreme  political  tension, 
this  clash  of  opposed  temperaments  and  views,  he  was  all 
the  more  exposed  to  fierce  attacks  from  all  sides  as  the 
most  stubborn  spoke  in  the  national  wheel.  He  fought 
duels  with  my  father-in-law,  Szechenyi,  with  Pallavicini, 
with  Michael  Karolyi  and  half  a  dozen  others.  But  the 
most  interesting  duel  was  the  one  with  the  former  President 
of  the  House  of  Deputies,  Stefan  Rakovsky,  an  old  adver- 
sary with  whom  he  had  already  crossed  swords  twice.  It 
took  place  in  a  fencing  saloon  in  the  town.  Baron  Vojnics 
and  Baron  Uechtriz  seconded  Tisza,  Pallavicini  and  I 
seconded  Rakovsky.  The  pugnacious  old  fellows — both  were 
already  past  sixty,  this  is  what  was  so  remarkable — attacked 
one  another  furiously.  They  fought  one  round  after  another. 
Blood  poured  down  their  bodies  and  over  their  brows  and 
arms  from  cuts  and  slight  wounds  ;    but  still  they  fell  on 


48  MY  MEMOIRS 

one  another  again  and  again,  and  fought  eleven  rounds, 
puffing  and  blowing,  till  at  last  both  laid  down  their  arms, 
exhausted  and  disabled.  (Old  Rakovsky  would  not  be 
dissuaded  from  going  to  the  front,  a  few  months  later,  as 
a  Lieutenant.  He  rode  meekly  in  the  squadron  of  the 
6th  Dragoons  commanded  by  his  son,  who  was  a  Captain. 
It  is  well  known  that  Tisza  also  spent  some  time  in  the 
trenches  as  a  Colonel.     Hungary  .  .  .  ) 

Andrassy,  undoubtedly  the  most  far-seeing  of  the 
Hungarian  statesmen,  had  invariably  tried  to  bring  the 
Hungarian  national  policy  into  harmony  with  Austria's 
policy.  But  this  had  now  become  impossible,  owing  to 
Tisza's  regime;  consequently  the  Opposition  bloc,  under 
the  leadership  of  Andrassy  and  Apponyi,  was  always  against 
the  Government  policy. 

In  those  fateful  days,  when  a  heavy  storm  was  threaten- 
ing the  Monarchy  from  the  East  and  South,  and  when  all 
the  forces  in  the  country  should  have  been  united,  the  best 
elements  in  Hungary  were  restricted  to  the  trivial  Party 
policy  of  opposing  the  Government  proposals. 

In  Austria  Count  Stürgkh's  Cabinet  was  carrying  on  the 
everlasting  struggle  for  existence,  which  was  merely  a 
question  of  satisfying  the  Czechs. 

The  heir  to  the  throne  paid  my  sister-in-law,  Countess 
Jella  Haugwitz,  a  visit  at  Schloss  Namiest  in  June.  She  had 
arranged  a  pigeon-shoot  there  in  his  honour.  Besides  this 
she  proposed  to  try  her  hand  at  a  little  diplomacy  and 
policy.  In  plain  words,  she  had  long  intended  to  arrange 
a  meeting  between  me  and  Franz  Ferdinand  and  bring  about 
a  reconciliation.  Now,  I  had  often  wondered  what  the 
position  between  us  would  be  when  once  he  came  to  the 
throne,  but  I  told  my  sister-in-law  plainly  that,  in  view  of 
his  disgraceful  behaviour  to  me,  I  would  never  go  near  him. 
My  sister-in-law,  however,  thought  that  the  Archduke 
wished  the  way  paved  to  a  reconciliation,  as  he  often  spoke 
of  me  and  of  my  political  activities,  which  he  now  saw 
in  a  different  light  to  formerly,  and  which  seemed  to  him 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  49 

to  necessitate  a  thorough  explanation.  I  maintained  an 
attitude  of  reserve.  I  knew  that  ever  since  Franz  Ferdinand 
had  been  in  the  Military  Office  we  had  had  two  Court 
camarillas  instead  of  one  ;  I  knew  that  he  employed  unscru- 
pulous agents,  informers  and  spies,  who  had  to  make  out 
lists  of  trustworthy  and  untrustworthy  persons  for  his 
office,  and  that  he  had  no  mercy  on  those  who  were  obnoxious. 
A  secret  and  most  dangerous  secondary  Government  had 
come  into  existence,  which  created  unhealthy  conditions 
in  every  direction,  for  naturally  the  highest  officials,  every 
General  and  many  politicians  kept  one  eye  on  the  old  man, 
but,  in  order  to  pursue  their  tactics  with  some  security  for 
the  future,  they  cast  furtive  glances  at  Franz  Ferdinand 
with  the  other. 

I  did  not  want  to  have  anything  to  do  with  that,  and 
refused  to  meet  him. 

My  sister-in-law  came  to  see  me  at  Sarospatak  and  told 
me  that  the  heir  to  the  throne  had  just  left  Namiest  and 
gone  straight  to  Bosnia  ;  he  was  in  low  spirits,  pessimistic, 
and  had  spoken  of  having  a  presentiment  of  evil.  In  spite 
of  this  he  had  refused  a  strong  bodyguard  of  detectives 
which  the  Hungarian  Government  had  offered  him. 

The  following  Sunday  I  went  for  a  ride  with  some  friends. 
As  I  passed  the  church  in  Sarospatak  on  my  way  home 
I  suddenly  felt,  without  being  able  to  account  for  why  and 
wherefore,  that  the  heir  to  the  throne  was  dead. 

In  the  afternoon  I  had  a  telegram  from  Buda  Pesth 
telling  me  that  the  heir  to  the  throne  and  his  wife  had 
been  assassinated.     I  started  at  once  for  the  town. 

I  found  the  whole  political  world  of  Buda  Pesth  as  though 
freed  from  an  incubus.  Tisza's  party  made  no  attempt  to 
conceal  their  joy.  There  was  a  feeling  of  relief  throughout 
the  country.  Vienna  Court  circles  are  said  to  have 
rejoiced  ;  the  dual  Government  had  ceased  to  exist.  With 
the  exception  of  a  small  circle  of  personal  friends,  the  heir 
to  the  throne  had  been  disliked  and  unpopular  among  all 
classes  in  the  Monarchy. 

Hardly  was  he  in  his  coffin  before  all  his  proteges,  all 
his   creatures,  friends  and  officials  were  swept  out  of  their 

4 


50  MY  MEMOIRS 

posts  and  offices.  The  Court  clique  and  also  the  military 
authorities,  who  had  been  continually  harassed  by  the 
heir  to  the  throne,  saw  to  this  being  a  clean  sweep.  It  could 
safely  be  assumed  that  henceforth  the  old  system  would 
be  firmly  and  immovably  established  until  Francis  Joseph's 
death. 

It  is  well  known  that  all  sorts  of  excuses  were  made — 
sparing  the  old  Emperor,  the  fear  of  attempts  on  their  lives, 
etc. — for  not  allowing  foreign  Potentates  and  Princes  to 
attend  the  funeral,  and  that  the  murdered  Archduke  was 
altogether  denied  the  great  funeral  with  military  pomp 
befitting  his  position. 

I  was  indignant  that  every  ass  should  now  give 
the  dead  lion  a  kick.  He  had  been  my  enemy  during  his 
lifetime,  but  we  had  one  or  two  points  of  contact  :  his 
strongly  marked  individuality  was  bitterly  hostile  to  the 
existing  Court  and  bureaucratic  system,  and  secondly,  he 
was  a  mortal  enemy  of  Tisza's  regime. 

Accordingly,  I  decided  to  accompany  the  man  I  had 
never  intended  to  go  near  again,  as  long  as  he  lived, 
on  his  last  journey.  Other  aristocrats,  too,  chiefly  members 
of  Hungarian  families,  felt  driven  to  protest  and  demonstrate 
against  the  narrow-minded  bigotry  of  the  Lord  Chamber- 
lain's Office.  The  result  was  the  revolt  of  the  nobility 
against  Prince  Montenuovo. 

On  the  day  of  the  funeral  about  sixty  demonstrators 
assembled  in  the  large  coffee-room  of  the  Hotel  Sacher, 
and  proceeded  from  there  to  the  outer  Burghof.  When  the 
funeral  procession  passed,  we  all  fell  in  and  followed 
the  coffin  on  foot — an  unprecedented  infringement  of  the 
prescribed  ceremonial,  of  which  the  old  Emperor  himself 
was  finally  guilty,  for  he  insisted,  contrary  to  the  strict  letter 
of  the  programme,  on  several  battalions  of  the  Vienna 
garrison  turning  out  while  the  body  was  being  conveyed 
to  Arzstetten  by  night. 

The  Serajevo  murder  had  unquestionably  a  stimulating 
influence  on  the  domestic  policy  of  both  States  of  the 
Monarchy. 

The  feeling   rife  throughout   the  Monarchy  in  the  July 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  51 

days  of  1914  arose  from  conviction  that  the  assassina- 
tion must  really  be  an  indication  of  serious  external 
dangers  and  a  result  of  the  political  mistakes  which  had 
been  consistently  made  in  all  the  past  years.  All  the 
leading  circles  now  became  suddenly  aware  that  there 
was  a  South  Slav  question,  which  must  be  solved. 

But  at  a  time  when  the  destiny  of  the  world  was  decided 
by  the  various  Cabinets  and  Parliaments,  at  a  time  when 
the  Press  of  all  countries  interpreted  the  feelings,  wishes 
and  plans  of  the  individual  peoples  and  States,  people  both 
in  Austria  and  Hungary  were  quite  in  the  dark  as  to  what 
the  military  authorities  and  a  few  responsible  Austro- 
Hungarian  statesmen  behind  closed  Ballplatz  doors  were 
planning  and  deciding. 

The  attitude  adopted  by  Austria-Hungary  in  the  Serbian 
conflict,  which  was  to  be  solved  by  the  well-known  ultimatum, 
was  not  the  choice  of  the  peoples  of  the  Monarchy  or  of 
their  representatives,  but  the  conclusion  of  a  few  short- 
sighted statesmen  and  military  men,  who  decided  on 
measures  which  were  to  seal  the  fate  of  the  many  millions 
of  the  population,  in  accordance  with  their  narrow  logic, 
which  always  misjudged  the  actual  political  conditions. 

The  news  that  the  ultimatum  had  been  presented  reached 
me  in  Carlsbad.  I  had  followed  the  French,  English  and 
German  Press  in  the  preceding  weeks,  and  I  had  seen  clearly 
that  the  conflict  which  had  broken  out  between  the  Austro- 
Hungarian  Monarchy  and  Serbia  was  of  European  importance. 

During  the  first  days  of  July  I  went  to  see  several  of 
my  friends  in  the  War  Office  on  my  way  through  Vienna  ; 
conversations  with  them  confirmed  my  opinion  that,  from 
a  military  point  of  view,  we  were  not  at  all  equal  to  a 
European  conflict. 

But  to  my  great  surprise  I  saw  that  no  steps  whatever 
had  been  taken  in  any  responsible  quarter — neither  by  the 
Foreign  Office,  the  military  authorities,  the  Press,  nor, 
last  but  not  least,  the  Austrian  and  Hungarian  Governments, 
to  prepare  for  a  war  which  was  possible,  and  of  which, 
according  to  Germany,  there  was  every  prospect.  And 
this  although,  as  seems  to  have  been  established  since  by 
the  publication  of  the  correspondence,  Germany  took  diplo- 


52  MY  MEMOIRS 

matic  and  military  steps  deliberately  aimed  at  bringing 
about  war  in  1914,  immediately  after  the  assassination. 

Whilst — as  now  seems  proved — Count  Berchtold  and 
the  leading  circles  of  the  General  Staff  were  unconsciously 
making  straight  for  the  world  war,  in  Germany's  wake, 
the  great  general  public  of  the  Monarchy,  the  responsible 
representatives  of  the  people,  and  above  all  the  Govern- 
ments both  of  Austria  and  Hungary,  were  left  quite  in  the 
dark  as  to  the  policy  which  was  to  develop  into  a  world 
drama. 

The  only  paper  in  the  Monarchy  which  had  seen  and 
spoken  the  disagreeable  truth  plainly  for  weeks  past  was 
the  Zeit. 

When  I  learnt  the  text  of  the  ultimatum,  I  saw  at  once 
that  this  step  must  necessarily  result  in  war,  first  of  all 
with  Serbia.  I  assumed  that,  as  a  matter  of  course,  we 
had  taken  every  measure  to  follow  up  the  diplomatic  step 
by  military  action  within  twenty-four  hours. 

Unfortunately,  I  was  unable  to  obtain  accurate  details  in 
Vienna  of  the  preparations  made  by  the  Supreme  Command. 

But  when  the  ultimatum  was  rejected  in  the  form  in  which 
it  had  been  submitted,  I  hastened  to  obtain  my  military 
dispositions,  so  as  not  to  miss  the  fighting,  which,  in  my 
opinion,  must  begin  at  once.  Before  I  started  for  Buda 
Pesth,  where  I  was  to  join  the  Headquarters  of  the  IV  (Buda 
Pesth)  Corps,  I  went  to  look  up  the  Prime  Minister,  Sturgkh, 
to  discuss  the  situation  with  him. 

I  knew  Stürgkh  through  his  brother,  the  Captain  com- 
manding the  Radkersburg  district,  my  last  garrison  when 
on  the  active  list.  I  often  met  him  later  on  in  the  company 
of  Professor  Singer,  with  whom  he  was  on  friendly  terms. 
He  did  not  give  me  the  impression,  at  first,  of  a  reactionary, 
but  rather  of  a  professorial,  very  cautious  bureaucrat,  by 
no  means  without  ability,  to  whom  the  rash  idea  of  disre- 
garding the  settled  limits  and  many  conventions  of  his  office 
would  certainly  never  occur.  He  was  not  familiar  with 
foreign  policy  ;  he  did  not  concern  himself  with  it.  That 
did  not  surprise  me,  however.  Under  the  old  regime  there 
was  no  occasion  for  a  Prime  Minister  to  know  anything 
about  the  internal  activities  of  the  Foreign  Office;  what  is 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  53 

more,  he  was,  as  it  were,  prohibited  from  knowing  anything 
about  them.  Francis  Joseph  did  not  allow  any  of  his 
functionaries  or  statesmen  to  see  or  think  beyond  the  limits 
of  their  responsibility,  still  less  to  express  any  opinion 
on  what  they  might  have  seen.  Francis  Joseph  honestly 
believed  he  was  a  Liberal  ruler  ;  he  equally  thought 
that  a  departmental  Minister  must  stick  to  his  job.  If 
the  Minister  for  Home  Affairs  had  ever  ventured  to  speak 
to  him  of  foreign  policy  he  would  have  broken  off  the 
conversation. 

That  was  Spanish  etiquette  of  the  spirit.  It  was  one 
of  the  chief  characteristics  of  the  old  system. 

Consequently  Stürgkh  admitted  that  Germany  was 
feverishly  taking  steps  which  must  be  regarded  as  prepara- 
tions for  a  European  war,  but  he  said  he  could  not  conceive 
that  it  would  actually  come  to  a  world  war. 

The  official  view  in  influential  circles  of  the  Monarchy, 
after  the  events  of  the  last  few  weeks,  was  that,  protected 
by  Germany's  being  prepared,  we  should  be  able  to  keep 
order  in  Serbia  for  a  long  time  to  come.  With  regard  to 
Austrian  domestic  political  conditions,  Stürgkh  was  of 
opinion  that  there  was  no  likelihood  of  there  being  any 
trouble  during  the  few  months — perhaps,  indeed,  few  weeks 
only — of  the  war. 

The  assassination  of  the  heir  to  the  throne  had,  to  a 
certain  extent,  had  the  effect  of  uniting  all  the  Austrian 
Parties  and  nationalities.  The  greater  part  even  of  Bohemia 
was  now  loyal  to  the  State,  and  a  general  outburst  of 
popular  enthusiasm  might  be  counted  on. 

My  reply  to  Count  Stürgkh  was  that,  according  to  this, 
it  would  be  a  very  good  thing  to  try  to  come  to  an  agree- 
ment with  the  Czech  Parties  just  at  this  moment,  so  that 
this  war,  even  if  it  were  only  to  be  a  small  war  with  Serbia, 
would  yet  have  the  full  parliamentary  sanction  of  the 
people.  As  the  general  feeling  was  favourable,  on  his  own 
showing,  there  could  be  nothing  to  prevent  the  Austrian 
Reichsrat  from  being  won  over  to  unanimous  support  of 
the  steps  the  common  authorities  proposed.  This  was  in 
my  opinion  all  the  more  important  as  the  Hungarian 
Parliament  was  actually  sitting. 


54  MY  MEMOIRS 

Stürgkh  was  rather  alarmed  at  the  boldness  of  the  idea, 
and  thought  that  in  Austria  this  would  really  be  too 
dangerous  an  experiment ;  moreover,  he  was  firmly  con- 
vinced that  the  fighting  would  not  last  long,  and  that  there 
would  very  shortly  be  an  opportunity  of  turning  the  military 
successes  to  political  account. 

I  asked  Stürgkh  if  he  had  read  my  speeches  in  the 
Hungarian  Delegation. 

"  Unfortunately  I  have  not,"  he  said. 

"  That  is  a  pity,"  I  said,  "for  I  spoke  strongly  against 
military  action,  for  reasons  which  are  clearly  given  in  my 
brochure  on  the  Austrian  and  Hungarian  defensive  forces. 
You  have  read  that,  your  Excellency  ? 

"  Unfortunately  I  have  not,"  said  Stürgkh. 

"  That  is  a  pity,"  I  said.  "  Instead  of  turning  our 
back  on  Serbia,  we  ought  to  have  taken  her  to  our  heart. 
Instead  of  rejoicing  that  we  shall  soon  be  able  to  send  a 
Governor  there,  who  will  paint  all  the  guardhouses  black 
and  yellow,  we  ought  to  have  tried  to  conquer  the  whole 
of  Serbia  by  giving  her  our  Kultur,  a  gift  Russia  could  never 
have  offered  our  neighbour.  We  ought  to  have  been  the 
most  civilizing  element  in  the  Balkans,  only  it  was  essential 
that  we  should  learn  to  appreciate  the  vital  conditions  of 
the  Balkan  nations.  Essential.  For  the  Monarchy  is  called 
on  to  be  the  friend  of  the  Balkan  peoples  by  the  categorical 
imperative  of  geography." 

"  Of  course,"  said  Stürgkh,  "  of  course ;  that  must 
have  interested  Tisza  very  much,  and  certainly  Berchtold  ; 
it  is  not  my  affair." 

Buda  Pesth  was  enthusiastic.  It  was  an  outburst  of 
patriotic  feeling,  in  which  all  political  differences  were 
forgotten.  It  was  a  national  demonstration.  The  masses 
shouted  :  "  War  !  Hurrah  for  war  !  "  A  miracle  was 
accomplished :  "  God  save "  was  sung  in  the  open 
streets  as  well  as  the  Hungarian  hymn  ;  black  and  yellow 
flags  were  hoisted ;  the  whole  political  bitterness  of  the  past 
years  had  vanished  at  a  stroke. 

I  can  only  account  for  the  enthusiasm  by  the  fact  that 
the  misguided  policy  of  the  last  few  years  had  weighed  so 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  55 

heavily  on  all  classes  of  society,  and  Tisza's  rule  had  caused 
such  great  anxiety,  that  the  country  now  hoped  for  an 
improvement  from  a  change  of  any  kind.  Of  course,  under 
the  influence  of  mass  suggestion,  no  one  paused  to  consider 
whether  war  could  bring  about  an  improvement.  Not 
only  were  the  Press,  political  circles  and  even  the  leading 
statesmen  in  the  dark  as  to  the  actual  foreign  political 
situation,  and  equally  as  to  our  strength,  not  only  compared 
with  the  enemy,  but — and  this  I  should  like  to  emphasize 
particularly — they  had  just  as  little  idea  of  our  strength 
as  against  our  allies. 

On  the  26th  July,  after  the  memorable  sitting  of  the 
House  of  Deputies,  when  all  the  Parties  declared  them- 
selves in  favour  of  war,  I  had  a  long  talk  with  Tisza.  I 
asked  him  whether  we  really  knew  what  we  wanted  in 
Serbia.  Had  we  a  definite  programme  ?  Should  we  be 
more  than  a  match  for  the  Serbs  or  have  to  face  about  again 
after  defeat  ?  Could  we  govern  Serbia  ?  Did  we  want 
annexation  and  still  more  discontent  in  our  Empire  ?  » 

"  You  are  quite  right,"  said  Tisza,  "  but  Berchtold 
thinks  it  will  come  to  nothing ;  at  the  last  moment  everyone 
will  be  afraid." 

"  Germany  seems  to  know  very  well  what  she  wants," 
I  replied.  "  She  is  fully  prepared  for  war,  and  is  pursuing 
an  open  policy  of  annexation." 

"  Yes ;  but  we  must  pursue  a  policy  of  alliance,"  said 
Tisza.  "  Germany's  being  so  well  prepared  secures  our 
rear  against  Russia  ;  in  the  meantime  we  shall  very  soon 
settle  Serbia.  I  am  in  constant  touch  with  Berchtold. 
He  believes  in  a  peaceable  solution,  in  spite  of  the  German 
inclination  to  embark  on  a  European  conflict." 

In  the  meantime  I  had  joined  the  General  Staff  division 
of  the  IV  Corps,  which  was  at  that  time  quartered  in  the 
Buda  fortress  ;  there  I  learnt  that  when  sending  the  ulti- 
matum no  military  measures  of  any  kind  had  been  taken 

1  It  has  since  been  ascertained  that  at  the  Privy  Council  which 
decided  on  the  ultimatum  to  Serbia,  Count  Stefan  Tisza  strongly 
opposed  the  provocation  to  Serbia.  He  further  only  agreed  to  the 
declaration  of  war  on  condition  that,  as  far  as  the  Monarchy  was  con- 
cerned, there  should  be  no  intention  of  making  any  annexations. 


56  MY   MEMOIRS 

on  the  Serbian  frontier  by  the  military  authorities.  Every- 
thing was  on  the  lowest  peace  footing  at  Zimony,  in  the 
VII  Corps,  along  the  Danube  and  in  Croatia  and  Slavonia. 
Nor  had  there  been  any  concentration  of  troops  of  any  kind. 
I  spoke  to  Tisza  about  this  at  once.  Tisza  replied  that 
it  had  been  impossible  to  carry  out  any  military  measures 
on  account  of  the  opposition  made  by  Conrad,  who  had 
declared  that  he  could  not  expose  the  army  to  the  risk  of 
a  third  mobilization,  which — like  the  previous  mobilizations 
in  1908  and  1913 — might  again  end  in  nothing.  Moreover, 
the  military  measures  were  the  business  of  the  army 
authorities  and  not  of  the  Hungarian  Government. 

Long,  long  afterwards — in  the  interval  the  war  had  been 
lost  and  the  Monarchy  had  fallen  to  pieces — my  cousin 
Berchtold  told  me  at  my  villa  at  Clarens  of  an  important 
episode  which  had  occurred  at  that  time,  that  is,  30th  July 
1914.  Bethmann-Hollweg  had  been  asked  by  the  English 
Government  to  forward  Grey's  proposal  to  the  Austrian 
Foreign  Minister,  and  to  try  to  persuade  the  Ballplatz 
to  modify  the  ultimatum. 

Berchtold  was  lunching  with  Tschirschky,  the  German 
ambassador,  when  the  telegram  arrived.  Tschirschky  was 
not  enchanted  with  this  proposal,  nor  was  Berchtold  ;  they 
would  rather  have  compelled  Serbia  to  capitulate  uncondi- 
tionally— Berchtold  admitted  this  quite  calmly.  But  this 
request  of  Grey's  could  not  be  refused  without  further  ado. 
Berchtold  therefore  went  at  once  to  the  Emperor,  who 
said  :  "  Yes;  but  I  must  first  ask  Tisza." 

Tisza  was  asked  by  telephone,  and  gave  his  consent. 
The  note  went  to  Berlin  in  the  evening. 

In  the  meantime,  Berlin  was  already  far  advanced  with 
mobilization — Francis  Joseph's  conciliatory  attitude  was 
inopportune.  In  Berlin  they  wanted  war.  And  the  note 
was  not  forwarded  to  England. 

Of  this,  however,  neither  I  nor  anyone  else  knew  anything 
on  that  evening  of  the  30th  July  1914.  On  that  evening 
I  had  supper  at  the  National  Casino. 

Several  Generals  who  were  in  Pesth  came  in.     This  had 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  57 

never  happened  before  since  the  National  Casino  had 
existed.  At  any  other  time  it  would  have  been  high  treason 
to  the  black  and  yellow  Colours,  and  would  have  meant 
the  loss  of  their  gold  collars.  Now  black  and  yellow  flags 
were  being  waved  in  front  of  our  windows  by  excited  crowds 
of  people,  the  whole  town  was  aflame.  I  sat  at  the  same 
table  as  General  Terstyansky ;  gipsies  were  playing ;  a 
procession  of  twenty  thousand  people  was  just  streaming 
past.  "  Hurrah  !  "  rang  out.  Bands  accompanied  the 
procession.     Officers  were  carried  shoulder-high. 

Then  Terstyansky  urged  me  to  address  the  crowd — I 
was  in  uniform  ;  I  climbed  on  to  the  window-sill  and  spoke 
to  the  people — made  an  honestly  enthusiastic  speech. 
Between  their  roars  and  shouts  of  joy,  the  crowd  kept 
breaking  into  cheers  for  the  King,  for  Kaiser  Wilhelm,  for 
Victor  Emmanuel,  for  Carol  of  Rumania,  for  the  Mikado. 

Revenge,  pride,  power,  glory,  manhood — love  of  country, 
the  intoxication  of  the  hour,  the  flame  of  national  instinct, 
the  magic  of  an  inspiration  :  in  this  tremendous  whirl 
of  spontaneous  feeling  the  Hungarian  took  the  field 


AT    THE    FRONT 

On  the  5th  August  I  went  to  Stara  Pazua,  north  of 
Semlin,  as  Commandant  of  the  automobile  detachment  of 
the  IV  Corps.  My  orders  were  to  place  myself  at  the  dis- 
posal of  the  Officer  Commanding  the  14th  Brigade,  with 
a  view  to  organizing  an  espionage  service  in  Belgrade. 
The  drive  through  the  south-western  counties  of  Hungary 
was  a  thrilling  experience.  In  every  village  reservists 
crowned  with  wreaths  marching  in,  everywhere  music, 
fluttering  pennons  and  flags,  wild  enthusiasm.  On  crossing 
the  Croatian  frontier,  much  the  same  conditions  in  general, 
except  in  a  few  Serbian  towns,  where  stones  were  thrown 
at  our  motors. 

Assembling  the  army  which  was  to  march  on  Serbia  was 
a  slow  process,  seeing  that  up  to  the  26th  July  no  pre- 
parations had  been  made  for  mobilization. 

The  operations  were  to  be  conducted  by  the  Supreme 
Command  in  Peterwardein.  The  plan  of  campaign  had 
been  drawn  up  by  General  Potierek,  who  had  a  great 
reputation  as  a  tactician.  It  provided  for  the  invasion 
of  Serbia  from  west  to  east,  and  consequently  necessitated 
forcing  the  Drina  to  begin  with. 

Contrary  to  the  principle,  renowned  since  the  days  of 
Prince  Eugene,  of  advancing  on  Serbia  along  the  line  of 
the  river,  an  attempt  was  to  be  made  to  accomplish  the 
difficult  strategic  feat  of  forcing  the  crossing  of  a  suc- 
cession of  rivers  and  mountain  chains.  The  army  was  to 
have  been  assembled  by  14th  August.  It  is  due  to  Conrad's 
refusal  to  allow  any  measures  to  be  taken  before  war  was 
declared  that  it  was  possible  for  the  whole  Serbian  Army 
to  be  mobilized  down  to  the  last  battalion  before  hostilities 
commenced. 

58 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  59 

I  very  soon  discovered,  through  an  espionage  service 
I  had  hastily  improvised  on  the  spot — no  preparations  had 
been  made  in  this  respect  either — that  our  ultimatum,  and 
particularly  its  drastic  form,  had  taken  Serbia  by  surprise. 
When  we  declared  war,  there  were  not  more  than  two 
thousand  rifles  in  Belgrade.  If  the  Supreme  Command 
had  decided  to  occupy  Belgrade,  which  had  been  deserted 
by  the  authorities  and  was  absolutely  undefended,  by  a 
coup  de  main,  as  General  Terstyansky  advised  on  the  ioth 
August,  in  all  probability  unspeakable  disaster  would  have 
been  averted.  But  the  Supreme  Command  persisted  in 
carrying  out  the  original  plan  of  forcing  a  crossing  of  the 
Drina  from  Bosnia.  (The  operation — begun  on  the  most 
approved  scientific  principles — was  a  brilliant  success,  but 
the  patient  died.) 

As  Berchtold  did  not  grasp  the  foreign  political  situa- 
tion, and  Conrad  (in  spite  of  his  assertion  to  the  contrary  !) 
did  not  appear  to  have  considered  all  the  possibilities  of  a 
world  war,  for  otherwise  the  measures  taken,  or  rather  the 
omission  to  take  any  measures  at  all,  would  have  been  quite 
inexcusable,  the  mobilization  ordered  was  solely  from  the 
standpoint  of  a  war  with  Serbia.  The  fatal  mistake  of  this 
soon  became  obvious.  Early  in  August,  the  VIII  (Prague) 
and  the  whole  of  the  IX  (Leitmeritz)  Army  Corps  were  in 
process  of  concentration  towards  the  southern  theatre  of 
war.  In  the  midst  of  this  critical  railway  operation, 
the  far  more  difficult  operation  of  a  counter-move  towards 
the  northern  theatre  of  war  was  suddenly  necessitated 
by  the  course  of  events.  Simultaneously  the  bombardment 
of  the  undefended  capital  of  Serbia— a  disgrace  to  any 
serious  conduct  of  war — was  begun  by  our  heavy  artillery, 
which  had  arrived  in  the  meantime. 

This  is  how  our  war  began. 

The  divisions  between  the  Supreme  Command  and  the 
Foreign  Office  had  borne  their  first  fruits.  The  differences 
went  so  far  that  strict  orders  were  given  at  the  Headquarters 
of  the  Supreme  Command  not  to  give  the  representatives 
of  the  Foreign  Office  any  information  as  to  victories  or 
defeats,  or  measures  and  operations  proposed,  beyond  what 
was  contained  in  the  communiques  specially  concocted  for 


60  MY  MEMOIRS 

these  functionaries,  Consequently,  it  was  impossible  for  the 
men  who  had  to  give  information  to  our  ambassadors  to 
form  any  clear  idea  of  what  the  military  position  really  was. 

Sabac  was  our  first  great  event.  It  was  here  that  our 
inexperienced  troops  came  into  action  for  the  first  time. 
I  could  have  foretold  from  the  beginning  that  they  would 
get  the  worst  of  it.  It  is  true  that  amongst  my  intimate 
friends  there  is  a  saying  :  "A  Windischgraetz  always  knows 
best  " — but  this  time  I  really  did  know  best.  I  was  one 
of  the  very  few  officers  of  our  army  who  had  seen  the 
innovations  and  ruses  of  modern  warfare  in  natura.  During 
the  Balkan  War  I  had  taken  part  in  innumerable  actions 
with  a  machine  gun  detachment ;  my  circumstantial  reports 
of  the  details  of  modern  infantry  fighting  could  have  given 
the  authorities  a  certain  amount  of  information — if  they 
had  been  read.  It  was  well  known  that  I  had  studied  the 
war  in  the  most  advanced  fighting-line,  and  that  I  had  been 
in  Serbia  and  Bulgaria,  but  no  one  consulted  me.  I  was 
furious.  The  officers  of  the  General  Staff  all  thought  them- 
selves Napoleons,  but  they  generally  kept  to  paper ;  I 
only  saw  these  gentlemen  at  the  front  on  very  rare  occasions. 

The  only  shining  lights  among  the  leading  men  of  that 
period,  and  in  that  department,  were  the  Cavalry  General 
Terstyansky  and  his  able  Chief  of  the  Staff,  Colonel  Dani. 
Terstyansky  was  called  a  bloodhound,  and  he  talked  a  good 
deal  of  his  bloodthirstiness  and  made  a  joke  of  it.  He  was 
just  a  soldier,  both  in  a  good  and  a  bad  sense — his  nature 
carried  him  into  extremes  both  of  good  and  evil ;  but  he 
was  a  man,  a  splendid  fellow,  who  never  lost  his  head  when 
it  was  a  question  of  anything  serious.  War  is  terrible,  but 
when  once  the  Fury  has  broken  loose,  then  men  of  iron  are 
needed  to  take  the  command.  Dani  had  been  in  the  Russo- 
Japanese  War ;  I  made  his  acquaintance  at  that  time.  He 
was  one  of  the  most  able  and  experienced  of  the  higher 
grade  Staff  officers,  but  he  did  not  belong  to  the  clique 
in  the  Supreme  Command,  and  therefore,  even  later  on, 
he  was  never  given  any  post  of  importance  on  the  General 
Staff  during  the  whole  campaign. 

Much  that  is  untrue  has  been  written  of  the  cruelties 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  61 

on  our  side  at  Sabac.     I  should  like  to  relate  what  really 
happened. 

The  first  time  we  crossed,  we  simply  marched  into  the 
undefended  town.  The  inhabitants  behaved  quite  peace- 
ably. It  was  only  two  nights  later  that  the  Serbians  began 
to  attack  from  their  outer  ring.  During  the  fighting  by 
night,  troops  which  were  resting  in  the  principal  square 
were  fired  on  from  the  windows.  A  good  many  were 
wounded  and  two  officers  were  killed.  In  consequence  of 
this,  Terstyansky  had  the  houses  cleared  out ;  the  male 
occupants  were  brought  to  the  church  and  the  women 
and  children  shut  up  in  a  cafe  ;  there  they  remained  till 
the  next  day.  Our  black  and  yellow  flag  was  now  flying 
on  the  church  tower.  The  Serbian  artillery  had  a  good 
target  and  trained  their  guns  on  to  the  church  tower,  as 
a  result  of  which  many  of  their  own  countrymen  were  hit. 

The  next  evening  the  Serbian  encircling  movement 
became  more  and  more  definite  and  more  and  more  menacing. 
At  one  point  several  Serbian  companies  succeeded  in  forcing 
their  way  into  the  town.  At  this  moment  the  Serbians 
who  were  shut  up  in  the  churchyard  made  an  attempt  to 
disarm  the  detachment  guarding  them  and  to  rush  to  meet 
the  Serbians  who  had  got  in.  A  panic  ensued  in  the  town, 
which,  however,  quickly  subsided  when  the  invading  Ser- 
bians were  taken  prisoners  and  cut  off  by  our  own  Serbians. 
A  company  which  had  hurried  to  the  assistance  of  the  guard 
drove  the  prisoners  back  into  the  churchyard,  on  which 
occasion  some  of  them  lost  their  lives.  In  the  early  hours 
of  the  morning  the  artillery  fire  on  the  church  and  church- 
yard became  heavier,  the  tower  took  fire,  and  towards 
midday  the  greater  number  of  the  Serbians  shut  up  there 
were  dead.  Some  of  them  were  brought  to  the  field 
hospital  which  had  been  organized  in  Sabac,  where  they 
were  attended  to. 

The  dead  lay  in  the  burning  sun  for  two  whole  days, 
until  the  stench  became  unbearable  and  lime  was  poured 
over  them. 

There  were  a  few  other  cases  of  people  losing  their  heads 
We,  the  IV  Corps,  had  been  withdrawn  to  the  other  side 
of  the  river  ;    only  a  division  of  the  IX  (German  Bohemian) 


62  MY  MEMOIRS 

Corps  remained  behind  to  defend  the  bridgehead.  Two 
days  later  these  troops  were  thrown  into  disorder  by  a 
violent  Serbian  attack.  We  were  ordered  to  cross  over 
again  to  support  them.  We  arrived  just  at  the  moment 
of  the  enemy  assault  and  saw  an  officer  running  towards 
us  from  the  town,  on  foot,  without  cap  or  sword.  It  was 
Herr  Lothar  von  Hortstein,  the  Corps  Commandant,  in 
person.  Distracted  with  fright,  he  had  left  everything  in 
the  lurch  and  run  away ;  crossed  to  the  other  side  in  a  boat, 
and  was,  of  course,  immediately  dismissed  from  his  post 
and  sent  home. 

Terstyansky,  who  was  of  lower  rank,  then  took  command 
and,  regardless  of  the  heaviest  firing,  led  our  corps  over 
the  Save  bridge,  which  was  being  violently  shelled.  Hun- 
garian battalions  of  the  31st  and  32nd  (Pesth)  Division 
stormed  the  heights  south  of  the  town  and  held  three  Serbian 
divisions  in  check  which  were  trying  to  prevent  our  crossing 
the  Save. 

But  even  in  the  IV  Corps  we  had  adverse  experiences 
in  the  first  few  days  of  the  war.  I  was  marching  with  an 
infantry  regiment,  and  halted  in  a  village  right  and  left 
of  the  highroad.  Nothing  had  happened  on  the  way, 
except  that  we  were  worried  by  a  few  Komitadjis  firing 
from  trees  along  the  roadside.  The  horses  of  a  machine 
gun  detachment  were  frightened  by  the  shots  and  ran  away. 
The  whole  regiment  was  thrown  into  a  commotion,  and 
a  panic  ensued.  The  men  began  to  run,  the  officers  did 
what  they  could :  it  was  no  use ;  they  all  took  to  their  heels 
and  ran  without  stopping — ran  and  ran  for  six  kilometres. 
Then  they  all  stopped  suddenly  and  saw  that  nothing  had 
happened.  The  remarkable  thing  is  that  this  very  regiment 
fought  brilliantly  the  next  day. 

The  two  armies  under  Frank  and  Potiorek  had  crossed 
the  Drina  at  two  different  points.  I  was  selected  by 
Terstyansky  to  establish  communications. 

I  took  a  detachment  of  Uhlans  and  the  former  trumpeter 
of  my  squadron,  Corporal  Gaspar  Kovacs,  who  had  under- 
gone his  training  as  a  recruit  in  my  squadron  and  was  one 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  63 

of  my  grooms  at  Sarospatak  later  on.  There  were  already 
five  enemy  divisions  in  the  neighbourhood,  which  were 
marching  from  the  south  and  east  against  the  IV  Corps, 
fighting  before  Sabac.  Terrible  cruelties  were  practised  on 
our  troops.  Captured  patrols  were  massacred  at  once, 
their  stomachs  were  ripped  open  and  the  intestines  hung 
on  the  bushes.  This  is  how  our  men  found  them.  The 
Hungarians  were  infuriated. 

I  rode  slowly,  feeling  my  way  round  the  left  Serbian 
wing,  and  fell  in  unexpectedly  with  an  enemy  advanced 
guard.  In  the  little  fight  that  ensued  I  lost  a  couple  of 
Uhlans,  but  took  the  horses  belonging  to  the  Serbian  patrol. 
We  rode  on,  but  could  not  find  the  advancing  columns  of 
our  army.  It  was  getting  towards  evening,  and  I  saw 
that  it  would  soon  become  impossible  for  us  to  turn  back, 
as  Serbian  advanced  guards  had  already  cut  us  off  at  several 
points.  So  we  rode  westwards,  and  it  was  dark  when  we 
came  across  the  transport  of  our  21st  Division.  The  trans- 
port was  ahead,  and  no  division  came  behind  it.  Nothing 
but  the  remains  of  defeated  formations,  isolated  artillery 
units,  routed  troops  and  Windischgraetz  Dragoons,  whose 
fathers  had  been  led  by  my  father  in  1866.  I  had  a  talk 
with  the  men,  and  at  last  found  the  Staff  on  the  heights 
of  Cer.  There  I  heard  that  the  21st  Division  had  been 
almost  wiped  out  the  night  before  by  the  Serbians.  The 
disaster  was  in  part  due  to  the  Prague  Landwehr,  who  had 
surrendered  to  the  enemy. 

The  most  absolute  anarchy  reigned  in  this  Staff.  The 
Commandant  of  the  Division  insisted  that  he  was  in  com- 
mand, his  Staff  insisted  that  Frank  had  relieved  him  of 
his  post,  and  it  required  all  my  powers  of  persuasion  to 
induce  the  officers  to  come  to  an  agreement  and  obey  a 
Commandant.  By  this  means  dispositions  for  the  next 
day  were  eventually  issued,  to  the  effect  that,  with  the 
forces  collected  in  the  meantime,  a  position  was  to  be  taken 
up  to  hold  the  Cer  heights.  It  was  now  my  duty  to  take 
these  dispositions  to  Sabac,  which  was  assuredly  already 
invested  by  the  Serbians. 

I  left  my  tired-out  Uhlans  and  the  hungry  horses  behind 
and  was  given  twenty-one  dragoons.     Gaspar  and  I  took 


64  MY  MEMOIRS 

fresh  horses.  Towards  eleven  o'clock  we  were  riding  towards 
Sabac,  directly  in  the  rear  of  the  Serbians.  Suddenly  we 
were  fired  on  by  an  ambush.  We  took  the  Komitadjis 
and  hanged  them.  Every  half-hour  we  came  across  Serbian 
outposts.  Each  time  there  was  a  little  fighting  and  firing, 
and  on  each  of  these  occasions  some  of  my  dragoons  bolted 
in  the  darkness.  The  further  we  rode  through  the  night, 
the  smaller  my  little  detachment  grew.  One  of  them  would 
disappear  unexpectedly  behind  a  clump  of  trees  and  gallop 
back  in  the  dark.  It  was  very  sad  for  me.  My  father  had 
ridden  a  successful  charge  with  this  regiment  at  Trautenau, 
and  now  these  men  left  me  in  the  lurch  at  the  very  begin- 
ning of  the  war.  Again  and  again  my  faithful  Gaspar 
called  my  attention  to  a  defection,  and  finally  there  were 
only  six  of  us  left — four  dragoons,  my  hussar  and  myself. 
We  had  absolutely  lost  our  way.  We  were  hung  up  in  the 
middle  of  fields  of  Indian  corn  the  height  of  a  man,  riding 
backwards  and  forwards,  looking  for  a  way  out,  but  we 
could  not  find  our  bearings. 

Gaspar  said :  "  Sir,  you  have  gone  the  wrong  way 
to  work.  Officers  always  think  they  can  manage  best." 
"  Show  that  you  can  do  better,"  said  I  ;  "  but  if  you  don't 
find  the  way,  I  shall  shoot  you."  Within  half  an  hour 
Gaspar  had  put  us  right.  We  trotted  along  on  the  road  to 
Sabac  on  tenterhooks,  always  expecting  to  be  attacked  or 
fired  on  from  one  side  or  other.  It  began  to  be  lighter  ; 
we  could  distinguish  the  lie  of  the  ground:  we  saw  villages 
and  continued  to  ride  on  towards  Sabac,  which  we  thought 
we  could  see  already  in  the  grey  of  the  morning.  But  an 
iron  ring  lay  before  us,  the  Serbians. 

"  What  is  to  be  done  ?  "  I  asked  Gaspar. 

"We  must  get  through  the  Serbians,"  said  he. 

"  Of  course,  but  how  ?  " 

"  Ride  through,"  said  Gaspar. 

We  now  rode  very  slowly,  very  cautiously.  We  came 
across  a  Serbian  boy  in  a  field  and  interrogated  him.  He 
told  us  that  there  were  Serbian  soldiers  in  the  village  in 
front  of  us,  but  that  he  would  bring  us  into  the  village 
by  a  back  way,  as  the  road  to  Sabac  went  through  the 
place.     A  heavy  morning  fog  still  hung  over  the   Indian- 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  65 

corn  fields,  and  under  cover  of  it  we  rode  slowly  into  the 
village.  We  were  now  in  a  farmyard,  and  took  counsel 
together  as  to  what  was  to  be  done. 

We  looked  out  at  the  street :  Serbian  soldiers  were 
encamped  all  along  it;  I  even  detected  a  battery.  Should 
we  fight  our  way  through  on  foot  ?  None  of  my  men 
would  dismount. 

Then  Gaspar  got  down  and  calmly  opened  the  large 
gate,  as  though  we  were  going  out  for  a  ride.  He  let  the 
five  of  us  pass  through  at  walking  pace;  remounted  his 
horse  with  as  much  self-possession  as  though  he  were  on 
the  parade  ground.  ...  I  gave  the  signal,  and  away  we 
dashed  up  the  street  at  a  gallop.  The  Serbs  were  apparently 
in  doubt  as  to  who  the  riders  could  be — probably  did  not 
recognize  us  in  the  dim  morning  light  ;  for  when  at  last 
shouts  were  heard  and  a  few  shots  came  flying  after  us,  we 
were  already  outside  the  village.  We  rode  for  our  lives. 
In  half  an  hour  we  were  in  Sabac. 

Terstyansky  had  already  given  me  up  for  lost,  and  the 
information  I  had  brought  was  no  longer  of  any  use,  for 
in  the  meantime  the  evacuation  of  the  south  bank  of  the 
Save  had  been  ordered.  I  received  the  Military  Cross  for 
merit  with  the  war  ribbon,  however,  and  was  promoted  to 
be  a  Captain  out  of  my  turn.  My  hussar  was  given  the 
silver  medal  for  valour. 

I  left  Serbian  territory  and  went  north  with  the  IV 
(Terstyansky's)  Army  Corps,  the  only  one  that  had  never 
failed  to  distinguish  itself  in  the  south.  We  were  to  be 
posted  on  the  south  wing  of  the  great  battle  front,  to  retake 
Lemberg.  The  victories  at  Krasnik  and  Komarov  were 
literally  thrown  away.  General  Brudermann's  army  was 
destroyed. 

The  gentlemen  of  the  green  table  had  vast  ideas  and 
dreamt  of  a  march  on  Kiev  ;  but  they  really  must  have 
known  that  we  could  only  act  on  the  defensive  against  the 
numerical  superiority  opposed  to  us.  Neither  the  War 
Minister  nor  the  Chief  of  the  General  Staff  had  ever  had 
the  courage  to  say  plainly  that  we  were  too  weak  for  it. 
Conrad  himself  said  later  on  that  he  had  been  afraid  to 

5 


66  MY  MEMOIRS 

make  such  an  admission,  lest  it  should  be  put  down  to 
cowardice.  Consequently  the  gambling  began  at  the  very 
commencement  of  the  war. 

I  organized  the  espionage  service  here  in  the  north, 
just  as  I  had  done  in  Serbia.  I  saw  the  misery  of  the 
refugees  and  lived  in  the  midst  of  cholera  ;  I  acted  as 
administrator,  had  to  give  legal  verdicts  and  have  enemy 
spies  hanged.  I  took  part  in  the  fighting  at  Turka  and  Stare- 
Sambor  and  in  the  ghastly  retreats,  saw  our  frightful  losses 
and  learnt  to  know  the  splendid,  magnificent  human 
material  we  had,  and  the  unaccountable  ways  of  the  Supreme 
Command. 

As  early  as  on  the  17th  September  I  wrote  in  my 
diary  :  "  Even  Conrad  seems  to  be  a  failure."  It  was  cer- 
tainly painful  to  me  to  have  to  make  this  entry,  for  Conrad 
owed  his  career  to  my  father,  who  had  made  his  acquaint- 
ance on  the  occasion  of  an  inspection.  He  spoke  to  Franz 
Ferdinand  about  him,  and  when  he  was  actually  on  his 
deathbed  I  took  down  a  letter  he  dictated,  in  which  he 
recommended  Conrad  to  the  heir  to  the  throne  as  the  most 
suitable  Chief  of  the  General  Staff  for  the  future.  But, 
clever  as  Conrad  might  be  as  a  strategist,  he  was  just  as 
weak  as  a  soldier.  When  all  is  said  and  done,  he  was  not 
a  soldier  at  all,  for  there  was  nothing  stern  about  him ;  he 
was  too  ethereal,  too  much  of  a  philosopher,  and  the  army 
was  really  commanded  by  a  few  Generals  who  were  with 
him  at  General  Headquarters.  Conrad  probably  knew 
nothing  of  the  goings  on,  of  the  favouritism,  of  the  intrigues 
of  these  gentlemen.  He  worked  day  and  night  with  the 
greatest  devotion,  thought  out  grand  plans  and  dreamt 
of  great  battles,  whilst  those  about  him  were  engaged  in 
petty,  infamous  and  criminal  manoeuvres.  I  often  talked 
to  Terstyansky  and  his  Chief  of  the  Staff,  Dani,  about  the 
clique  at  General  Headquarters,  and  even  at  that  time 
Terstyansky  said  he  had  had  enough  of  it  and  would  retire 
on  a  pension  as  soon  as  the  war  was  over.  It  was  not  an 
unknown  thing  for  contrary  dispositions  to  be  sent  out  by 
the  Supreme  Command.  Arrangements  of  all  kinds  were 
made  at  the  green  table,  in  the  most  unscrupulous  way, 
and  our  troops  were  foolishly  sent  here,  there  and  every- 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  67 

where,  and  tired  out,  till  they  entirely  lost  the  "  character  " 
of  the  detachment  which  has  confidence  in  its  command. 
And  without  character  the  soldier  ceases  to  be  a  soldier. 

Even  the  Lines  of  Communication  service  did  not  work 
properly.  I  saw  dead  lying  at  places  near  the  road  and 
the  railway  where  there  had  been  fighting,  wounded  men 
dying  without  being  attended  to,  cholera  and  dysentery 
cases  for  which  no  sanitary  measures  of  any  kind  were 
taken  ;  and  more  than  once  I  have  told  the  General  Staff 
very  plainly  by  telephone  what  I  thought  of  this  scandalous 
state  of  affairs. 

At  that  time  I  would  willingly  have  mixed  myself  up 
in  everything.  I  should  have  liked  to  have  the  disposal  of 
the  divisions,  and  at  the  same  time  I  wanted  to  ride  out 
on  patrol  duty ;  but  even  as  it  was,  I  said  too  much — I  was 
always  en  evidence,  more  so  than  was  compatible  with  my 
humble  position.  And  I  often  wondered  what  inquiries 
these  gentlemen  made  about  me  and  what  they  were  told. 

My  resolve  to  devote  myself  seriously  to  politics,  in 
order  to  turn  all  my  experiences  to  account  for  the  general 
good,  if  I  came  safely  through  the  war,  took  more  and 
more  concrete  form. 

After  the  victory  at  Komarov,  when  Auffenberg  was 
making  a  turning  movement  towards  Rava  Ruska-Lemberg, 
Terstyansky  pushed  on  his  troops  from  the  south.  The 
Hungarian  regiments  of  our  corps,  accustomed  to  victory 
in  Serbia,  were  irresistible.  The  Russian  masses  were 
routed  at  that  time  in  open  fighting,  without  wire  or 
trenches ;  village  after  village  was  taken  ;  25,000  prisoners 
and  58  guns  were  captured  by  our  corps  alone.  I  once 
had  the  good  fortune  to  be  allowed  to  charge  with 
the  44th  Regiment — an  experience  never  to  be  forgotten. 
The  wildest  enthusiasm,  notwithstanding  heavy  losses;  the 
Hungarian  peasant  delirious  with  victory.  The  regimental 
band  played.  The  glorious  setting  sun  illuminated  the 
shattered  Russian  batteries  and  the  headlong  flight  of  the 
few  of  the  enemy  who  had  escaped.  On  we  went — full  tilt. 
We  were  approaching  Lemberg,  we  had  already  come  up 
with  the  Russian  transport;  then  came  the  defeat  of  the 
extreme   northern   wing.     Everything   that   had   been   won 


68  MY  MEMOIRS 

was  sacrificed,  and  we  had  to  turn  back.  We  crossed 
the  Carpathians  in  forced  marches  as  far  as  Hommona  ;  the 
Supreme  Command's  order  obliged  us  to  retire  behind  the 
mountain  passes,  which  the  enemy  were  not  attacking  at 
all.  The  result  was  that  shortly  afterwards  the  Uzoker 
Pass  had  to  be  retaken  at  enormous  cost.  If  we  had  halted 
there,  we  could  easily  have  defended  the  pass.  This  experi- 
ence of  blundering  on  the  part  of  the  General  Staff  reduced 
us  to  despair  and  impotent  wrath. 

One  thing  is  true  in  spite  of  everything,  and  must  not 
be  forgotten — the  greatest  possible  credit  is  due  to  two 
men,  the  Archduke  Friedrich  and  Conrad,  for  what  they 
did  at  that  time.  Our  armies  had  been  absolutely  broken 
up  in  the  north,  and  the  defensive  force  had  literally  to 
be  reconstructed.  After  a  few  months  of  indefatigable 
toil,  on  judicious  and  practical  lines,  the  great  work  of 
regeneration  had  been  accomplished.  It  proved  to  be  a 
masterpiece,  for  which  no  admiration  can  be  too  great. 

During  the  whole  time  that  I  spent  at  the  front,  I  made 
notes  every  day.  Perhaps  my  impressions  will  have  some 
documentary  value  in  later  years,  as  they  were  formed  in 
the  atmosphere  of  reality.  I  will  only  give  a  few  samples 
here,  selected  at  random,  omitting  military  experiences  and 
descriptions  of  battles  as  far  as  possible. 

31st  August,  1914,  Przemysl.  G.H.Q. — Meet  the  Ger- 
man General  F.  L.  at  G.H.Q.  ;  he  criticizes  our  military 
strategy  severely,  and  complains  of  the  bad  faith  shown 
by  the  Austro-Hungarian  Command.  Most  of  the  measures 
are  bluff  on  the  part  of  our  General  Staff.  The  Germans 
have  taken  two  Russian  Army  Corps  in  East  Prussia.  The 
Germans  want  a  war  indemnity  of  a  hundred  and  twenty 
milliards,  which  must  be  paid  by  France,  Belgium  and 
Russia. 

yd  October,  Hajasd.  Headquarters  of  the  IV  Army 
Corps. — General  Karg,  commanding  the  38th  Hungarian 
Landsturm  Division,  asks  for  reinforcements.  Terstyansky 
refuses.     Request  renewed  after  a  time.    Terstyansky  replies 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  69 

that  he  has  no  troops  available.  Later  comes  a  third 
desperate  appeal.  Terstyansky  sends  him  word  :  Dig  in — 
await  bayonet  attack — die. 

io/ä  October,  Turka. — Ride  with  twenty  hussars  to 
Javora,  a  Ruthenian  village,  whose  peasants  have  devas- 
tated and  sacked  Turka.  Innumerable  outraged  women 
and  girls  come  to  complain.  At  last  I  have  got  hold  of 
the  five  chief  criminals.  I  have  one,  the  eldest  of  them, 
hanged  by  the  hussars  and  Victor. 

Victor  and  Gaspar  were  grooms  on  my  property  at 
Sarospatak.  Two  fearless  fellows  and  absolutely  devoted 
to  me  ;  jealous  of  my  favour,  they  could  fight  one  another 
to  the  knife  in  spite  of  their  friendship.  Victor  is  the  son 
of  one  of  my  father's  orderlies,  who  rode  the  famous  charge 
with  him  in  '66.  He  was  first  kitchen  and  then  stable 
boy — an  exceptionally  good  rider.  Was  a  remount  rough- 
rider  in  my  regiment,  later  on  orderly  and  my  chauffeur. 
Joined  my  "  Tiger  "  battalion,  where  he  rose  to  be  acting 
officer.  He  has  a  fierce  Mongolian  face,  and  would  go 
through  hell  for  me  without  hesitation.  Gaspar,  the  trum- 
peter of  the  squadron,  is  a  typical  Hungarian  peasant.  He 
was  a  recruit  in  my  squadron,  then  a  groom  in  my  service. 
Once,  when  I  was  playing  polo  at  Buda  Pesth,  he  brought 
me  three  ponies,  all  badly  saddled.  I  abused  him  before 
everyone.  In  the  evening  he  came  to  my  room  and  gave 
notice  ;  he  said  he  had  no  honour  left,  because  I  had  abused 
him  in  public.  I  saw  that  I  had  done  wrong,  begged  his 
pardon,  and  held  out  my  hand.  He  saved  my  life  at  Sabac 
He  is  a  gentleman. 

Both  are  still  with  me,  married,  at  Sarospatak.  I  have 
given  them  land,  and  they  are  my  most  faithful  friends. 

In  October  I  was  sent  for  to  work  in  the  Operations 
Department,  was  attached  to  the  General  Staff  and  be- 
longed to  the  Evidence  Section.  It  was  intended  as  a 
distinction,  but  really  meant  the  grave  of  my  hopes,  for 
I  wanted  to  be  given  a  squadron. 

In  November  we  were  engaged  further  north.     We  were 


70  MY  MEMOIRS 

to  fill  up  the  gap  between  the  German  armies  in  the  east 
under  Mackensen  and  General  Woyrsch's  army  in  Poland. 
Why  we  had  to  help  the  Germans  when  we  were  in  danger 
lower  down,  I  could  not  understand. 

i$th  November,  Rosenberg. — Sent  with  Captain  Count 
Belrupt  to  the  German  frontier  command  at  Rosenberg. 
We  are  commissioned  to  see  General  Backmeister,  the  Vice- 
General  Commandant  of  Breslau,  the  next  morning,  to 
obtain  information  as  to  the  desired  offensive.  We  are  not 
admitted,  and  return  to  the  hotel. 

We  call  at  the  office  of  the  administrator  of  the  district 
at  eight  o'clock  the  next  morning.  Backmeister  receives 
us  very  stiffly  and  tries  to  get  rid  of  us  at  once.  But  we 
say  that  we  are  here  to  discuss  the  offensive.  He  thinks 
we  had  better  concern  ourselves  about  our  own  offensive  ; 
on  which  we  become  still  less  civil,  and  pointing  out  that  our 
Landsturm  men  always  fight  magnificently  (? !),  we  demand  that 
Menges'  German  Landsturm  Division  shall  march  on  Wielun, 
in  order  to  draw  the  Russian  forces  and  thus  facilitate  our 
advance  across  the  Warthe.  A  few  more  unpleasant  things 
are  said  on  both  sides.  At  last  he  promises  to  push  forward 
nine  battalions  towards  Wielun  on  the  17th  November. 
It  is  amusing  that  Backmeister  tells  us  of  40,000  prisoners 
from  East  Prussia,  without  knowing  that  we  had  seen 
Ludendorff's  telegram,  which  only  speaks  of  20,000,  before 
he  saw  it  himself. 

igth  November,  Szcepane.  Headquarters  of  the  IV 
Army  Corps. — Any  amount  of  people  come  to  complain 
that  our  troops  have  taken  their  carts,  horses,  oats  and 
bread  from  them.  They  took  us  for  Prussians.  Anyhow, 
it  is  an  illusion  to  suppose  that  the  Poles  throw  in  their  lot 
with  us. 

25th  November,  Wazos.  Headquarters  of  the  IV 
Army  Corps. — To-day  the  2nd  Reserve  Guards  Division, 
which  is  now  put  under  our  Army  Corps,  marched  through 
here.  Comparing  these  fresh,  well  led  giants  with  our  poor, 
badly  clothed   men,   who   had   been   driven   from   pillar   to 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  71 

post  and  had  not  washed  for  three  months,  it  might  be 
supposed  that  our  troops  were  not  soldiers  at  all ;  and  yet 
I,  who  have  seen  both  under  fire,  know  that  the  intrinsic 
value  of  our  troops  is  unquestionably  higher.  For,  badly 
and  weakly  led,  without  driving  force  or  rational  authority, 
our  soldiers,  as  such,  achieve  far  more  than  the  German 
soldiers  ;  but  our  whole  machinery  is  inherently  rotten. 
Our  State  is  governed  by  a  combination  of  loyalty,  humbug, 
ante-chamber  administration  and  a  tissue  of  lies. 

28/A  November,  Pajecno.  Headquarters  of  the  IV 
Army  Corps. — Long  talk  with  Terstyansky  about  our  State 
and  army  system.  If  I  have  anything  in  view  now,  it  is 
to  carry  on  a  ruthless  fight  in  future  against  the  rottenness 
which  has  brought  our  Monarchy  into  this  position.  The 
espionage  service  I  have  organized  here  works  without 
a  hitch  now.  The  name  of  one  of  my  spies  is  Feinbube. 
I  have  interesting  threads  extending  to  Warsaw,  which 
enabled  me  to  report  the  whole  advance  of  the  III  (Cau- 
casian) Corps  in  the  direction  of  Novo-Radomsk  a  week 
ago.  Of  course,  no  one  at  the  Headquarters  of  the  II  Army 
believed  it.  A  Russian  attack  yesterday  brought  con- 
firmation. Also  learnt  from  Warsaw  how  stupidly  we 
carried  on  propaganda  there  for  Austria-Hungary  ;  the 
really  important  labour  and  peasant  organizations,  which 
influence  feeling  in  the  country,  were  entirely  disregarded, 
and  any  amount  of  money  was  spent  on  political  adven- 
turers who  have  no  influence  at  all. 

2Q)th  November. — Innumerable  prisoners  come  in.  The 
Prussian  Commandant  wants  the  whole  transport  to  be 
accommodated  in  the  Catholic  church.  Terstyansky  quite 
rightly  forbids  it.  Both  here  and  in  France  the  Germans 
seem  to  make  themselves  specially  unpopular  with  the 
people  by  their  tactless  and  inconsiderate  behaviour. 

Journey  by  night  to  the  Army  Headquarters — very 
difficult,  our  maps  quite  useless. 

ist  December. — In  the  afternoon,  Captain  N.,  of  the 
General  Staff,  who  is  attached  to  us,  arrives.     He  is  coldly 


72  MY  MEMOIRS 

received  by  Terstyansky,  as  everyone  blames  him  for  not 
having  known  of  the  Russian  mobilization  in  St.  Petersburg. 
It  is  discussed  at  once.  He  defends  himself  like  a  true 
diplomat,  aristocrat  and  General  Staff  Officer. 

2nd  December. — News  that  Belgrade  is  in  our  hands — 
now,  after  four  months'  fighting ;  and  we  could  have 
marched  in  without  loss  of  life  in  August.  But  Potierek 
wanted  to  force  the  Drina  and  acquire  fame  as  a  military 
strategist  from  his  drawing-room. 

yth  December,  Szcercow.  Headquarters  of  the  IV 
Corps. — Prince  Max  Fürstenberg  and  Colonel  Bardolff 
received  at  Koschentin  by  the  German  Kaiser,  who  is  said 
to  have  been  charming.  Forty  of  our  men  of  the  XII  Corps 
were  presented  to  him,  in  their  grimy  uniforms,  straight 
from  the  trenches  ;  the  German  soldiers  had,  of  course,  been 
put  into  new  full-dress  uniforms. 

8th  December. — The  Germans  treat  the  officers  they  take 
prisoners  most  roughly  and  rudely. 

12th  December. — The  Jews  here  know  of  all  our  suc- 
cesses and  failures  in  the  most  astonishing  way  long  before 
we  ourselves,  who  hear  nothing  but  the  lies  we  are  told  by 
the  Army  Command. 

Army  Chaplain  V.,  from  Pesth,  comes  to  visit  the  mili- 
tary hospitals  and  is  very  badly  treated  by  Terstyansky. 
He  does  not  like  parsons  in  the  field,  and  is  really  right  in 
this,  as  most  of  them  only  care  for  eating  and  drinking. 

13/Ä  December. — Now  that  I  have  an  insight  into  the 
inner  working  of  our  Command,  I  often  reflect  on  how 
injurious  the  truly  Austrian  noli-me-tangere  policy  in  our 
army  is.  Mistakes  and  blunders  could  never  be  exposed, 
because  it  was  disloyal. 

15th  December. — Have  been  at  General  Woyrsch's  Head- 
quarters to-day.  The  German  leadership  really  brilliant. 
All  the  authorities  at  home  and  the  commands  at  the 
front  work  together  harmoniously.     Mutual  confidence  every- 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  73 

where,  from  the  Imperial  Chancellor  to  the  German  Supreme 
Command  and  down  to  the  trenches.  With  us  just  the 
opposite.  Of  course,  we  cannot  look  after  our  own  interests 
as  against  our  allies  under  these  circumstances.  Nor  are 
these  interests  safeguarded  by  our  leaders,  as  none  of  them 
want  to  fall  out  with  the  all-powerful  German  Supreme 
Command,  and  all  the  men  of  high  position  (except  men 
of  Terstyansky's  stamp)  want  the  order  Pour  le  merite. 
The  result  is  that  the  poor  Hungarian  Baku  pays  for  it. 

xyth  December,  Gorzkovice. — Motors  remain  here  under 
Desfours  and  Auersperg's  command,  until  we  get  back  to 
the  road.  It  was  most  difficult  to  explain  to  the  General 
Staff  Officers  that  motors  cannot  fly  in  mud  and  slush. 

20th  December,  Stara. — News  in  the  evening  that  Bel- 
grade has  been  evacuated  again  and  we  have  lost  15,000 
prisoners  and  28  guns.  Had  a  heated  conversation  with 
the  General  Staff  Officers.     Very  sad  evening. 

Our  Army  Command  gave  a  whole  series  of  absolutely 
confused  orders  to-day,  which  we  had  already  received  in 
proper  form  direct  from  Woyrsch. 

It  is  characteristic  of  the  state  of  affairs  there  that 
a  day  or  two  ago  a  spy  dressed  as  a  German  flying  officer 
obtained  access  to  Bardolff,  who  had  all  the  positions  marked 
on  his  map  for  him,  on  which,  of  course,  he  disappeared. 
The  greatest  secrecy  observed  towards  their  own  people, 
but  when  a  stranger  comes,  no  inquiry  is  even  made  as  to 
who  he  is. 

This  is  typical. 

27th  December. — The  Army  Command  made  it  impossible 
for  the  troops  to  have  any  rest  during  the  holidays.  Three 
divisions  marched  backwards  and  forwards,  doing  as  much 
as  35  kilometres  a  day,  only  to  establish  communications 
which  were  completely  severed,  without  even  having  fired 
a  shot. 

2Q,th  December. — Once  more  with  the  31st  Division  after 
a  long  interval.     Felt   wretched   during  the   action   taking 


74  MY  MEMOIRS 

place  before  my  eyes.  Things  were  going  very  well ;  sud- 
denly, without  our  knowledge,  the  Army  Command  with- 
drew the  order  to  attack  given  to  a  flanking  group,  which 
consequently  did  not  advance.  Terstyansky  was  furious. 
Result,  1,000  men  and  14  officers  of  the  brave  3rd  Bosniacs 
killed,  quite  uselessly  sacrificed.  Probably  a  "  slight  mistake  " 
at  Headquarters.  Possibly  his  coffee  had  disagreed  with 
one  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  II  Army  Command.  Our 
ill-starred  system  must  break  down  before  other  con- 
ditions can  be  hoped  for,  and  the  saddest  part  of  it  all  is 
that,  if  our  cause  is  victorious,  everything  will  be  certain  to 
remain  as  before. 

31st  December. — The  year  1914  is  at  an  end.  If  I  must 
say  something  comprehensive  about  my  experiences,  I  can 
only  say  :  All  that  the  Monarchy  is  going  through  now  is 
owing  to  the  self-deception  which  was  ingeniously  practised 
and  fostered  in  all  quarters. 

On  New  Year's  Day  the  Corps  Headquarters  were  shifted 
to  Sulejeva. 

3rd  January,  Sulejeva. — It  is  a  fundamental  charac- 
teristic of  this  world  war  that  all  the  States,  without 
exception,  underrated  their  opponents.  This  applies  par- 
ticularly to  Germany  as  regards  France.  Truly,  the  reasons 
for  this  mistake  were  different ;  in  the  case  of  Germany, 
for  instance,  it  was  overweening  vanity;  in  our  case,  the 
criminal  stupidity  of  our  leading  circles. 

$th  January. — Long  talk  with  Hohenlohe  about  the 
system  of  our  various  representatives.  When  driven  into 
a  corner,  all  these  diplomats  admit  that  they  really  did 
nothing,  only  each  just  shifts  the  blame  on  to  the  other. 

6th  January. — Ordered  by  Terstyansky  to  ride  out  to 
survey  the  positions  with  the  Army  Commanders,  General 
Böhm-Ermolli  and  Colonel  Bardolff.  Bardolff  tells  me  he 
remembers  having  seen  me  on  the  occasion  of  the  launch 
at  Trieste.     I   reply  :     "  I   really  don't  remember."     Here 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  75 

a  characteristic  scene  is  enacted.  Our  Second  Army  is 
composed  of  purely  Hungarian  regiments.  The  General  in 
command  of  the  army  wants  to  make  a  speech  to  the  men. 
In  the  whole  Staff,  including  divisional,  brigade  and  regi- 
mental commanders,  there  is  no  one  who  can  speak  Hun- 
garian, so  I  have  to  interpret  what  he  says.  And  without 
knowing  their  language,  they  ask  these  men  to  allow  them- 
selves to  be  led  into  a  running  fire!  The  remarkable  thing 
about  it  is  that  in  spite  of  it  they  fight  like  heroes. 

yth  January. — The  old  priest  has  a  quantity  of  national 
pictures  in  his  room,  which  anyhow  leads  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  Russians  have  spared  the  Poles'  national  feeling. 
I  have  not  found  pictures  of  the  Tsar  anywhere  here, 
as  yet. 

To-day  I  have  seen  the  first  female  soldier,  Corporal 
Mariska  B.  She  was  in  the  Serbian  fighting,  and  has  been 
wounded  five  times. 

gth  January. — My  wife  arrived  at  Piotrkof  as  a  nurse  in 
Field  Hospital  3/IV.  We  meet  once  more  after  anxious 
months.  Excellency  Giesl,  the  former  minister  in  Belgrade, 
has  arrived.  With  him  is  Councillor  Wiesner  from  the 
Foreign  Office,  who  appears  to  be  a  very  intelligent  man 
— on  that  account  he  plays  no  part  at  the  Ballplatz.  Giesl 
tells  us  that,  as  representative  of  the  Foreign  Office  at 
G.H.Q.,  he  is  given  no  information,  and  is  compelled  to  sit 
as  though  behind  a  high  wall.  Complains  bitterly  of  the 
absolute  lack  of  co-operation  between  foreign  and  domestic 
policy  as  well  as  with  the  military  operations.  Learn  from 
him  that  Tisza  had  been  to  see  the  German  Kaiser,  to 
dissuade  him  from  the  idea  of  ceding  Transylvania.  I  ask 
him  whether  any  agreements  with  Germany  exist,  as  in 
my  opinion  it  would  be  better  to  conclude  peace  without 
Germany  even  now,  before  the  Monarch  loses  as  much  as 
a  foot  of  his  own  territory.  If  Germany  generously  wishes 
to  give  away  Transylvania,  that  is  really  no  reason  why 
we  should  be  generous.  And  if  Berchtold  forgets  to  look 
after  our  interest,  he  ought  to  be  hanged  on  the  highest 
gallows. 


76  MY  MEMOIRS 

loth  January. — Terstyansky  has  had  the  parish  council 
convened,  to  give  it  a  lesson,  as  he  says.  A  company  turns 
out.  The  Rabbi,  priest,  eight  Jews  and  eight  Christians 
await  him  in  the  town  hall.  Then  I  have  to  translate  a 
great  deal  of  abuse  lavished  on  them  by  Terstyansky  because 
his  orders  were  not  carried  out.  Prescribes  a  contribution 
of  3,000  roubles,  which  must  be  paid  by  to-morrow  evening. 
Loud  wailing  and  lamentation.  In  spite  of  it  the  whole  is 
paid  by  the  evening. 

13th  January. — Prince  Joachim  of  Prussia  paid  a  visit 
to  the  31st  Division  to-day,  and  then  to  Terstyansky,  whom 
he  induced,  after  much  persuasion,  to  accept  the  Iron  Cross. 
I  myself  reserve  my  final  verdict  on  our  allies  till  after  the 
conclusion  of  peace.  A  State  so  badly  ruled  in  every  respect 
as  ours  will  play  the  worst  possible  part  as  against  the  allies, 
as  well  as  against  the  enemy — whether  victory  or  defeat. 

14th  January. — The  female  corporal  has  already  been 
packed  off  home,  it  having  turned  out  that  she  is  in  the 
family  way. 

23rd  January. — Terstyansky  tells  me  he  has  been 
severely  reprimanded  by  the  Army  Command,  on  account 
of  the  Hungarian  speech  he  made  not  long  ago.  Of 
course,  the  Army  Command  is  envious  of  his  success 
and  his  popularity,  and  will  now  take  every  opportunity 
of  injuring  him. 

I  really  seem  to  myself  a  very  poor  creature  here,  eating 
and  drinking  and  revelling  in  the  dainties  brought  by 
Peter  S.,  while  such  serious  things  are  going  on. 

24th  January. — The  German  military  attache  came  to- 
day with  eight  officers  from  the  neutral  States.  There  was 
a  great  display  for  their  benefit,  but  they  were  really  shown 
nothing.  Rules  of  conduct  for  meals  have  been  issued  by 
the  Supreme  Command.  Hungarian  is  not  to  be  spoken  ! 
Terstyansky  says  we  are  just  to  do  it,  and  he  himself  ended 
his  toast  in  Hungarian.  "  I  am  proud  of  my  Hungarian 
Corps,"   he  said,   "  which  was  always  victorious  ;   proud  of 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  77 

my  Staff  and  of  my  men,  who  go  through  thick  and  thin  ! 
Windischgraetz,  no  obstacle  is  too  great  for  you  !  " — and 
clinked  his  glass  with  mine. 

In  the  afternoon  I  met  W.  F.,  shirt  manufacturer  from 
Buda  Pesth,  volunteer,  Jew,  with  a  large  gold  medal  for 
valour. 

2jth  January. — Terstyansky  talks  of  his  position  towards 
the  heir  to  the  throne.  I  reiterate  my  point  of  view,  that, 
in  our  Monarchy,  it  is  only  the  people  that  are  of  any  use  ; 
the  upper  classes  and  the  Government  are  no  good  to  anyone. 

30th  January. — To-day  great  dinner  with  Böhm,  Bar- 
dolff  and  Jelensics.  When  the  officers  were  introduced, 
General  Böhm  said :  "I  dislike  shaved  moustaches,  a 
detestable  custom."  Characteristic,  that  the  Commander 
of  an  army,  who  comes  for  the  first  time  to  visit  a  corps 
which  has  been  under  fire  without  intermission  for  six 
months,  can  find  nothing  else  to  say. 

2nd  February. — We  are  to  move  on  to-morrow.  Thank 
Heaven  !  Here  we  are  nothing  more  than  a  club,  with 
plenty  to  eat  and  drink.  It  would  be  a  good  thing  if  a 
few  shells  fell.  Discussed  reform  of  the  common  Constitu- 
tion for  three  whole  hours  with  Niky  Desfours.  He  is 
certainly  a  sensible  man,  although  very  mischievous. 

16th  February. — Made  the  journey  to  Vienna  via 
Dresden  in  one  day.  I  wore  my  big  fur  coat  and,  like  all 
officers  at  the  front,  a  red  cap,  the  same  as  that  worn  by 
the  men.  A  Captain  stopped  me  on  the  Graben,  found 
fault  with  my  turn-out  and  abused  me,  as  he  took  me  for 
a  sergeant-major.  I  opened  my  fur  coat  and  let  him  see 
my  rank.  He  apologized  at  once,  and  said  the  Platzkom- 
mando did  not  wish  that — and  so  forth.  I  was  in  a  hurry, 
and  said  :    "  Hang  the  Platzkommando  !  " 

22nd  February,  Hommona.  Headquarters  of  the 
IV  Corps. — Terstyansky  commands  an  army  group  of 
nine  divisions.  We  are  to  attempt  a  break  through  in 
the  general  direction  of  Lisko-Przemysl. 


78  MY  MEMOIRS 

23rd  February,  Cisna.  Headquarters  of  the  IV 
Corps. — Immense  numbers  of  friends  and  enemies  are 
being  buried  in  great  pits.  How  many  men  disappear  in 
this  way,  without  their  belongings  ever  discovering  when 
and  where  fate  overtook  them ! 

2jth  February. — To-day  Alfred  Ringhofer  succeeded 
Kinsky  as  orderly  officer.  Is  not  recognized  as  one  of 
themselves,  however,  by  some  of  the  orderly  officers,  as 
he  is  only  a  baron. 

ist  March. — I  am  now  sitting  here  in  a  farmhouse  by 
the  crackling  fire,  marking  the  enemy  movements  on  the 
map,  whilst  the  battle  rages  four  kilometres  away  and 
thousands  lose  their  lives.  In  modern  warfare  this  is  called 
directing  battles. 

In  the  evening  General  Kreysa  tells  us  that  three  Czech 
regiments  were  disbanded  which  had  mutinied.  This 
must  not  be  mentioned,  however,  before  His  Majesty.  It 
ought  not  to  be,  and  consequently  does  not  exist.  This 
ostrich  policy  of  concealment  from  a  senile  man  is  what 
controls  all  our  measures,  through  which  millions  perish. 

3rd  March. — It  is  characteristic  of  our  strategy  that 
the  same  point  where  we  are  now  attacking  with  almost 
100  battalions  was  held  in  the  retreat  for  several  months 
by  one  infantry  division,  and  then  given  up  without  any 
reason. 

Terstyansky  was  to  force  a  break  through  to  Przemysl, 
but  it  was  the  depth  of  winter,  and  there  was  only  one  road 
over  the  Carpathians,  no  railway.  It  was  impossible  to 
send  on  the  artillery  by  the  frozen  roads.  The  infantry 
advance,  the  fighting  in  positions  in  the  snow,  already 
imposed  the  severest  test  on  human  powers  of  resistance. 
Terstyansky  looked  after  the  comfort  of  his  troops,  although 
he  was  the  strictest  disciplinarian.  He  lived  with  them  at 
the  front,  he  was  often  in  the  front  line,  he  never  spared 
himself,  and  he  did  everything  to  make  life  and  fighting 
easier  for  them.     He  was  even  harder  on  the  officers  than 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  79 

on  the  men.  He  never  left  his  troops  in  the  lurch  and 
thoroughly  appreciated  them.  Colonel  Dani  was  his  com- 
plement in  every  respect,  and  understood,  moreover,  how 
to  deal  with  Terstyansky.  He  sat  down  now  and  wrote 
a  report  to  the  Supreme  Command  in  which  he  pointed  out 
that  to  risk  the  loss  of  further  human  material  in  frontal 
attacks  on  both  sides  of  the  road  from  Baligrod  to  Zisko 
would  be  absolutely  useless.  The  answer  came,  to  continue 
the  offensive  day  by  day.  Terstyansky  obeyed.  Our  regi- 
ments took  one  position  after  another  ;  there  were  always 
fresh  inexhaustible  Russian  lines  behind  them.  Our  losses 
were  enormous.  Then  Przemysl  fell,  and  now,  we  thought, 
there  will  be  an  end  of  the  senseless  bloodshed.  But  the 
insanity  of  the  Supreme  Command  went  beyond  what  was 
normal.  The  object  of  our  enterprise  had  ceased  to  exist  : 
but,  notwithstanding  this,  the  Supreme  Command  sent  us 
two  fresh  divisions  and  ordered  us  to  continue  forcing  the 
road.  We  were  to  attack  and  attack.  Terstyansky  was 
seized  with  fits  of  madness.  It  happened  that  a  lateral 
operation,  a  break  through  on  the  left  wing,  had  succeeded, 
and  naturally  Terstyansky  wanted  to  turn  this  success  to 
account.  He  did  not  trouble  himself  any  longer  about  Böhm- 
Ermolli's  orders,  and  acted  on  his  own  authority.  He  cut 
off  all  the  communications  with  Ungvar,  where  the  Army 
Command  had  its  Headquarters,  and  carried  on  his  opera- 
tion successfully — only  for  two  days.  The  Army  Command 
insisted  on  the  action  being  broken  off  and  on  the  attacks 
on  the  frozen  positions  on  either  side  of  the  road  being 
resumed. 

In  this  fighting  we  lost  80,000  men  to  no  purpose — that 
is,  eight  whole  divisions. 

(When  Conrad  planned  the  break  through  at  Gorlice, 
the  Germans  sent  him  five  divisions.  If  we  had  still  had 
the  eight  divisions  that  had  been  senselessly  sacrificed,  we 
should  not  have  been  obliged  to  accept  the  German  help, 
and  Gorlice  would  have  been  an  Austro-Hungarian  and 
not  a  German  feat.) 

But  the  most  disgraceful  part  of  it  was  still  to  come. 
The  Commander  of  the  II  Army  held  Terstyansky  responsible 
for  the  heavy  losses,  and  reported  in  that  sense  to  Vienna. 


80  MY  MEMOIRS 

21st  March,  Cisna. — The  Army  Command  has  quite 
lost  its  head.  Telegrams  and  orders  tumble  over  one 
another,  and  we  are  asked  the  most  stupid  questions.  What 
they  have  done  appears  to  be  dawning  on  them. 

28th  March. — Russian  attacks  continued  on  those  points 
at  which  our  troops  had  been  taken  from  the  front  by  order 
of  the  Army  Command.  The  order  to  withdraw  the  27th 
had  been  so  given  as  to  preclude  any  remonstrance  on 
Terstyansky's  part.  What  was  the  result  ?  That  a  report 
had  to  be  sent  in  the  course  of  the  afternoon  stating  that 
the  forces  were  not  strong  enough  to  hold  the  positions. 
Terstyansky  very  angry,  and  says  that  from  now  on  he  will 
do  nothing  more  on  his  own  account,  and  will  only  obey 
blindly  as  a  soldier.  Thus  even  our  very  best  Generals  are 
demoralized  by  the  stupidity  and  want  of  comprehension 
shown  by  the  higher  commands. 

At  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  General  von  Kronpa 
reports  that  he  has  retaken  the  lost  position  without  help, 
and  will  continue  to  hold  it.  The  honest  Bohemian  says  : 
"  I  need  no  Staff  and  no  commissariat  officers;  I  have  my 
own  cattle  for  slaughter." 

ist  April. — As  usual,  now  that  we  have  to  retreat  in 
consequence  of  the  senseless  offensive,  the  Army  Command 
puts  everything  on  to  our  shoulders.  The  order  is  given  : 
Terstyansky's  Army  Group  Command  is  to  make  all  arrange- 
ments for  the  retreat  over  the  Carpathians  at  its  own  dis- 
cretion. Capital !  Only  no  one  knows  how  we  are  to  get 
back  this  transport  and  the  masses  of  material  by  the  only 
road,  when  our  front  line  is  so  weak  and  the  Russian  attacks 
are  renewed  almost  every  hour. 

yd  April,  Rostoki  Vendeji.  Headquarters  of  the 
IV  Army  Corps.— The  Chief  of  the  Staff  of  the  13th,  to 
whom  I  showed  the  order,  said  :  "I  don't  at  all  wonder 
that  our  regiments  (Vienna  Landwehr)  begin  to  murmur 
and  revolt ;    I  should  do  it  myself." 

^th  April,  Szinna. — We  have  now  reached  the  most 
southern  spurs  of  the  Carpathians — the  last  position  before 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  81 

coming  to  the  plains — with  the  remains  of  our  Army  Group 
(11,000  rifles  out  of  the  97,000  with  which  we  had  begun 
the  operation).  We  hold  35  kilometres,  from  Cziroka  to 
east  of  Szinna,  with  11,000  rifles  in  nine  divisions.  We 
have  strong  artillery  here,  and  with  our  troops,  led  by 
Terstyansky,  we  shall  hold  the  line  stoutly,  thin  as  it  is— 
but  will  this  be  the  case  everywhere  ? 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  our  divisions  in  these  positions 
stemmed  the  main  Russian  offensive  towards  the  south. 
During  the  attacks  I  was  often  with  the  battalions  in  the 
trenches.  We  had  no  reserves — a  man  to  every  fifteen  paces ; 
the  Russians  sometimes  in  seventeen  successive  lines.  Piles 
of  corpses  in  front  of  our  trenches  ! 

On  the  1 8th  April,  a  Royal  autograph  letter  came  to 
all  the  Commands,  which  convened  Parliament. 

Böhm  and  Bardolff  were  here  ;  at  dinner  both  were 
very  smiling  and  agreeable,  but  there  had  been  a  very 
heated  discussion  between  them  and  Terstyansky ;  the 
latter  gave  me  his  letter  to  Conrad  and  the  Archduke 
Friedrich  to  read.  After  dinner,  Bardolff  took  me  aside 
and,  with  regard  to  the  meeting  of  Parliament,  said : 
"  Everything  that  has  happened  can  safely  be  upheld— of 
course  the  general  public  must  be  shown  the  necessity  of 
making  an  attempt  to  relieve  Przemysl."  I  replied  :  "  One 
can  uphold  anything  with  words,  if  one  wishes  to  do  so." 

I  found  a  very  depressed  feeling  in  Pesth.  Marmaros- 
Sziget  was  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  The  Russians  were 
advancing  to  the  lowlands.  With  one  powerful  thrust  they 
could  have  reached  Buda  Pesth.  I  myself  was  almost 
without  hope  ;    I  thought  all  was  at  an  end. 

I  looked  up  all  my  political  friends,  and  had  daily  inter- 
course with  Andrassy,  in  particular.  I  respected  Andrassy, 
in  whose  circle  of  ideas  my  political  ideas  had  been  formed 
— respected  him  as  a  father,  as  a  teacher  ;  I  admired  his 
insight,  his  judgment,  his  chivalry.  If  ever  there  were 
a  gentleman,  Julius  Andrassy  was  one.  Wilhelm  Vazsonyi, 
the  witty  leader  of  the  Democrats,  characterized  him  once 

6 


82  MY  MEMOIRS 

as  follows  :  "  If  Andrassy  were  to  discover  in  the  course  of 
a  game  of  cards  that  his  fellow-players  were  cheats,  he 
would  say :  '  Gentlemen,  this  is  the  last  time  I  shall  play 
with  you.'  But  he  would  play  out  the  game  most  punc- 
tiliously, and  pay  his  fellow-players  their  winnings." 

Andrassy  is  a  man  who  lives  his  theories  ;  he  leaves 
their  technical  execution  to  others.  He  will  never  go  a 
step  out  of  his  way  to  attract  people  by  personal  influence  ; 
he  is  indifferent  to  the  outer  world — an  absolute  Conser- 
vative, an  aristocrat  to  his  finger-tips  ;  moreover,  the  only 
broad-minded,  far-seeing  statesman  we  had  and  have.  But 
his  great  defect  as  a  politician  is  his  lack  of  ambition.  He 
is  not  struggling  for  position.  Passionately  as  he  defends 
his  views,  he  is  proportionately  reserved  when  his  person 
is  in  question.  He  had  frequently  held  office,  but  had 
never  accepted  any  distinction  ;  the  Golden  Fleece  is  all 
he  possesses.  The  Monarch  bestows  this  as  his  prerogative, 
and  no  one  can  refuse  it. 

I  told  Andrassy  all  I  had  experienced  and  seen  at  the 
front.  I  implored  him  to  intervene,  to  bring  about  an 
improvement  in  the  conditions.  I  went  to  all  the  Opposition 
leaders,  but  no  one  made  any  move.  No  one  could  venture 
to  oppose  Tisza.  It  was  at  this  time  of  terrible  national 
depression — for  there  was  a  strong  feeling  that  everything 
was  giving  way — that  Tisza  showed  his  strength.  He  had 
convened  Parliament  with  the  intention  of  publicly  up- 
holding all  that  had  happened.  No  one  found  courage  to 
speak  up  boldly  against  him.  The  House  of  Magnates  was 
not  the  place  in  which  to  pursue  Radical  policy,  to  propose 
radical  changes,  and  it  proved  impossible  to  criticize  mili- 
tary measures  in  the  House  of  Deputies.  There  was  open 
rebellion  in  the  clubs,  but  nothing  could  be  said  in  Parlia- 
ment. Tisza  did  not  allow  anyone  to  take  part  in  the 
Government ;  he  ruled  as  an  absolute  absolutist.  The  whole 
management  and  administration  of  the  war  was  in  the 
hands  of  the  members  of  his  Work  Party.  A  man  like 
Andrassy,  for  instance,  eminently  suited  to  be  Foreign 
Minister,  had  nothing  better  to  do  than  to  organize  a  civilian 
defence  force  in  Buda  Pesth. 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  83 

The  convocation  of  Parliament  was  pure  humbug,  a 
stage  performance  to  throw  dust  in  the  eyes  of  the  public. 

I  went  to  Vienna  to  find  out  what  was  going  on.  I 
found  that  the  Press  was  systematically  deceived  and  kept 
in  the  dark.  The  military  departments  in  Vienna  and 
Buda  Pesth  were  nothing  but  offices  where  the  Supreme 
Command  carried  on  its  intrigues.  In  Croatia,  the  Supreme 
Command  pursued  a  Greater  Croatian  policy ;  Tisza's 
regime,  on  the  other  hand,  favoured  the  Serbo-Croatian 
coalition.  Instances  were  not  unknown  of  Tisza's  having 
the  officials  appointed  by  the  military  authorities  arrested 
and  imprisoned  by  his  police.  In  fact  the  Austrian  and 
Hungarian  Governments  kept  perpetual  watch  over  one 
another  through  secret  service  agents  ;  millions  were  ex- 
pended on  this  espionage.  The  Supreme  Command  deceived 
the  Foreign  Office,  and  the  Ballplatz  deceived  the  Supreme 
Command. 

It  was  in  this  atmosphere  that  the  Auffenberg  affair 
took  place. 

General  Auffenberg,  who  had  been  sent  home  after  the 
battle  of  Rava  Ruska,  was  in  Vienna  as  Inspector-General 
of  Army  troops,  but  had  nothing  to  do. 

Auffenberg  had  won  the  battle  of  Komarov  in  virtue 
of  his  own  dispositions — an  important  success  which  could 
not  be  turned  to  account,  because  one  of  his  divisional 
commanders,  the  Archduke  Peter  Ferdinand,  had  not  obeyed 
his  orders.  In  consequence  of  this  Auffenberg  relieved  him 
of  his  post.  Then  came  the  Rava  Ruska  operation,  which 
the  Supreme  Command  had  planned  and  which  failed. 
But  Auffenberg  had  to  go. 

When  I  went  to  his  office,  he  showed  me  an  autograph 
letter  he  had  just  received  from  the  Emperor,  creating  him 
Baron  von  Komarov.  Auffenberg  was  in  high  spirits,  and 
said  :  "I  am  no  Benedek ;  I  can  prove  everything,  and 
I  will  soon  show  the  gentlemen  of  the  Supreme  Command 
how  much  harm  I  can  do  them."  He  invited  me  to  come 
and  see  him  at  his  private  house  the  next  day,  to  talk  over 
our  military  experiences.  I  was  to  bring  my  diaries  with 
me  for  this  purpose. 

The  next  day  I  went  to  the  Metternichgasse.     His  wife 


84  MY  MEMOIRS 

received  me  in  the  drawing-room,  which  was  full  of  war 
trophies  and  orders.  She  apologized  for  her  husband,  who 
had  just  been  sent  for  by  General  Uexküll,  and  said  he 
would  be  back  directly.  While  we  were  talking — the 
Baroness's  brother  came  in  too — the  bell  rang.  We  heard 
voices  in  the  entrance  hall,  there  was  a  knock  at  the  door, 
and,  led  by  General  Schleyer,  a  number  of  men  came  in  : 
Councillor  Stuckart,  of  the  police  force,  a  military  auditor 
and  two  Civil  Service  officials  ;  through  the  open  door  I 
saw  police  standing  in  the  ante-room.  It  looked  very 
uncomfortable.  I  noticed  that  the  Baroness  turned  pale, 
but  she  stood  up  and  tried  to  greet  Schleyer,  with  whom, 
of  course,  she  was  personally  acquainted,  as  a  friend. 
Schleyer  was  embarrassed,  and  said  :  "I  have  come  on 
a  very  serious  matter."  He  led  her  into  a  corner  and  whis- 
pered a  few  words  in  her  ear,  on  which  the  Baroness  burst 
into  tears  and  covered  her  face  with  her  hands.  I  did  not 
know  what  it  all  meant,  but  I  trembled  inwardly,  for  I 
feared  fresh  blackguardism  of  some  kind.  (I  also  knew 
from  the  Delegations  that  Schleyer  was  one  of  the  depart- 
mental heads  who  carried  a  dagger  concealed  against  his 
own  chief.)  Schleyer  went  into  the  other  room  with  the 
Baroness  and  her  brother.  Immediately  afterwards  the 
brother  came  back  and  said  :  "  You  must  excuse  my  sister, 
Your  Highness  ;    Auffenberg  has  been  arrested." 

I  took  leave.  One  of  the  policemen  in  the  ante-room 
had  already  taken  possession  of  my  pocket-books  and  would 
not  give  them  up.  I  told  him  who  I  was,  and  finally  received 
back  my  property. 

I  drove  at  once  to  His  Majesty's  Military  Office  and 
asked  to  see  General  Margutti.  I  had  talked  to  him  about 
the  Terstyansky  business  two  days  before,  and  had  told 
him  how  senselessly  and  shamefully  the  Army  Command 
at  Ungvar  had  behaved  to  the  IV  Corps.  Now  I  hastily 
told  him  what  had  occurred  at  Auffenberg's  house.  Margutti 
was  dumbfounded ;  I  could  see  that  Auffenberg's  arrest  had 
taken  place  without  the  knowledge  of  the  Military  Office — 
that  consequently  it  was  a  case  of  the  Supreme  Command 
having  acted  on  its  own  responsibility. 

From   Margutti   I   drove   to   the   editorial   office   of   the 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  85 

Zeit.  There  I  found  Baroness  Auffenberg  in  a  state  of 
great  agitation,  in  tears,  in  despair.  Her  husband  was  in 
the  garrison  prison  with  criminals  and  men  guilty  of  high 
treason.  Amidst  her  sobs  she  told  me  that  they  had  broken 
open  everything  in  her  house  in  the  rudest  way,  searched 
through  all  papers,  and  taken  the  Emperor's  autograph 
letter  with  them.  On  the  other  hand,  they  would  not  even 
tell  her  why  her  husband  had  been  arrested.  I  comforted 
her  and  promised  to  help  her  in  every  way  I  could. 

In  the  meantime  it  had  grown  late.  I  was  staying  at 
the  "Bristol"  at  that  time,  and  was  just  dressing  for 
dinner,  when  a  Colonel  from  the  Platzkommando  was 
announced. 

"  Captain  Prince  Windischgraetz  ?  " 

"  Yes,"  I  said. 

"  I  have  come  to  obtain  your  word  of  honour  that  you 
will  never  tell  anyone  of  the  scene  you  witnessed  at  Auffen- 
berg's  house  to-day." 

I  looked  at  him,  he  looked  at  me.  I  drew  my  sword 
and  said  calmly,  but  with  emphasis  :  "  You  are  mistaken, 
Colonel;  I  am  not  Captain  Windischgraetz  now,  but  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Hungarian  Parliament,"  and  began  putting  on 
my  tie.  "  No  one  has  any  authority  over  me  for  the 
moment  but  the  President  of  the  Hungarian  Upper  House. 
And  if  I  think  fit  I  shall  give  an  exact  account  of  the 
whole  from  the  tribune  of  the  House  ;   you  can  report  this." 

The  Colonel  tried  to  look  pleasant  and  adopted  another 
tone,  that  of  a  comrade,  addressing  me  familiarly  as  "thou." 

"  Thou  surely  wilt  not — thou  must  surely  understand " 

and  so  on. 

I  said  :  "  Pray  don't  trouble  ;  it  is  outside  the  scope  of 
the  military  authorities." 

He  resumed  his  original  formality  and  hastily  took  his 
departure. 

I  was  inwardly  raging. 

Late  as  it  was,  I  drove  quickly  to  the  War  Minister, 
Krobatin,  and  insisted  on  seeing  him.  He  was  taken  aback, 
too.  I  asked  him  what  Auffenberg  was  accused  of.  He 
admitted  that  his  arrest  had  nothing  to  do  with  his  conduct 
of  the  war,  and  said  :    "  He  is  charged  with  having  betrayed 


86  MY  MEMOIRS 

State  secrets  and  speculated  on  the  Stock  Exchange  on 
the  strength  of  various  secrets  known  to  him  in  his  official 
capacity." 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  whole  trouble  was  that  Auffenberg 
was  in  possession  of  memoranda  and  evidence  which  might 
turn  out  to  be  very  compromising  for  the  Supreme  Com- 
mand. Consequently  he  was  to  be  made  a  scapegoat,  and 
the  strongest  measures  were  taken  to  silence  him.  He  was 
very  badly  treated  ;  while  in  prison  he  was  presented  with 
a  document  in  which  he  was  to  pledge  himself  never  to 
reveal  any  of  the  circumstances  ;  in  this  case  he  was  assured 
that  he  would  be  honourably  acquitted  of  the  charge  against 
him.  Auffenberg  stood  firm  and  refused.  A  few  days  later 
he  found  a  revolver  in  his  cell — a  plain  hint  of  what  was 
expected  of  him.  He  did  not  give  the  gentlemen  this 
satisfaction. 

This  was  the  most  scandalous  instance  of  the  rottenness 
of  our  State,  of  our  military  control,  that  I  had  yet  come 
across.  I  considered  what  I  should  do.  Any  protest  I 
made  in  the  Upper  House  would  only  have  been  received 
with  a  shrug  of  the  shoulders — of  this  I  was  pretty  sure — 
so  I  went  to  Buda  Pesth  and  looked  up  my  friend  Vazsonyi. 

Dr.  Wilhelm  Vazsonyi  is  a  Buda  Pesth  advocate  and 
Member  of  Parliament  ;  the  most  eminent  lawyer  in  Hun- 
gary. He  won  his  spurs  at  a  time  when  he  carried  on  a 
bitter  and  unrelenting  fight  against  corruption  of  any  kind 
in  the  municipal  council.  He  himself  is  absolutely  incor- 
ruptible, cannot  even  be  influenced  by  an  ingratiating 
manner. 

A  fascinating  speaker,  whose  ardour  carries  him  away, 
and  his  audience  with  him.  He  is  short  and  stout,  has  a 
bi&bous  nose  and  clear,  blue,  intelligent  eyes  ;  a  pronounced 
Jewish  type  ;  his  manner  is  offhand  to  an  extent  the  ultra- 
Tories  of  the  Buda  Pesth  National  Casinos  don't  always 
consider  suitable  for  the  drawing-room,  but  in  true  nobility 
he  assuredly  surpasses  the  most  aristocratic  among  us.  He 
is  perhaps  the  cleverest  man  Hungary  possessed  at  that 
time,  and  the  most  honest  democrat. 

I  entrusted  Auffenberg's  papers  to  this  man.  He  made 
a  speech  in  the  House  of  Deputies  which  created  a  sen- 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  87 

sation.  He  exposed  the  whole  plot.  Auffenberg  was  pro- 
vided with  a  legal  adviser  at  once.  A  Court  of  honour 
considered  his  case.  Regular  proceedings  were  instituted, 
the  result  of  which  was  that  the  victor  of  Komarov  was 
acquitted  and  had  to  be  set  at  liberty. 

And  therewith  judgment  was  pronounced  on  the  Supreme 
Command.  But  we  were  at  war,  and  the  general  public 
heard  nothing.  The  hydra  had  many  heads,  and  continued 
to  exist. 

My  efforts  in  the  Terstyansky  affair  were  of  no  avail, 
I  egged  on  all  my  friends  in  the  House  of  Deputies,  but 
Tisza  was  stronger  than  them  all.  The  more  so  owing  to 
the  fact  that  he  was  able  to  make  an  announcement  to  the 
country  at  a  public  sitting  which  swallowed  up  and  swept 
away  all  that  had  been  unpleasant  and  depressing  with 
the  force  of  a  cataract  :  an  unprecedented  victory  had 
been  won  at  Gorlice. 

At  first  no  one  would  believe  it,  for  Tisza's  effrontery 
in  misrepresenting  the  facts,  when  he  thought  it  necessary 
in  the  interest  of  the  country,  was  well  known  ;  this  time, 
however,  he  had  spoken  the  truth. 

On  this  I  went  back  to  the  front. 

Across  the  Carpathians,  which,  when  I  had  last  seen 
them,  had  been  buried  under  snow  ;  now  it  was  May,  the 
snow  had  gone,  the  Russians  were  gone.  I  breathed  freely 
again,  as  we  all  did.  But  as  I  journeyed  over  the  beautiful 
deep  mountain  gorges,  in  which  the  red  tinge  of  the  beeches 
showed  up  against  the  green  of  the  pines,  a  strong,  pene- 
trating smell  was  wafted  to  my  nostrils  by  the  spring  breeze. 
Hundreds  of  thousands  of  corpses  lay  there,  barely  covered 
by  the  earth. 

I  rejoined  Terstyansky  and  told  him  how  matters  stood 
as  far  as  he  was  concerned,  and  of  the  intrigues  that  were 
being  hatched  against  him.  He  wrote  at  once  to  General 
Margutti  and  applied  to  be  put  on  the  retired  list. 

21st  May,  1915.  Brzesciany. — Terstyansky  has  refused 
to  let  me  join  the  troops.  I  have  now  sent  in  a  written 
application  to  the  Supreme  Command. 


88  MY  MEMOIRS 

23rd  May. — Receive  news  that  Terstyansky  has  been 
appointed  to  command  the  Balkan  forces  in  place  of  the 
Archduke  Eugen  and  takes  me  with  him.  Departure  for 
Peterwardein,  the  Headquarters  of  our  southern  frontier 
Command. 

25/Ä  May.  On  the  Way  through  Buda  Pesth. — Went 
in  the  morning  to  see  Hazai,  the  Minister  of  Defence,  who 
is  aghast  at  Italy's  declaration  of  war.  He  thinks  Burian's 
incapacity  is  to  blame  for  it.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  he 
negotiated  with  Italy,  but  never  knew  what  he  ought  or 
ought  not  to  cede.  But  the  Italians  knew  that,  in  case 
of  our  being  victorious,  what  had  been  promised  would  very 
quickly  be  taken  back  from  them. 

The  great  mistake  in  this  matter  was,  as  ever,  our  want 
of  any  fixed  plan  and  our  absolute  lack  of  honesty.  Had 
the  position  towards  Italy  been  made  clear  in  good  time, 
as  I  urged  in  the  Delegations — had  we  understood  how  to 
inspire  confidence,  and  seized  the  right  moment  to  make 
the  sacrifices  which  were  inevitable — the  political  school 
of  thought  which  had  even  then  recognized  what  was 
equally  the  fact  in  1919 — that  Italy's  real  interests  lay  on 
the  side  of  the  Eastern  Powers,  both  geographically  and 
economically — would  have  been  able  to  gain  the  upper 
hand  in  Italy. 

(I  said  in  the  Zeit :  "  It  is  possible  to  play  cards  without 
money,  but  no  one  can  play  cards  without  cards.")  Hazai 
went  on  to  tell  me  that  "  they  "  were  very  angry  with  me  in  the 
highest  circles  in  Vienna  on  account  of  the  Auffenberg  affair. 

2nd  June,  Ujvidek.  Headquarters  of  Terstyansky's 
Armies. — Terstyansky  read  me  his  letters  to  Conrad,  Bar- 
dolff  and  Tisza.  The  letter  to  Tisza  is  very,  very  strong. 
My  impression  is  that  they  only  want  to  reassure  Terstyansky 
now,  that  this  post  is  only  a  sop  to  keep  him  quiet,  and 
that  they  really  mean  to  drop  him  entirely.  The  methods 
of  this  Metzger  and  Kundmann  gang  are  all-powerful,  the 
more  so  as  the  mafia  is  said  to  have  already  caught  the 
heir  to  the  throne  in  its  toils  through  Colonel  Hoor. 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ  89 

T2th  June,  Ujvidek. — Incredible  how  well  everything 
works  here  from  a  military  point  of  view,  and  how  all  these 
Jewish  reserve  officers  of  our  Landsturm  formations  have 
mastered  the  routine. 

26th  June. — Take  a  walk  along  the  Save  ;  see  the  in- 
geniously constructed  heavy  iron  military  bridges  on  the 
Line  of  Communications,  supplied  by  Nicholson,  which 
have  been  twice  rebuilt  and  twice  pulled  down  in  the  last 
four  weeks  by  contradictory  orders  from  the  General  Staff 
Subdivision  of  the  Supreme  Command,  at  a  cost  of  two 
million  crowns. 

10th  June. — Dani  sends  for  me  in  the  afternoon  and 
informs  me  of  the  result  of  my  application  to  be  allowed 
to  join  the  troops  at  the  front.  "  Every  officer  employed 
on  the  Staff  is  to  serve  where  he  has  been  appointed. 
Requests  to  be  sent  elsewhere  will  not  be  considered."  This 
is  the  reply  made  by  the  Supreme  Command  to  my 
application. 

I  now  apply  to  F.  to  help  me  to  get  to  the  front  some- 
how, as  I  cannot  stand  being  here  any  longer. 

20th  July. — Colonel  Salis,  who  is  now  sous  chef  at  the 
South-west  Front  under  the  Archduke  Eugen,  is  talking  to 
Terstyansky  on  the  telephone.  I  hear  Terstyansky  say  : 
"  My  dear  Salis,  inform  the  Headquarters  Staff  that,  now 
that  you  have  also  taken  the  59th  Division  from  me,  I  am 
prepared  to  send  my  breeches  as  a  last  reinforcement  to 
the  Isonzo  Front."  I  asked  laughing,  what  Salis  had 
answered.  "  He  was  pleasant,  as  usual,"  said  Terstyansky; 
"  he  thought  the  Headquarters  Staff  always  reckoned  on 
Excellency  Terstyansky 's  devotion." 

23rd  July. — Our  Chief  of  the  Staff  has  been  looking 
frightfully  mysterious  the  last  few  days.  There  has  also 
been  active  Hughes  communication  between  this,  Vienna 
and  Teschen — the  whole  dealing  with  questions  of  com- 
petence and  personal  questions,  which  of  course  keep  every- 
one in  a  state  of  excitement.     It  is  again  the  moment  when 


90  MY  MEMOIRS 

we  need  a  few  volleys  of  shrapnel  fired  into  our  Headquarters, 
to  bring  home  to  us  what  war  really  means. 

25th  July. — Receive  Joffre,  the  French  Commander-in- 
Chief's  plan  of  attack  to  examine.  Eminently  cleverly 
and  clearly  written :  must  be  a  genius  of  the  first 
rank. 

Terstyansky  frightfully  nervous ;  all  the  higher  mili- 
tary men  seem  really  to  have  been  seized  with  a  fit  of 
craving  for  power,  for  even  Dani,  ordinarily  so  sensible, 
talks  at  great  length  on  the  necessity  of  militarizing  the 
Monarchy. 

How  badly  the  military  and  public  authorities  work 
together!  The  Supreme  Command  prohibits  the  employ- 
ment of  Labour  detachments  to  carry  the  harvest ;  Russian 
prisoners  are  no  longer  provided  for  the  purpose  either  ; 
just  as  though  the  food  supply  were  not  the  economic 
question  on  which  the  Empire's  power  of  resistance  mainly 
depends. 

ist  August— Ask  for  leave,  as  my  wife  is  ill. 

5th  August,  Buda  Pesth—  Andrassy  is  very  anxious 
that  I  should  be  with  Conrad  at  Headquarters,  as  he  fears 
much  for  the  future  from  there.  Certainly  the  many  suc- 
cesses, which  are  really  owing  to  the  Germans,  are  very 
much  going  to  the  heads  of  the  military  men.  Well,  I  wish 
I  were  with  a  regiment  at  the  front,  a  thousand  miles  from 
the  pack  which  peoples  the  Staff.  Long  talk  with  Khuen 
over  the  one  essential  policy  of  the  future  :  all  the  peoples 
must  be  given  full  scope  for  independent  development, 
and  we  must  break  with  the  Court  policy.  All  the  same, 
I  think  this  war  cannot  be  traced  to  Court  motives,  even 
though  the  Courts  had  a  hand  in  it. 

24th  August,  Back  at  Ujvidek.— Should  very  much 
like  to  raise  a  raiding  party  for  Serbia,  possibly  jointly 
with  another  officer.  A  proposition  to  which  Dani  does 
not  agree,  for  he  says  :  "  Who  is  to  be  decorated,  if  the 
thing  succeeds  ?  " 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  91 

igth  September. — Motor  in  the  evening  to  Werschetz. 
Report  to  General  Mackensen,  who  is  very  kind.  Then 
talk  to  German  Staff  Officers,  who  are  very  sympathetic. 
So  little  paper  to  be  seen,  and  so  little  mystery  made. 

26th  September. — I  am  to  go  to  Teschen  at  once  ;  shall 
probably  be  sent  on  to  Bulgaria. 

In  the  train  on  the  way  to  Teschen,  I  learn  that 
Terstyansky  and  Dani  have  both  been  superseded. 

2jth  September,  Teschen. — I  am  received  in  the  Intel- 
ligence Section  by  Colonel  Hranilovic  with  the  news  that 
I  am  ordered  to  Bulgaria.  He  tells  me  what  I  am  to  lay 
stress  on  to  the  King  of  Bulgaria — at  first  he  talks  to  me 
without  being  quite  candid  as  to  the  situation.  It  is  only 
on  my  remarking  that  to  lie  with  success  I  really  must 
know  the  truth  that  I  am  given  the  necessary  information. 

29th  September,  Ujvidek. — Terstyansky  was  recalled  in 
the  mean  way  that  is  typical.  When  he  returned  from 
inspecting  the  57th  Division,  he  found  a  telegram  in  which 
the  arrival  of  the  new  Commandant  of  the  Army  was 
announced  for  the  next  day  without  comment. 

(Terstyansky  was  dismissed  three  days  before  the  com- 
mencement of  the  offensive  against  Serbia,  which  he  had 
been  preparing  for  two  whole  months,  and  which  was 
worked  out  in  accordance  with  the  plan  drawn  up  by  his 
Chief  of  the  Staff,  Dani.  His  removal  had  long  been  planned 
in  Teschen  ;  a  conflict  with  Tisza  over  administrative  and 
South  Slav  questions  brought  matters  to  a  head.  Tisza 
had  demanded  his  recall  from  the  King.  Terstyansky  was 
Military  Governor  of  the  whole  southern  frontier  district. 
All  the  authorities  were  under  him  so  long  as  there  was 
no  war.  At  the  very  moment  when  war  broke  out  again, 
he  was  sent  away.     Austro-Hungarian  system  !) 

I  motored  to  Temesvar  ;  there  report  my  departure  at 
Mackensen's  Headquarters,  where  I  receive  instructions, 
and  General  v.  Seekt,  the  famous  Chief  of  the  General  Staff 
on  the  occasion  of  the  break  through  at  Gorlice,  orders  me 
to  smuggle  the   attack   orders   for   the    I   Bulgarian  Army 


92  MY  MEMOIRS 

through  to  Sofia.  Characteristic,  the  rapid  simplicity  with 
which  I  am  given  this  highly  important  order.  "  If  you  are 
caught,  we  are  done,"  said  Seekt. 

2nd  October,  Vienna. — King's  Messenger  gives  me  the 
order  for  Bulgaria  at  the  station  ;   I  sew  it  into  my  waistcoat. 

/\th  October.  On  the  Way  to  Sofia  via  Rumania. — 
Very  strict  examination  at  Predeal.  Any  number  of  detec- 
tives and  soldiers  at  the  station.  In  order  to  divert  sus- 
picion, the  military  attache,  Colonel  Randa,  treats  me 
ostentatiously  as  a  Prince,  whom  he  is  accompanying  as 
chevalier  d'honneur.  From  time  to  time  I  feel  my  waist- 
coat to  make  sure  that  the  plan  of  attack  is  still  there. 
My  trunks  contain  apparatus  for  wireless  telegraphy,  in- 
tended for  the  Bulgarian  Army. 

I  brought  everything  successfully  over  the  frontier. 

qth  October,  Sofia. — Standing  before  the  monument  to 
the  Tsar  Liberator,  I  wondered  whether  a  monument  would 
ever  be  put  up  here  to  Wilhelm  II  ? 

nth  October. — News  comes  in  the  afternoon  that  in 
order  to  give  Serbia  a  casus  belli  and  do  justice  to  the  mili- 
tary treaty,  troops  of  the  I  Army  stormed  various  frontier 
heights  last  night. 

23rd  October,  Belogradsik.  Headquarters  of  the 
I  Bulgarian  Army. — Learn  interesting  details  of  the 
German  Headquarters  from  the  German  Captain  Schubert. 
Everyone  there  delighted  with  Conrad.  He  is  considered 
the  most  able  army  leader  of  the  campaign.  As  to  all  the 
others,  only  one  opinion.  .  .  . 

2&th  October. — Ride  to  Krajoveselo.  All  the  Serbian 
villages  burnt  down.  In  one  of  them  we  see  a  poor  Serbian 
woman  searching  for  a  cottage  among  the  ruins,  weeping 
and  singing  a  loud  lament  as  she  searches.  It  is  a  funeral 
dirge,  such  as  I  have  heard  sung  by  Hindu  women.  A  few 
poor  people  are  already  coming  back — poor  people ! 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ  93 

On  the  slopes  of  Krajoveselo  we  come  right  into  the 
middle  of  the  fighting. 

jth  November,  Nisch. — Go  the  round  of  the  hospitals  in 
the  morning,  to  find  the  prisoners  we  left  behind.  In  one 
hospital  a  Russian  lady  doctor,  Dr.  Chaletzka,  is  looking 
after  our  men,  and  it  is  only  thanks  to  her  that  some  of 
them  are  still  alive. 

8th  November. — Have  taken  over  the  Red  Cross  depots, 
which  were  not  handed  over  to  our  prisoners  by  the  Serbs. 
Thousands  of  consignments  of  clothing,  food  and  hospital 
supplies  are  lying  here,  whilst  thirty  thousand  of  our  men 
died  of  hunger  and  typhus. 

igth  November. — Tschapratschikoff  found  an  interesting 
telegram  in  Pashitch's  house  here,  from  the  Tsar  to  King 
Peter,  in  which  the  Emperor  of  all  the  Russias  promised 
the  King,  two  days  before  the  fall  of  Nisch,  that  Russian 
troops  would  march  into  Bulgaria  on  the  15th  November. 

20th  November. — Come  to  the  conclusion  that  German 
troops,  like  our  own,  are  far  less  considerate  than  the 
Bulgarians.  We  requisition  against  written  promises  to  pay 
which  are  never  redeemed,  and  take  from  those  who  refuse 
to  give.  The  Bulgarians  are  quite  incredibly  fair  in  this 
respect. 

24th  November. — A  squadron  of  German  hussars  was 
attached  to  the  II  Bulgarian  Army,  with  the  object  of 
showing  the  German  uniform  here. 

Now  that  the  Duke  of  Mecklenburg  has  heard  (through 
me)  of  the  assassination  of  our  officers  and  reported  it  in 
Sofia,  there  is  suddenly  great  excitement  in  our  Supreme 
Command,  and  it  telegraphs  to  me  what  I  had  telegraphed 
to  Teschen  myself  a  fortnight  ago.  Can  there  be  anything 
stupider  in  the  world  than  our  General  Staff  ? 

4th  December,  Usküb. — Found  850  released  Austro- 
Hungarian   prisoners   of   war   here,   who   live  in   a   Serbian 


94  MY  MEMOIRS 

barrack  under  the  command  of  a  very  smart  Lieutenant 
Halasz.  For  ten  whole  months  of  imprisonment  Halasz 
feigned  madness  so  cleverly  that  all  the  doctors  pronounced 
him  incurable. 

yth  December. — One  feels  fed  up  with  the  war  and  the 
horrors  everywhere.  The  only  comfort  is  the  knowledge 
of  having  done  the  best  one  could.  Another  large  con- 
signment of  released  Austrian  and  Hungarian  prisoners 
arrived  early  this  morning.  What  these  poor  men  have 
suffered  is  indescribable  ;  many  have  had  nothing  to  eat 
but  a  couple  of  pieces  of  bread  for  thirty  days. 

gth  December.  —  Sommerfeld's  German  detachment 
marched  in  here  to-day.  Splendid  troops,  who  marched 
through  the  town  as  though  on  parade.  In  the  evening 
the  good  impression  was  somewhat  effaced,  for  the  honest 
Germans  break  in  and  steal  everywhere,  and  simply  thrash 
the  Bulgarian  sentries.  I  adjust  the  whole  matter  per- 
sonally with  the  Bulgarian  town  commandant,  who  is  very 
conciliatory. 

14th  December. —Met  Lady  Paget,  the  wife  of  the  former 
British  minister  in  Belgrade,  who  is  here  with  her  hospital ; 
a  very  noble-hearted  woman,  who  has  saved  thousands  of 
our  soldiers  and  fellow-countrymen  from  a  most  miserable 
death.  A  number  of  nice  English  doctors.  It  seems  so 
strange  to  me  to  look  on  the  English  as  enemies.  The 
Bulgarians  had  commandeered  the  English  hospital ;  but 
the  "  mad  "  Lieutenant  Halasz,  who  had  had  his  hair  cut 
and  his  untrimmed  beard  clipped  directly  the  Serbians 
were  driven  out,  put  on  his  uniform,  which  had  been  hidden, 
took  the  marauding  Czechs  prisoners,  and  protected  Lady 
Paget  from  the  Bulgarians.  The  curious  thing  is  that  even 
Lady  Paget,  who  had  nursed  him  for  almost  a  year,  did 
not  recognize  him  in  his  altered  character. 

I  wrote  on  behalf  of  this  excellent  woman  to  His 
Majesty's  Military  Office,  to  Tisza  and  to  the  Supreme  Com- 
mand to  secure  her  being  allowed  to  go  back  to  England 
with   her   staff.     The    Bulgarians    would    only   allow   Lady 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  95 

Paget  personally  to  go — but  the  courageous  lady  declared 
that  she  would  not  on  any  account  desert  those  who  had 
come  out  under  her  protection.  Later  on  I  had  the  satis- 
faction of  succeeding  in  obtaining  the  release  of  the  whole 
staff  by  my  repeated  and  very  strong  representations  to 
King  Ferdinand. 
By  rail  to  Veles. 

29/A  December. — I  have  words  at  the  station  with  a 
German  Staff  Officer,  who  refuses  to  make  room  for  me 
in  his  carriage.  At  last  I  found  a  seat,  and  I  make  the 
acquaintance  of  a  small  German  professor,  Dr.  Ponten,  who 
is  travelling  in  the  Balkans  on  behalf  of  the  German 
Ministry  of  War,  in  the  uniform  of  a  non-commissioned 
officer,  to  make  biological  investigations  for  use  later  on. 
He  explained  the  whole  organization  by  means  of  which 
Germany  was  working,  even  now,  with  a  view  to  future 
exploitation  of  the  prestige  she  had  acquired  in  the  Balkans. 

In  the  course  of  the  advance  the  Bulgarians  had  over- 
stepped their  line  of  demarcation.  I  knew  the  Bulgarian 
military  authorities  and  their  obstinate,  not  always  straight- 
forward methods,  and  knew  they  loved  power  and  would 
never  retire  from  where  they  had  once  established  them- 
selves. Consequently  I  apprised  our  military  authorities 
of  the  position,  and  advised  Line  of  Communication  troops 
being  sent  to  occupy  the  territory  in  our  sphere  of  interests. 
No  notice  was  taken  of  my  suggestion  ;  but  shortly  after- 
wards I  received  orders  from  Headquarters  to  try  to 
arrange  with  the  Bulgarian  Headquarters  Staff  for  the 
evacuation  of  Prisrend,  Pristina  and  Ferizovic  by  the  Bul- 
garians. I  was  really  the  only  one  of  us  on  good  terms 
with  the  Bulgarians,  but  as  a  liaison  officer  I  could  not 
possibly  carry  on  diplomatic  transactions.  I  therefore 
advised  Mackensen's  being  asked  to  settle  the  matter.  The 
answer  I  received  was  :  "  The  Germans  must  not  suspect 
that  Albania  is  of  any  consequence  to  us."  After  a  time 
another  order  came  from  the  Supreme  Command  about  the 
same  thing.  I  had  again  to  insist  that  the  Bulgarians  could 
not  carry  on  diplomatic  negotiations  with  me,  an  officer  on 


96  MY  MEMOIRS 

the  active  list,  and  I  added  :  "  Have  the  matter  adjusted 
by  Tarnovski,  the  Minister  in  Sofia."  Whereupon  I  re- 
ceived the  classic  answer,  which  must  be  handed  down  to 
posterity  :  "  The  Foreign  Office  must  not  learn  what  policy 
the  Supreme  Command  is  pursuing." 

What  the  Supreme  Command  wanted  was  that  I  should 
win  over  the  Albanian  tribes  in  East  Albania,  who  had 
been  won  over  by  the  Bulgarian  military  authorities  to 
the  Bulgarian  cause,  to  our  own.  But  the  Bulgarians 
suspected  something  of  the  kind,  and  tried  to  shake  me 
off  and  keep  me  out  of  their  expedition.  In  which,  how- 
ever, they  did  not  succeed. 

A  little  competition  began  now  for  the  favour  of  the 
Albanians.  Their  fighting  value  was  nil ;  they  were  only 
on  the  spot  when  money  was  to  be  had.  They  came  to 
terms  with  the  Greeks,  with  the  Entente,  with  us,  with 
the  Bulgarians,  with  everyone  who  paid  them.  A  policy 
of  intrigue  at  the  Headquarters  of  an  ally  was  very  dis- 
tasteful to  me — assuredly  the  idea  of  a  misguided  General 
Staff  Officer  of  the  Supreme  Command  ;  but  I  had  the 
order,  and  consequently  I  joined  the  Bulgarian  Commission 
(whose  intentions  were  the  same  as  mine).  I  was  in  pos- 
session of  a  telegraph  line  and  a  cipher.  The  line  would 
have  been  at  the  disposal  of  our  Supreme  Command  if  I 
had  been  sent  a  Hughes  apparatus.  This  was  not  agreed 
to  at  Teschen.  Accordingly,  I  made  over  the  line  to  the 
Germans.  The  Supreme  Command  used  this  line  and 
abused  the  Germans  in  their  telegrams.  The  latter,  of 
course,  had  our  cipher  too,  and  therefore  could  read  all 
that  our  Supreme  Command  thought  of  them. 

I  had  already  seen  the  frightful  misery  of  our  liberated 
prisoners  when  we  marched  into  Nisch  on  the  6th  Nov- 
ember the  year  before.  No  less  than  34,000  out  of  66,000 
Austro-Hungarian  prisoners  had  died  of  spotted  typhus  and 
other  diseases  the  previous  winter,  for  want  of  attention. 
The  Serbians  had  also  practised  terrible  cruelties  when 
removing  those  who  were  still  alive;  but  in  spite  of  this, 
hundreds  came  from  Nisch  to  Monastir  daily,  to  the  Bul- 
garian Headquarters,  half-naked  and  starved,  only  to  find 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  97 

there  was  nothing  available  for  them.  I  had  begged  at 
once  that  a  Red  Cross  detachment  might  be  sent.  For 
three  months  there  was  no  answer — on  the  18th  February 
a  complete  ambulance  train  reached  Monastir  from  the 
joint  Ministry  of  War,  with  ten  truckloads  of  supplies,  six 
nurses,  doctors  and  hospital  orderlies.  I  had  just  taken 
over  the  last  seventy  out  of  7,000  prisoners  I  had  sent  home. 

I  was  ill  with  typhus  fever,  but  in  spite  of  this  I  travelled 
through  Albania.  We  visited  all  the  powerful  Princes  and 
Chiefs,  and  dragged  ourselves  up  all  the  crags  on  which 
their  castles  were  built.  One  of  the  most  influential  of 
them  was  Achmed  Bey  Zogolaj.  We  reached  his  castle  at 
night.  It  was  built  into  the  rock,  and  constructed  of 
massive  blocks  of  stone,  quite  in  mediaeval  style.  The  castle 
had  two  forecourts,  which  were  lit  with  torches ;  there 
about  a  hundred  Albanians  were  camped  round  the  open 
fire,  in  military  equipment,  bristling  with  arms.  It  was 
romantic  and  weird.  We  had  to  climb  a  wooden  staircase, 
and  then  await  the  mighty  Achmed  Bey  Zogolaj  by  a 
stone  balustrade.  We  pictured  him  as  fierce  and  martial 
as  his  warriors  in  the  courtyard,  but  we  were  conducted 
further,  and  arrived  in  a  carpeted  boudoir.  It  might  have 
been  the  abode  of  a  demi-mondaine.  Then  a  slight  young 
man  in  a  smoking  suit  came  in  and  spoke  to  us  very 
pleasantly  in  French.  It  was  Achmed  Bey  Zogolaj.  Black 
coffee  was  handed  round  ;  the  Bulgarian  Colonel  negotiated 
with  him  first,  offered  him  40,000  levas,  and  went  to  bed. 
I  had  50,000  levas  handed  to  the  powerful  Prince,  on  which 
he  promised  to  help  Austria-Hungary.  Of  course  he  has 
never  kept  his  promise. 

I  went,  still  in  disguise,  to  Fiorina,  which  was  already 
occupied  by  the  French  and  English,  to  try  and  establish 
a  secret  service  there.  That,  however,  was  the  end  of  my 
Balkan  activity.  I  did  not  want  to  take  any  further  part 
in  this  game,  and  asked  the  Supreme  Command  to  accept 
my  resignation. 

I  was  attached  to  the  Staff  of  the  4th  Mountain  Brigade, 
which  was  defending  the  Görz  bridgehead.  Dani  was  in 
command,  and  I  was  delighted  to  be  able  to  assist  this  fine 

7 


98  MY  MEMOIRS 

fellow  and  soldier  as  his  Chief  of  the  Staff,  unfortunately 
he  was  away  on  sick-leave.  On  the  journey  south-west 
I  reported  myself  to  the  Commandant  at  the  Front,  the 
Archduke  Eugen — a  first-rate  man,  a  shrewd,  keen  soldier, 
aristocratic  both  in  appearance  and  at  heart,  without  the 
usual  airs  of  an  Archduke.  His  Chief  of  the  Staff,  Alfred 
Kraus,  was  worthy  of  him.  The  few  words  of  greeting  and 
encouragement  this  remarkable  man  addressed  to  me  were 
never  absent  from  my  mind  in  the  midst  of  the  deafening 
fire  of  later  weeks  :  "  You  are  going  to  where  every  man 
does  his  best— good  luck."  And  there,  where  I  went— into 
the  mouth  of  hell — every  man  was  a  true  man. 

On  the  nth  March  1916  I  reported  myself  to  Field- 
Marshal  Boroevic  at  Adelsberg.  He  spoke  of  the  absolute 
necessity  of  annexing  the  conquered  territories  from  the 
purely  military  point  of  view. 

14th  March,  Görz.  4TH  Mountain  Brigade.— Went  to 
see  Berchtold,  His  Majesty's  Lord  in  Waiting,  who  is  now 
serving  here  as  orderly  officer,  and  who  of  course  has  every- 
one at  his  feet.  Began  at  once  to  talk  of  his  Bulgarian 
policy  having  been  the  best,  and  said  he  had  foreseen  every- 
thing.    Well,  I  did  not  want  to  argue  with  him. 

15//J  March. — In  the  evening  Colonel  L.  describes  the 
visits  of  some  very  distinguished  officers  of  the  Supreme 
Command.  I  am  struck  by  the  fact  that  even  this  abso- 
lutely loyal  old  Austrian  soldier,  a  Colonel  who  has  been 
wounded  twice,  abuses  them.  Apparently  everyone  at 
the  front  complains  of  this  carpet  Supreme  Command, 
which  sometimes  comes  here  from  Teschen  and  graciously 
receives  men  who  have  looked  death  in  the  face  a  hundred 
times  in  the  course  of  the  week.  I  fear  there  will  be  frightful 
anarchy  after  the  war  ;    as  to  this  I  cherish  no  illusions. 

16th  March. — I  only  get  accustomed  by  degrees  to  the 
heavy  artillery  fire  here.  Heavy  shells  are  perpetually 
falling  close  to  where  I  live,  particularly  in  the  night,  and 
once  or  twice  they  have  even  fallen  into  my  house.  Our 
evening  meal  was  destroyed  yesterday  by  a  21-cm.  shell 


PRINCE  LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ  99 

which  fell  right  on  to  the  kitchen  hearth.  Rank  is  of  no 
account  here,  because  no  one  wishes  to  be  anything  but 
what  he  is.  The  best  among  us  are  the  rank  and  file,  for 
they  do  the  most ;  this  we,  the  Commandants,  recognize 
unreservedly. 

24/A  March. — I  have  taken  all  my  ribbons  oft"  my  uni- 
form to-day.  No  one  wears  any  decorations  here.  So 
many  injustices  have  been  done,  the  present  system  of 
awarding  decorations  is  so  much  merely  a  matter  of  suc- 
cessful toadying,  that  all  at  the  front,  from  the  General 
to  the  youngest  cadet,  have  discarded  their  ribbons  of 
their  own   accord. 

26th  March. — The  day  of  the  action  which  had  been 
prepared  for  weeks  past  to  occupy  the  church  ridge  in  front 
of  Peuma.  As  General  Staff  Officer  of  the  Brigade,  I  was 
to  direct  the  operations  with  Colonel  Petzold,  in  accordance 
with  dispositions  worked  out  by  Captain  Junger,  the  first 
General  Staff  Officer.  I  had  taken  up  a  post  of  observation 
in  a  trench  quite  at  the  front  and  laid  my  telephone  lines, 
when  the  Italians  suddenly  poured  a  tremendous  fire  on 
to  our  most  advanced  heights.  I  had  already  been  under 
heavy  artillery  fire,  but  this  cascade  of  fire  was  new  to  me 
— a  heavy  shell  fell  almost  every  five  seconds  on  a  space 
of  not  more  than  25  metres.  After  half  an  hour  I  was  a 
wreck.  The  men  alongside  of  me  were  quite  cheerful,  as 
though  a  popgun  were  going  off.  I  shall  get  into  training 
too,  but  at  present  my  nerves  are  affected. 

I  endured  this  hell  for  two  hours.  Two  men  beside 
me,  who  were  serving  a  trench  mortar,  were  blown  up  by 
a  heavy  shell.  When  I  groped  my  way  to  the  regimental 
Headquarters  as  night  fell,  I  hardly  knew  whether  I  was 
dead  or  alive. 

Much  more  might  be  said  about  this  action,  the  first 
I  had  been  responsible  for  conducting.  The  great  thing 
is  never  to  work  in  accordance  with  one's  own  feelings; 
decisions  must  be  based  solely  on  cool  pencil  and  compass 
calculations.  Everyone  in  an  action,  even  the  bravest,  is 
unconsciously    untruthful     in    the    statements    he    makes. 


100  MY  MEMOIRS 

The  very  best  Commandants  are  not  in  a  position  to  report 
correctly  on  the  situation,  for  each  is  merely  under  the 
impression  to  which  he  was  directly  subjected.  An  opinion 
can  only  be  formed  from  the  total  result.  All  night  long, 
the  most  varied  Italian  counter-attacks,  all  of  which  are 
beaten  off  with  hand-grenades  and  bombs. 

ist  April. — Unfortunately  our  artillery  fire  on  aero- 
planes is  always  ineffective,  and  even  in  air  fighting  we 
have  very  little  success. 

4th  April. — A  Serbian  regiment  of  Austrian  Landwehr 
infantry  (No.  37)  was  very  well  led  and  did  brilliantly. 
Morale  :  Serbs  fight  brilliantly,  just  as  do  Hungarians  and 
Germans ;  whether  they  will  fight  in  future  for  the 
Habsburgs,  depends  on  the  Habsburgs.  If  this  suicidal 
policy  is  continued  after  the  war,  then  certainly  not. 

In  the  afternoon  I  hear  that  I  have  been  unanimously 
elected  Deputy  at  Hommona. 

14th  April— -The  whole  of  this  part  of  the  country  is 
an  incredible  mass  of  mud,  wire  entanglements  and  weapons, 
and  covered  with  corpses  from  the  recent  battles.  How 
many  thousand  human  beings  have  disappeared  here,  with- 
out leaving  a  trace  behind!  Hopes  and  ideals  which  are 
now  dust.  All  is  vanitas  vanitatum,  and  there  can  be  only 
one  religion  ;  this  consists  of  love,  charity  and  compassion 
for  all  men.  Everyone  must  cultivate  this  religion  and 
try  to  help  his  fellow-men.  All  other  doctrines  and 
teachings  are  idle  talk  and  trash. 

yd  March.— Met  R.  and  L.,  General  Staff  Officers  at 
G.H.Q.,  in  the  trenches  this  afternoon.  These  gentlemen, 
who  always  talk  so  big,  are  there  for  the  first  time.  On  my 
way  home,  three  heavy  shells  fall  quite  close  to  the  path 
and  knock  me  down.  Am  delighted  to  find  that  I  am 
hardly  even  startled.     Nerves  get  accustomed  to  everything. 

6th  May. — Corps  Commandant  Wurm  was  in  the  Podgara 
trenches  this  morning. 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         101 

Had  a  talk  with  Colonel  P.,  who  wants  Parliamen- 
tarism to  be  limited  in  future.  Looks  at  life  from  point  of 
view  of  service  rules  and  regulations. 

yth  May.— I  expect  Fräulein  Alice  Schalek,  the  well- 
known  writer,  at  five  o'clock  in  the  morning.  Tells  me 
a  good  deal  about  her  experiences  in  all  the  theatres  of 
war.  It  is  interesting  to  see  how  all  the  higher  Com- 
mandants grovel  and  make  up  to  her,  they  are  so  much 
afraid  of  the  Neue  Freie  Presse,  whose  correspondent  she 
is.  Happen  to  be  heavily  shelled  in  a  communication 
trench.     Fräulein    Schalek  takes  it  with  great  sang-froid. 

On  the  17th  May  I  returned  to  Buda  Pesth  from  the 
Isonzo  Front  by  way  of  Vienna. 

The  situation  in  Buda  Pesth  had  not  changed  in  any 
way  since  the  preceding  year.  The  autocratic  regime  of 
the  Work  Party  under  Count  Tisza's  leadership  was  as 
unshaken  as  before.  If  this  Party  absolutism  had  been 
irksome  even  in  times  of  peace,  its  practical  results  were 
still  more  intolerable  under  the  pressure  of  war  conditions. 
It  was  due  to  the  general  bitterness,  the  want  of  freedom 
from  which  all  suffered,  that  the  Opposition  Parties,  whose 
principles  differed  so  fundamentally,  joined  forces  and 
showed  a  united  front  against  Tisza. 

The  Hungarian  Parliamentary  campaign  commenced  under 
the  impression  of  the  first  great  Tirol  offensive  which  had 
been  planned,  and  its  sudden  end,  in  consequence  of  the 
destruction  of  our  front  in  the  north  at  Luck.  Public  opinion 
was,  however,  almost  equally  engrossed,  both  in  Hungary 
and  Austria,  with  Baron  Burian's  foreign  policy,  which  was 
characterized  from  the  very  first  by  undiscriminating  and 
slavish  recognition  of  German  control. 

A  further  consideration  to  be  taken  into  Parliamentary 
account  was  the  fact  that  an  absolutist  regime  had  been 
in  force  in  the  sister  State,  Austria,  since  the  commence- 
ment of  the  war.  The  military  administration  was  now 
interfering  seriously  in  economic  questions.  The  Supreme 
Command's  system  had  laid  hands  on  every  branch  of 
industry,  even  on  finance.     The  occupied  territories    were 


102  MY  MEMOIRS 

governed  by  administrations  responsible  solely  to  the  military 
authorities,  and  whose  main  object  was  to  subordinate  every 
complex  solely  and  absolutely  to  the  political  views  held  by 
the  responsible  Supreme  Command.  All  this  was  productive 
of  the  greatest  discontent  among  thinking  politicians  in 
Austria   and  Hungary. 

On  my  return  to  Vienna  from  the  front,  I  went  to  see 
Count  Stürgkh,  who  explained  to  me,  on  the  20th  May, 
that  a  revival  of  the  Parliamentary  system  in  Austria  now 
would  make  it  impossible  to  carry  on  the  war.  I  reminded 
him  (a  man  I  respected  very  highly  as  such)  of  our  conver- 
sation at  the  commencement  of  the  war,  on  which  he  said  : 
"  Yes,  if  we  had  only  known  then  ..." 

On  this,  I  came  to  an  agreement  with  my  Vienna  friends 
and  political  acquaintances,  chiefly  members  of  the  German 
Party.  I  found  the  greatest  indignation  everywhere 
against  Count  Stürgkh  and  the  Supreme  Command's  in- 
terference. I  had  opportunities  of  discussing  the  question 
of  convening  the  Austrian  Parliament  at  repeated  inter- 
views with  Prince  Max  Fürstenberg,  the  then  Home 
Minister  Prince  Conrad  Hohenlohe,  Dr.  Gross,  Urban, 
Bärenreiter,  Langenhan,  and  also  with  Dr.  Viktor  Adler, 
the  leader  of  the  Social  Democratic  Party.  It  was  agreed 
that  on  returning  to  Buda  Pesth  I  should  raise  the  question 
of  convening  the  Delegations,  and  thus  leading  to  a  revival 
of  Austrian  Parliamentarism,  with  such  vehemence  as  to 
give  the  Austrian  Press  occasion  to  comment  on  our  demands, 
and  perhaps  produce  an  agitation  which  might  ultimately 
lead  to  the  restoration  of  Parliamentary  conditions. 

Recognition  of  the  fact  that  Burian's  policy  would 
always  follow  in  Germany's  wake,  even  in  matters  of  vital 
importance  to  us,  finally  convinced  the  German  Parties 
that  nothing  short  of  a  radical  change  in  our  foreign  policy 
would  secure  a  solution  of  the  numerous  questions  of  war 
and  peace. 

The  only  man  who  might  be  able  to  steer  us  in  a  favour- 
able direction,  the  only  one  who  viewed  the  chaos  impartially 
and  without  Party  spectacles,  and  who  had  a  perfectly 
clear  opinion  on  the  subject,  was  Julius  Andrassy.  He 
was   convinced   that    the   World   War   would   not   tend   to 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ  103 

strengthen  the  Austro-Hungarian  State  idea,  unless  North 
and  South  Slav  grievances  were  disposed  of  in  good  time, 
and  with  as  little  friction  as  possible.  At  the  very  com- 
mencement of  the  present  campaign  he  took  active  steps 
in  the  direction  of  setting  up  an  independent  Polish  king- 
dom and,  as  far  back  as  the  early  summer  of  1916,  the 
fundamental  ideals  of  his  foreign  policy  reckoned  with  the 
necessity  for  setting  up  independent  States  in  the  territories 
occupied  by  our  troops. 

The  confidence,  or  the  levity,  with  which  the  gentlemen 
of  our  Ballplatz  danced  airily  over  the  most  important 
problems  arising  out  of  the  various  phases  of  the  war  (they 
apparently  misunderstood  the  raison  d'etre  of  their  official 
abode)  was  perhaps  the  most  disastrous  mistake  of  which 
those  who  controlled  our  destiny  were  guilty. 

There  was  no  doubt  in  the  minds  of  all  our  leading 
diplomats,  military  men  and  politicians,  that  the  territories 
conquered  in  the  course  of  the  war  must  be  "  annexed," 
but,  under  the  pressure  of  immediate  exigencies,  no  one 
but  Andrassy  seemed  to  have  seriously  considered  in  what 
practical  form  these  "  guarantees "  were  to  be  secured. 
Andrassy  was  our  only  constructive  statesman.  He  knew 
that  we  ought  to  have  made  it  our  first  business  to  create 
political  organizations  in  the  occupied  territories  of  such 
a  nature  that  their  existence  alone  would  have  afforded 
the  necessary  future  guarantees  for  the  Central  Powers. 

Immediately  after  the  occupation  of  Poland  and  the 
Baltic  Provinces,  and  of  Serbia,  Montenegro  and  Albania, 
political  foresight  would  have  suggested  their  being  made 
autonomous  States,  whose  Constitutions  might  have  become 
the  most  powerful  supports  of  our  own  and  German  policy. 
Nothing  could  have  more  clearly  revealed  the  political 
incapacity  and  impotence  of  the  Central  Powers  than  the 
disgracefully  high-handed  and  stupidly  short-sighted  pro- 
cedure which  changed  foreign  conquests  into  domestic  losses 
within  a  few  weeks. 

Count  Andrassy  demonstrated  the  necessity  of  setting 
up  an  independent  Poland  in  a  brilliant  article  in  the  Neue 
Freie  Presse.  At  that  time,  Germany  was  inclined  to  agree 
to  a  reorganization  of  the  Polish  State  under  Austrian  pro- 


104  MY  MEMOIRS 

tection.  Burian  was  too  supine  to  turn  this  opportunity 
to  account,  and  both  Poland  and  the  occupied  territories 
in  the  Balkans  continued  under  the  military  administration 
whose  methods  recalled  German  colonial  rule  in.  the 
Cameroons,  and  which  was  regarded  by  the  "  liberated  " 
peoples  as  tyranny  and  slavery. 

The  Parliamentary  session  commenced  just  when  efforts 
were  being  made  to  set  up  an  independent  Poland.  The 
combined  oppositional  Parties  first  tried  amicable  means  of 
inducing  the  Hungarian  Government  to  bring  about  a  change 
in  Burian's  foreign  policy.  When  this  failed,  other  more 
radical  methods  were  brought  to  bear,  to  pull  down  the 
triple  star  Tisza,  Burian,  Stürgkh  from  its  celestial  height. 

I  myself  came  into  personal  conflict  with  Tisza  at  the 
beginning  of  the  session.  He  had  been  interpellated  on 
a  matter  connected  with  the  conduct  of  the  war.  His 
answer  was  ambiguous,  and  I  interrupted  him  to  point  this 
out.  Tisza  got  up  and  said  :  "  The  gallant  Captain  may 
perhaps  have  been  very  brave  out  there,  but  I  know  more 
about  these  things  here."  There  was  instantly  a  movement 
of  indignation,  and  I  jumped  up.  "  I  have  only  been  in 
this  House  a  short  time,"  I  exclaimed  ;  "I  did  not  know 
that  an  officer  who  has  done  his  duty  at  the  front  would 
only  be  considered  worthy  of  ridicule  by  a  Hungarian  Prime 
Minister."  The  House  took  my  side  against  Tisza.  Tisza 
was  much  embarrassed,  came  over  to  me  and  apologized. 

One  of  the  more  radical  methods  adopted  by  the  Opposi- 
tion was  appointing  leaders,  who  demanded  an  insight  into 
the  conduct  of  the  Foreign  Office  affairs  at  one  of  the  July 
sittings.  These  leaders  were  Andrassy,  Apponyi  and 
Rakovsky.  They  were  even  received  by  the  Monarch, 
and  had  a  long  audience,  in  the  course  of  which  they 
explained  their  objections  to  Burian's  procedure,  or  rather 
his  passivity. 

In  the  meantime,  however,  the  failure  of  our  offensive 
in  Tirol  and  the  collapse  of  our  front  at  Luck  had  caused 
a  serious  military  crisis.  The  fall  of  Görz  and  the  defeat 
at  Luck  completed  a  cycle  of  uninterrupted  disaster,  a 
circulus  vitiosus.  In  order  to  achieve  successes  in  Italy 
without  Germany's  help,   the  Teschen  Supreme  Command 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  105 

had  denuded  the  North-east  Front  of  all  fighting  material. 
Not  only  was  this  done  without  the  knowledge  of  the 
German  military  authorities,  but  they  were  actually 
deceived.  The  Russians  then  began  to  smash  the  thin 
wall  to  pieces.  Desperate  and  bewildered,  the  Supreme 
Command  ordered  all  the  heavy  artillery  to  be  transported 
back  from  the  south  to  the  north  in  hot  haste — of  course, 
as  usual,  without  consulting  the  Commandants  on  the  spot. 
It  came  too  late  to  save  the  situation  at  Luck,  but  the  result 
of  its  being  taken  from  the  Isonzo  Front  was  that  we  lost 
our  mountains,  which  until  now  the  enemy  had  been 
attacking  in  vain  for  months,  and  that  through  this  our 
position  became  hopeless  as  far  as  the  Adriatic.  Whilst 
the  enemy  forced  his  way  into  our  positions  from  above 
and  below,  our  30-cm.  mortars  and  15-cm.  howitzers  were 
en  route  right  across  the  Monarchy. 

Germans  from  the  West  Front  again  had  to  strengthen 
our  line. 

Simultaneously — and  the  connection  was  clear — the 
German  Government  changed  its  mind  as  to  the  solution 
of  the  Polish  question. 

Andrassy  and  I  then  went  to  Berlin,  to  confer  with 
the  German  statesmen.  The  ambassador,  Tschirschky,  had 
been  won  over  to  Andrassy's  programme,  and  at  that 
time  even  Francis  Joseph  did  not  seem  to  be  antagonistic 
to  it. 

Just  then  Baron  Burian  had,  strange  to  say,  succeeded 
in  falling  out  with  the  German  Foreign  Office.  That  is  to 
say,  he  had  thought  out  a  point  of  view  of  his  own,  differing 
from  the  German  view,  which  he  took  great  pains  to  explain 
to  himself  and  others,  as  becomes  the  nature  of  a  professor, 
in  a  thick  book  of  about  1,000  pages.  (The  German  Kaiser 
admitted  to  me  at  Spa  later  on  that  he  had  not  read  the 
book  ;    it  had  been  too  thick  for  him.) 

Before  the  break  through  at  Luck,  the  Germans  had 
agreed  to  Poland  being  set  up,  conditionally  on  Austria- 
Hungary  undertaking  the  organization  of  the  Polish  army 
and  Poland  concluding  an  economic  agreement  with  the 
German  Empire  which  would  guarantee  Germany  the 
policy  of  the  open  door  towards  the  new  State.     Burian's 


106  MY  MEMOIRS 

answer,  astonishing  to  relate,  was  that  Austria-Hungary 
could  not  now  allow  the  conditions  under  which  she  would 
take  part  in  the  re-establishment  of  Poland  to  be  dictated 
to  her,  and  "  contemplated  possibly  returning  to  this 
question  later." 

Andrassy's  programme  (which  had  loyally  been  com- 
municated to  Tisza)  comprised,  even  at  that  time,  the 
cession  of  Galicia  to  Poland  and  the  erection  of  an  inde- 
pendent State  through  the  instrumentality  of  Austria- 
Hungary. 

I  had  an  opportunity  of  meeting  the  Imperial  Chancellor, 
Bethmann-Hollweg,  and  the  Secretary  of  State,  von  Jagow, 
in  Berlin.  The  Chancellor  said  to  me  then:  "No  sensible 
German  statesman  can  contemplate  conquests  in  the  West. 
The  great  sacrifices  this  war  has  cost  Germany  must  be 
made  good  by  economic  compensations.  This  can  only 
be  done  by  making  the  great  conquered  districts  in  the 
east  subservient  to  Germany's  interests." 

This  afforded  us  the  possibility  of  solving  the  Polish 
question  at  once. 

It  was  interesting  to  me  to  notice  that  both  Bethmann- 
Hollweg  and  Herr  von  Jagow  complained  of  the  increasing 
influence  of  the  German  military  authorities,  who  even  at 
that  time  exercised  the  strongest  influence  on  all  the 
administrative  functions  of  economic  life. 

A  few  days  after  our  return  from  Berlin,  the  Opposition 
leaders  resigned  their  mandate  to  supervise  foreign  policy, 
at  a  public  sitting  of  Parliament.  Of  necessity.  For  Burian 
had  declared  that  he  would  not  show  them  his  various  secret 
documents.  That  was  his  secret;  he  was  the  responsible 
Minister  and  would  not  submit  to  control.  This  secrecy, 
a  characteristic  of  all  our  officials,  was  misplaced ;  for 
Tschirschky  had  lifted  the  veil  of  his  own  accord,  and 
allowed  us  all  to  look  into  the  documents  respecting  the 
differences  between  the  German  Government  and  Baron 
Burian  at  that  moment. 

I  found  silent  wrath  and  despair  in  Vienna.  Of  course, 
no  one  knew  what  was  going  on  behind  the  scenes,  but 
everyone  felt  the  bitter  reflection  of  it.  Vienna  was  like 
a  wretched  dog,  so  tightly  muzzled  by  the  Supreme  Com- 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         107 

mand,  Burian,  Stiirgkh  and  Tisza,  that  it  could  not  even 
whine. 

I  went  to  Stiirgkh  and   tried   to  preach  sense  to  him. 
I  propounded  the  most  primitive  truths  :    that  Parliament 
was  a  safety  valve  ;    that  an  overheated  kettle  must  have 
some  means  of  letting  off  steam  ;    it  was  better  that  ten 
Deputies  should  punch  one  another's  heads  in  Parliament 
than  that  ten  thousand  people  should  fight  in  the   streets. 
Nothing  was  of  any  use.     He  was  quite  unable  to  cope  with 
the  position.     I  implored  him  to  relax  the  Press  censorship, 
to  permit  some  possibility  of  ventilating  public  questions  ; 
he  maintained  a  negative  attitude.     "  In  any  case,"  he  said, 
"  the  question  of  the  war  must  very  soon  be  settled" — at 
this  time  of  political  and  military  tension  he  could  not  make 
any  concessions.     He  also  complained  bitterly  of  the  Zeit. 
He  had  proposed  to  the  publishers  that  they  should  work 
hand  in  hand  with  the  Government  ;    the  Zeit  had  refused. 
At  that  time  it  appeared  that  there  were  great  abuses  in 
the    military    establishments    and    centres.     The    Zeit    was 
offered  half  a  million  by  the  Government  if  it  would  adopt 
a    tolerant    attitude   in    discussing    these    circumstances,    a 
proposition  which  the  publishers  indignantly  rejected.    The 
result  was  that  the  Zeit  was  all  the  more  severely  censored. 
This  was  how  Stiirgkh's  terror  worked.     We  in   Hungary 
were  also  muzzled,   but  we  could  at  least  bark,   and  this 
we   did   with    a    will.     Andrassy    and    I    and   our   people 
demanded    the    convocation    of     the    Austrian    House    of 
Deputies.     We  were  in  close  touch  with  all  the  right-thinking 
elements  in  Vienna,  and,  with  united  forces,  we  hoped  to 
be  in  a  position  to  free  ourselves  above  all  from  Stiirgkh 
and  Burian. 

I  discussed  the  subject  quite  openly  with  Stiirgkh  ;  I 
warned  him.  I  had  drawn  up  a  memorandum,  in  which 
an  analysis  of  the  present  strength  of  our  defensive 
force  revealed  the  perilous  position  of  the  Monarchy  incon- 
trovertibly.  I  showed  him  this  memorandum.  It  had  not 
the  slightest  effect  on  him.  He  knew  he  was  strong,  because 
he  had  Tisza  at  his  back,  while  Tisza  again  felt  he  had 
Francis  Joseph  behind  him.  Thus  Stiirgkh,  Burian  and 
Tisza  worked  together — allowed  no  one  to  look  into  their 


108  MY  MEMOIRS 

work — while  Bolfras,  the  head  of  His  Majesty's  Military 
Office,  and  the  Supreme  Command  gave  a  helping  hand 
from  time  to  time.  This  ring  terrorized  and  scotched  every 
sound  idea,  every  attempt  to  act  sensibly. 

In  Buda  Pesth  we  cried :  "  The  Delegation  must  be 
opened  !  The  Austrian  Parliament  must  meet  !  "  Timidly 
one  and  another  Vienna  newspaper  ventured  to  repeat  the 
cry.  After  my  last  talk  with  Stiirgkh  even  these  voices 
were  silenced.  Then  I  tried  something  else  :  I  set  up  a 
small  private  printing  press  in  my  house  in  the  Prinz  Eugen 
Strasse.  For  a  whole  month  I  had  the  Hungarian  Parlia- 
mentary reports  translated,  hectographed  and  sent  under 
sealed  cover  to  all  politicians  and  influential  personages. 
It  was  an  expensive  and  somewhat  dangerous  amusement. 
But  at  that  time  it  was  the  only  way  in  which  it  was  possible 
to  let  people  in  Austria  know  what  was  said  in  open 
session  in  Hungary. 

It  was  then  that  the  bullet  was  cast,  so  to  speak,  which 
was  to  compass  the  Austrian  Prime  Minister's  death  a  few 
months  later. 

Tisza,  however,  had  got  wind  of  the  fact  that  Andrassy's 
influence  with  the  Monarch  was  increasing,  and  as  it  seemed 
possible  that  he  might  be  appointed  Minister  for  Foreign 
Affairs,  he  did  all  he  could  to  prevent  this. 

Towards  the  middle  of  August  the  German  Imperial 
Chancellor  arrived  in  Vienna  with  the  Secretary  of  State, 
Jagow.  The  conditions  were  to  be  fixed,  on  general  lines, 
under  which  Austria-Hungary  would  continue  to  take  part 
in  carrying  on  the  war.  Andrassy,  of  course,  was  not  at 
that  time  in  a  position  to  enter  into  unofficial  communi- 
cation with  the  German  statesmen.  I,  however,  went  to 
Vienna,  where  I  had  a  long  talk  with  Jagow,  who  now  told 
me  definitely  that,  as  matters  stood  (after  Luck-Asiago), 
he  would  not  agree  to  an  Austro-Polish  solution.  On  the 
other  hand,  he  would  leave  Baron  Burian  a  free  hand  in  all 
questions  concerning  the  Balkans.  It  cannot  exactly  be 
said  that  Burian  seized  and  made  the  most  of  this  oppor- 
tunity of  doing  something  great. 

It  was  at  this  period  that  an  interesting  attempt  was 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         109 

made  at  the  Headquarters  of  the  Supreme  Command  at 
Teschen  to  conspire  against  Tisza's  Government,  which  had 
given  offence.  At  a  moment  when  Andrassy's  appointment 
to  be  Foreign  Minister  appeared  probable,  I  met  the  then 
all-powerful  head  of  the  Intelligence  Service,  Colonel 
Hranilovic,  in  Vienna.  I  knew  him  to  be  an  absolutely 
unscrupulous  intriguer,  but  also  an  extraordinarily  able 
man  ;  a  Croatian  by  birth,  he  was  a  valuable  personality 
at  a  time  when  an  attempt  was  being  made  to  solve  the 
South  Slav  problem.  We  had  a  talk,  and  agreed  to  put 
Conrad  in  touch  with  Andrassy.  Conrad  was  at  that  time 
on  very  bad  terms  with  Tisza.  The  Supreme  Command 
had  interfered  in  Hungary's  domestic  political  affairs,  and 
Tisza  did  not  take  this  kind  of  thing  as  a  joke.  There  was 
open  warfare.  To  the  honour  of  the  Generalissimo,  the 
Archduke  Friedrich,  it  must  be  said  here  that  he  always 
represented  the  conciliatory  element  and  tried  to  come  to 
terms ;  nor  was  Conrad  ill-disposed  or  quarrelsome ;  it 
was  the  Staff  Officers  of  his  entourage  who  were  spiteful 
and  who  thirsted  for  revenge — Messrs.  Metzger,  Slamecka, 
Christofori  and  other  highly  placed  military  men,  who  up 
till  then  had  hardly  ever  been  at  the  front,  and  who  wore  all 
the  military  decorations  on  their  hitherto  unwounded  breasts. 

What  the  military  authorities  wanted  at  that  time  was 
to  drive  Tisza,  who  had  already  grown  too  powerful,  from 
office.  And  no  means  of  accomplishing  this  would  have 
come  amiss  to  them  ;  but  when  Andrassy's  chances  of 
coming  into  power  vanished,  the  connection  with  me  was 
hastily  broken  off. 

Till  now,  Baron  Burian  had  never  succeeded  in  gaining 
a  clear  insight  into  the  military  situation  of  the  Monarchy. 
Teschen  Headquarters  continued  its  sovereign  activity, 
without  obtaining  the  consent  of  the  Governments  of  the 
two  States,  as  factors  of  equal  importance,  to  its  decisions 
and  measures.  In  one  of  our  anxious  talks,  Andrassy 
called'  my  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  bands  which  held 
the  Monarchy  together  were  already  so  dilapidated  and 
rusty  that  its  individual  parts  must  fall  asunder  within  a 
space  of  time  which  could  be  determined  with  mathematical 
precision.     And  no  one  did  anything  to  prevent  this. 


110  MY  MEMOIRS 

It  was  absolutely  necessary,  however,  that  something 
should  be  done  ;  it  seemed  high  time.  The  war  was  going 
badly  :  even  Rumania  turned  against  us  and  obliged  us 
to  extend  our  front  by  500  kilometres.  I  therefore  under- 
took to  give  all  the  responsible  quarters  and  factors 
a  clear  insight  into  our  military  and  political  position. 
I  drew  up  a  synopsis  of  the  war  strength  of  our  army, 
which  was  intended  to  give  a  general  idea  of  what  further 
strength  the  Monarchy  would  be  in  a  position  to  raise.  The 
data  were  partly  at  my  disposal  as  a  Staff  Officer,  and 
the  remainder  I  was  able  to  obtain  through  my  friends  in  the 
Ministry  of  War  and  in  other  offices. 

I  gave  the  number  of  our  regiments  and  the  recruiting 
districts  from  which  they  were  fed  ;  the  numbers  added 
to  them  every  month,  and  the  numbers  which  had  to  be 
written  off  each  month,  according  to  experience  hitherto  ; 
the  number  of  batteries  of  artillery  and  the  monthly  output 
of  guns ;  the  expenditure  on  munitions  and  the  (quite 
inadequate)  additional  supply  of  munitions.  I  outlined  the 
military  events  of  the  past  year  and  the  causes  of  success 
or  failure.  I  showed  up  the  want  of  unanimity  between 
all  our  governing  circles,  their  antagonism,  the  shocking 
inefficiency  of  our  Intelligence  Service.  (As  a  piquant 
detail,  I  quoted  the  fact,  for  instance,  that  the  head  of 
the  Military  Intelligence  Service  of  our  Northern  Front, 
Colonel  Hranilovic,  had  whiled  away  his  time  as  a  brigadier 
in  South  Tirol  during  the  whole  period  before  the  Italian 
offensive  until  the  Russian  break  through  at  Luck,  in  order 
to  obtain  the  military  decoration  for  gallant  conduct  in 
the  face  of  the  enemy,  which  he  still  lacked.)  I  criticized 
the  lack  of  a  uniform  plan,  and  ruthlessly  attacked  the 
five  or  six  officers  of  the  Teschen  Supreme  Command  who 
had  been  promoted  from  the  General  Staff,  pointing  out 
that  the  Chief  of  the  Staff  and  a  Generalissimo  with  no 
influence  whatever  were  their  blind  tools.  I  explained 
that  all  these  circumstances  had  naturally  reacted  on  the 
morale  of  the  troops  ;  the  soldier  who  has  been  fighting  for 
two  years  discovers  for  himself  the  lack  of  any  definite 
plan  on  the  part  of  the  leaders  ;  all  the  advantages  gained 
with  trouble  and  loss  of  life  had  to  be  abandoned,  because 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  111 

those  in  command  had  neither  strength,  character  nor  ideas. 
I  showed  the  inevitable  fate  of  our  troops  at  the  front,  from 
demonstrable  figures  and  evidence.  The  only  question  was 
whether  Germany's  position  on  the  Western  Front  would 
remain  so  favourable  as  to  warrant  our  persevering.  Under 
the  existing  circumstances,  however,  the  wicked  waste  and 
sacrifice  of  our  human  material  precluded  the  resumption 
of  any  kind  of  offensive.  In  conclusion,  I  demanded  the 
disbandment  of  the  Teschen  Headquarters  Staff. 

I  sent  this  memorandum  to  Tisza,  to  His  Majesty's 
Military  Office,  to  the  Ministry  of  War,  to  Stiirgkh  and  to 
the  leaders  of  the  Opposition. 

The  effect  was  nil. 

I  had  asked  permission  to  resign  my  appointment  on 
the  Staff  some  months  before,  and  had  at  last  received  it. 
The  Rumanian  declaration  of  war  was  imminent.  I  asked 
to  be  appointed  to  the  branch  of  the  service  which  had  the 
most  onerous  task  in  this  war,  to  the  infantry,  that  I 
might  go  to  the  Rumanian  theatre  of  war  as  a  simple 
officer  at  the  front. 

But  before  going  I  wanted  to  fire  a  last  shot  at  home 
from  the  heaviest  mortar  at  my  disposal. 

I  got  twenty  of  my  colleagues  in  the  House  of  Deputies 
to  summon  a  secret  sitting  of  Parliament,  and  announced 
that  I  was  going  to  speak. 

There  was  great  uneasiness,  as  was  immediately  reported 
to  me,  in  various  spheres.  Hazai,  the  Minister  of  Defence, 
expressed  his  anxiety  to  me,  and  Tisza,  who  had  talked 
over  my  memorandum  with  me,  shrugging  his  shoulders — 
"  What  can  one  do  !  " — also  showed  signs  of  nervousness. 

But  I  made  my  speech  on  Friday,  the  15th  September, 
1916.  The  House  was  packed.  I  spoke  for  two  and  a  half 
hours  and  said  all  that  was  in  my  heart.     Almost  all. 

I  instanced  all  the  mistakes  that  had  been  made  since 
the  beginning  of  the  war,  so  that  we  might  yet  recover  our 
senses  in  time  and  prepare  the  remedy  on  the  basis  of  the 
mistakes ; 

I  threw  light  on  the  "  system  "  practised  by  our  military 
authorities ; 


112  MY  MEMOIRS 

I  attacked  our  system  of  marching  battalions,  which 
led  to  senseless  waste  of  human  material ; 

I  went  thoroughly  into  the  behaviour  of  the  Czech  and 
Ruthenian  regiments  and  the  causes  of  their  having  been 
found  wanting — causes  which  were  partly  to  be  put  down 
to  the  credit  of  our  political  mistakes; 

I  criticized  the  strategy  which  repeated  the  same  mis- 
takes and  acts  again  and  again,  in  spite  of  the  most  deplor- 
able experiences,  and  pointed  out  concrete  examples  ; 

I  broached  the  Auffenberg  question  again,  and  informed 
the  attentive  audience  that  in  searching  the  house  nothing 
compromising  had  been  found,  but  the  letter  creating  him 
a  Baron  had  been  taken  away  and  had  not  been  returned 
to  this  day  ; 

I  stated  that  Auffenberg's  documents  were  in  my  hands, 
to  prevent  the  Supreme  Army  Command  from  appropriating 
them  ; 

And  I  announced  that  I  would  lay  documents  respecting 
the  battle  of  Komarov  on  the  table  of  the  House  at  a  future 
date,  when  it  would  be  seen  who  was  to  blame  for  the  loss 
at  that  time  of  nearly  100,000  men  ; 

I  pointed  out  how  our  prestige  in  the  Balkans  had  been 
craftily  destroyed  ; 

I  spoke  of  the  trips  taken  by  our  heavy  artillery  ;  the 
fall  of  Görz,  the  catastrophe  of  Luck  ; 

I  commented  on  the  folly  of  our  military  authorities, 
who  fortified  the  Danube  line  from  Belgrade  to  Krems  the 
first  year  of  the  war,  at  a  cost  of  450  millions — the  Danube 
line  from  Belgrade  to  Krems  ! — whilst  no  practical  steps 
were  taken  to  defend  the  crest  of  the  Carpathians  ; 

I  spoke  of  our  appalling  losses,  and  of  our  having  just 
sacrificed  half  a  million  men  in  the  Bukovina  and  at  Luck  ; 

I  laid  stress  on  the  traditional  discord  between  the 
Supreme  Command  and  the  Foreign  Office,  and  the  bad 
faith  of  both  towards  our  Allies  ; 

I  spoke  of  the  four  different  tendencies  of  our  Intelli- 
gence Service — that  of  the  Supreme  Command,  that  of  the 
Ministry  for  Foreign  Affairs  and  that  of  the  separate  Austrian 
and  Hungarian  Government  organizations,  which  were  all 
working  against  one  another  ; 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         113 

Finally,  I  attacked  by  name  the  Teschen  Headquarters 
Staff  Officers,  who  had  entirely  usurped  the  executive  power 
of  the  Chiefs,  men  tired  out  by  the  superhuman  work  they 
had  to  do. 

They  it  was  who  showed  great  courage  at  the  green 
table,  instead  of  sticking  to  their  pencils  and  leaving  the 
valour  to  the  officers  at  the  front ; 

They  it  was  who  committed  wholesale  murder,  for  it 
stands  to  reason  that  strategic  actions  can  only  be  the  out- 
come of  political  views  which  it  is  the  business  of  strategy 
to  carry  out,  and,  under  present-day  conditions,  strategy 
with  no  policy  underlying  it  is  nothing  but  wholesale  murder ; 

They  it  was  who,  conscious  of  their  own  inefficiency, 
and  jealous  of  the  success  of  others,  suspended  Schemua, 
Auffenberg,  Terstyansky,  Dankl  and  many  others  of  lower 
rank,  one  after  another,  in  such  a  way  as  utterly  to  discredit 
them; 

They  it  was  who  had  put  the  young  heir  to  the  throne 
in  an  impossible  position,  by  making  him  Commander-in- 
Chief  of  an  army  which  was  working  under  purely  German 
Staff  organization,  whereby  he  was  perpetually  exposed  to 
the  risk  of  being  an  object  of  friction  between  the  Teschen 
and  the  German  Headquarters. 

In  particular,  I  contrasted  our  splendid,  incomparable 
troops  and  our  able,  self-sacrificing  officers  with  men  like 
General  Metzger,  who,  in  conjunction  with  his  relations 
and  friends,  who  had  been  put  into  the  highest  posts  through 
shameless  favouritism,  had  repeatedly  done  the  greatest 
harm,  as  had  also  the  Staff  Officers  Christofori,  Slamecka  and 
Hranilovic,  of  whom  Hranilovic  in  particular  meddled  in 
foreign  and  domestic  politics  in  the  most  officious  way. 

I  predicted  that  even  the  appointment  of  Field-Marshal 
von  Hindenburg  to  be  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  whole 
Eastern  Front,  which  was  received  with  the  greatest  enthu- 
siasm throughout  Austria-Hungary,  would  not  be  any 
advantage  to  us  so  long  as  the  Teschen  clique  continued  its 
disastrous  activity. 

And  in  conclusion  I  said :  "I  must  lay  stress  on 
another,  in  my  opinion,  very  important  point.  It  is  con- 
nected with  the  social  changes  we  must  expect  after  the 

8 


114  MY  MEMOIRS 

war.  I  think  we  must  honestly  admit  that  the  poorer 
classes  of  the  people  have  unquestionably  made  the  heaviest 
sacrifices.  The  men  in  the  skirmishing  line  and  in  the 
trenches  were  for  the  most  part  representative  of  the  lower 
classes,  who  earn  their  daily  bread  in  peace-time  by  the 
labour  of  their  hands.  If  we  wish  to  be  frank,  we,  who 
mostly  belong  to  those  classes  of  society  whose  daily  bread 
is  earned  by  brain  work,  must  own  that  the  poorer  classes 
did  better  in  this  war  than  we  did  ;  we  must  not  forget 
that  the  bayonet  charges  were  always  successful.  Mistakes 
were  only  made  by  the  leaders,  by  those  who  have  the 
government  of  the  Monarchy  and  the  ordering  of  its  fate 
in  their  hands.  Do  you  believe,  gentlemen,  that  those  men 
who  have  made  the  heaviest  sacrifices  and  who  know  quite 
well  that  they  are  in  no  way  to  blame  for  the  catastrophes, 
that  those  classes  will  continue  to  trust  themselves  to  our 
guidance  after  the  war  ?  I  can  assure  you,  gentlemen,  that 
there  will  be  no  more  talk  of  Party  differences  then.  The 
peasants  and  working-men,  who  have  lost  their  property 
owing  to  mistaken  steps  being  taken,  whose  innumerable 
fellow-countrymen  have  been  left  on  the  field  of  battle  or 
maimed,  will  hold  us  all  responsible  for  the  system  we  have 
tolerated,  have  supported  by  our  silence.  Gentlemen,  the 
Government  has  adopted  a  very  churlish  standpoint  in 
the  matter  of  extending  the  franchise  to  the  soldiers  return- 
ing from  the  war.  This  is  all  the  more  incomprehensible 
to  me,  as  at  one  time  the  Government  proposed  to  extend 
the  franchise  a  great  deal  further.  One  thing,  however,  is 
certain,  that  the  masses  returning  from  the  war  will  not 
be  satisfied  even  with  this  franchise,  that  they  will  no  longer 
silently  submit  to  the  guidance  of  a  short-sighted  policy 
and  put  up  with  this  thoroughly  corrupt  system.  And 
those  masses  will  not  distinguish  between  you,  my  honour- 
able colleagues  of  the  Majority,  and  us!  They  will  sweep 
us  all  away!  And  I  shall  be  the  first  to  admit  frankly  that, 
if  they  sweep  us  away,  they  will  have  right  on  their  side !  " 

I  think  I  may  say  that  my  speech  had  the  effect  of 
relieving  the  tension.  I  heard  loud  applause  from  all  parts 
of   the   House.     The   Minister   of   Defence   rose   and   said  : 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ  115 

"  The  speech  contains  nothing  to  which  a  patriot  could  not 
agree  ;    I  have  no  comment  to  make  on  it." 

The  whole  Work  Party  stared  at  their  leader  and  waited 
for  him  to  jump  up  and  call  me  to  account :  but  Tisza 
remained  seated  and  said  not  a  word. 

Some  of  my  friends  had  taken  down  the  speech,  and 
I  had  eighty  numbered  copies  made,  which  I  sent  to  all  the 
quarters  concerned  and  to  all  the  people  I  had  attacked. 

A  fortnight  later  the  Military  Office  approached  me  and 
asked  what  my  object  was  in  reopening  the  Auffenberg 
affair  and  disclosing  the  documents.  I  knew  that  the 
gentlemen  were  uneasy;  they  were  afraid  they  might  be 
seriously  compromised,  and  I  replied  :  "  My  object  was 
to  secure  the  Royal  autograph  letter  and  the  patent  of 
nobility  being  returned  to  Auffenberg." 

Upon  this,  Auffenberg's  documents  were  returned  to 
him.  I  also  learnt  through  an  aide-de-camp  that  the 
Monarch  had  discussed  my  speech  with  old  Bolfras,  and 
had  said  :  "  How  can  the  son  of  old  Windischgraetz  make 
a  thing  of  this  kind  public  ?  And  the  worst  of  it  is  that 
it  is  all  true." 

Krobatin,  the  War  Minister,  asked  me  for  an  interview  ; 
Conrad  was  very  much  annoyed  ;  the  Supreme  Command 
was  furious. 

I  had  thought  it  necessary  to  send  a  copy  of  the  speech 
to  the  heir  to  the  throne  and  subsequent  Emperor  and 
King  as  well.  He  let  me  know  that  he  fully  appreciated 
all  I  had  said. 

A  year  and  a  half  later — I  was  already  a  Minister — the 
King  happened  to  speak  of  my  speech,  and  said  that  I  could 
regard  what  had  occurred  months  before  as  a  satisfaction 
and  the  best  answer  to  my  statements  and  attacks  in  Parlia- 
ment. This  referred  to  his  having  in  the  meantime  scattered 
the  Teschen  Headquarters  Staff  to  the  winds  and  shown 
the  first  signs  of  a  hopeful  peace  policy. 

Baron  Hazai  behaved  very  decently.  He  came  to  me 
and  said  :  "  My  dear  friend,  I  know  you  want  to  go  to  the 
front  ;  but  I  shall  not  let  you  go  haphazard.  The  Teschen 
clique  is  so  furious  with  you,  that  it  will  put  you  into  a  bad 
regiment  and  do  everything  possible  to  bring  discredit  on 


116  MY  MEMOIRS 

you.     I    am   just   now   raising   Transylvanian   volunteers ; 
if  you  like,  you  can  take  over  a  battalion." 

I  was  very  grateful  to  him.  That  appeared  to  be  a 
task  which  would  enable  me  to  achieve  something  on 
my  own  account.  I  accepted,  and  started  at  once  for 
Nagyvarad. 

Of  course  I  took  Victor  and  Gaspar,  my  bodyguard, 
with  me. 

While  I  was  raising  my  battalion  at  Nagyvarad — it  con- 
sisted of  quite  young  fellows  of  sixteen  to  twenty — the  heir 
to  the  throne  came  to  this  town,  which  was  now  the  Head- 
quarters of  the  General  commanding  on  the  Rumanian 
Front,  with  the  German  General  von  Seekt,  whom  I  had  met 
during  the  Serbian  campaign,  and  with  whom  I  had  since 
kept  up  a  friendship.  I  hoped  to  make  the  personal 
acquaintance  of  the  heir  to  the  throne,  in  order  to  enlighten 
him  verbally  as  to  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  country.  An 
order  came,  however,  from  His  Majesty's  Military  Office  in 
Vienna  which  forbade  his  meeting  or  speaking  to  me. 

I  often  met  Seekt,  who  was  now  the  heir  to  the  throne's 
Chief  of  the  Staff,  and  learnt  to  appreciate  him  more  and 
more.  He  was  one  of  the  few  who  fully  understood  our 
complications,  and  not  only  thoroughly  grasped  our  weak- 
nesses, but  recognized  their  causes. 

In  November  my  battalion  went  to  the  front.  I  shall 
never  forget  our  departure  from  Nagyvarad.  It  was  the 
first  Hungarian  volunteer  formation  to  go  to  the  front. 
The  whole  sympathy  of  the  Hungarian  population,  the 
war  enthusiasm  which  had  revived  at  that  time,  went  with 
us.  My  officers  were  of  the  best — all  of  them  men  who 
had  spent  the  years  of  the  war  in  the  trenches.  I  had  also 
a  personal  friend  with  me,  Lieutenant  Count  Sigray,  one 
of  the  few  of  my  equals  in  whom  I  felt  perfect  confidence. 
Although  he  had  never  served  in  the  infantry,  his  company 
was  the  best  in  the  battalion.  Always  in  the  most  dangerous 
spot,  a  good  friend  to  every  one  of  his  men,  always  ready 
to  take  the  most  disagreeable  duties  on  himself,  he  was 
the  ideal  Hungarian  soldier,  as  the  representatives  of  the 
Hungarian  nobility  had  been  from  time  immemorial. 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         117 

It  was  at  this  period  that  the  declaration  of  unrestricted 
U-boat  warfare  was  made  by  Germany  and  Austria-Hun- 
gary. It  is  of  interest  that  the  Prime  Minister,  Count 
Tisza,  the  energetic  and  relentless  champion  of  the  foreign 
war  policy,  should  have  been  perhaps  the  sole  responsible 
statesman  the  Central  Powers  had  who  recognized  clearly 
and  unmistakably  the  incalculable  consequences  of  a  failure 
of  this  gigantic  undertaking. 

As  appears  to  have  been  since  established  by  the  docu- 
ments and  protocols  of  the  conferences  which  took  place 
at  the  time  between  Germany  and  Austria-Hungary,  Tisza 
had  protested  in  the  strongest  possible  way  against  the 
introduction  of  this  ruthless  form  of  war,  and  had  insisted 
on  his  protest  against  the  proposals  made  as  regards  this 
by  the  German  Supreme  Command  being  entered  on  the 
minutes.  It  must  be  admitted  that  at  that  period  the 
influence  of  the  German  Supreme  Command  was  such  that 
Austria-Hungary,  which  was  dependent  on  Germany  in 
almost  all  economic  and  military  questions,  could  not  exer- 
cise any  authoritative  influence  on  the  decisions  of  those 
responsible  for  the  conduct  of  the  war. 

It  is  nevertheless  characteristic  that  Tisza,  who  was 
repeatedly  and  mercilessly  attacked  during  the  course  of 
the  war,  and  to  whom  the  burden  of  carrying  on  the  war 
fell,  never  publicly  mentioned  the  weighty  arguments  he 
had  adduced  at  the  time,  but  preferred  to  take  the  whole 
odium  of  the  war  and  the  intensified  conduct  of  the  war 
on  himself,  rather  than  allow  the  "system"  to  be  weakened. 

26th  November,  1916,  Kolozsvar.  On  the  Way  to 
the  Front. — Francis  Joseph  I  is  dead.  His  death  was  an 
infinite  relief  here,  as  everywhere.  Every  one  had  felt  the 
frightful  weight  of  the  camarilla. 

2gth  November,  Segesvar. — Report  myself  to  the  Com- 
mand of  the  Rumanian  Front,  which  has  now  removed  here. 
Old  General  Kövess,  who  represents  the  Archduke  Joseph, 
was  at  supper.  He  and  Seekt,  who  is  also  Chief  of  the 
General  Staff  of  the  Rumanian  Front,  receive  me  very  kindly. 
Seekt  tells  me  that  he  wanted  to  attach  my  battalion  to 


118  MY  MEMOIRS 

a  Bavarian  column  which  is  marching  on  Bucharest,  but 
the  Teschen  riff-raff  prevented  it,  in  order  to  deprive  me 
of  a  possible  opportunity  of  achieving  something  great 
with  the  Hungarian  volunteers.  Seekt  was  very  indignant, 
and  said  :  "  You  may  be  proud  of  being  hated  there." 
He  also  told  me  that  he  had  strongly  advised  the  young 
King  to  cede  Galicia.  He  said  :  "  Karl  is  very  suspicious, 
no  friend  of  Tisza's,  and  at  all  events  loyal  at  heart  to 
Germany."  He  also  thinks  that  Andrassy's  hour  must 
come  now. 

ist  December,  Csik-Szereda. — I  march  singing  at  the 
head  of  my  thousand  men.  A  feeling  of  exultation.  My 
battalion  is  called  the  "  Tiger  Battalion."  At  one  of  the 
last  sittings  of  Parliament,  Michael  Karolyi  made  a  fine 
patriotic  speech.  "  If  the  Rumanians  invade  Hungarian 
soil,"  he  said,  or  something  to  that  effect,  "  we  Hungarians 
shall  fight  like  tigers."  I  caught  at  this  saying,  and  called 
my  young  warriors  the  "Tigers."  My  wife  designed  a 
badge,  and  every  man  wore  it  in  bronze  on  his  cap. 

I  discovered  that,  a  short  time  ago,  Tisza  too  had  been 
intriguing  against  me  in  conjunction  with  the  Supreme  Com- 
mand. The  heir  to  the  throne  had  expressed  a  wish  to 
inspect  my  battalion.  My  young  fellows  were  enchanted. 
The  battalion  turned  out ;  everything  was  ready  and 
waiting.  But  the  Archduke  did  not  appear.  At  the  last 
moment  a  telegram  had  come  from  Vienna  which  actually 
forbade  his  making  this  inspection.  My  men  looked  dis- 
appointed and  Seekt  was  indignant. 

2nd  December,  Csik  Zsögod. — I  see  from  the  attitude 
of  the  Generals  here  that  they  think  I  have  great  political 
influence.  Anyhow,  they  are  very  glad  to  have  found  some 
one  at  last  with  whom  they  can  exchange  truths  about  the 
Supreme  Command. 

After  the  review,  General  Arz,  the  Commandant  of  the 
I  Army,  to  which  we  belong,  makes  a  stirring  speech  in 
Hungarian,  of  which  he  has  very  little  command.  He  speaks 
of  the  "  Hungarian  State";  he  gives  me  quite  an  unusual 
degree  of  praise  ;  it  is  obvious  that  the  old  Emperor  is  dead. 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  119 

6th  December,  Hosszu  Havas. — After  a  march  of  37 
kilometres  we  reached  the  Headquarters  Detachment, 
where  we  were  to  relieve  a  German  regiment  at  the  front. 
It  was  six  o'clock  in  the  evening,  and  my  men  had  had 
nothing  to  eat  yet.  In  spite  of  my  request,  orders  were 
given  to  make  the  ascent  the  same  evening  to  the  position 
to  be  occupied.  There  was  a  snowstorm,  15  degrees  of 
frost;  my  little  fellows  were  exhausted.  Orders  are  orders, 
therefore  up  the  frozen  mountains  we  went ;  from  six  o'clock 
in  the  evening  till  one  o'clock  in  the  morning  we  climbed 
up  by  a  roundabout  way  which  was  quite  superfluous.  On 
the  way,  340  men  suffering  from  exhaustion  and  severe 
frostbite  fell  out  and  were  left  behind  ;  I  only  got  back 
fifty-eight  of  them  fit  for  service  later  on.  Arrived  at  the 
top  with  a  loss  of  one-third,  we  were  to  take  over  the 
position  in  the  dark.  My  officers  were  grumbling  and 
growling.  I  ordered  the  men  to  fall  in  on  the  edge  of 
a  snow-field.  I  saw  clearly  that  the  intention  was  to  give 
them  an  impossible  task.  I  spoke  to  the  battalion  of 
the  soldier  who  has  to  obey.  We  are  Hungarians  ...  I 
knocked  down  an  old  sergeant-major  who  had  thrown 
away  his  knapsack.  .  .  .  The  half-frozen  boys  broke  into 
interminable  yells  of  joy.  Two  hours  later  the  position 
was  taken  over  and  properly  consolidated. 

Now  I  too  command  a  sector  in  the  great  front  from 
the  Baltic  to  the  Danube. 

nth  December,  Commandpost  of  my  Sector. — Receive 
orders  to  send  strong  reconnoitring  detachments  to  the 
Balvanyos.  Want  to  go  with  them,  but  regimental  Com- 
mandant forbids  my  taking  part  in  patrol  work,  as 
Commandant  of  a  battalion  ;  I  have  always  done  this,  as 
I  don't  like  sending  my  men  to  posts  of  danger  without 
being  there  myself. 

14th  December,  Meleghavas. — Newspapers  and  letters 
come.  My  Buda  Pesth  friends  strongly  urge  my  coming 
to  Pesth  for  the  Coronation.  Perhaps  I  may  have  an 
opportunity  of  speaking  to  the  King  there  ;  will  complain 
of  the  unworthy  treatment  accorded  to  my  battalion. 


120  MY  MEMOIRS 

When  I  went  to  the  Rumanian  theatre  of  war,  I  thought 
my  battalion  would  be  sent  to  fight  in  the  Rumanian  plains 
with  a  German  Cavalry  Division.  This  would  have  been 
a  suitable  way  of  employing  my  very  young  soldiers,  of 
whom  60  per  cent,  were  insufficiently  trained.  Yet,  just  as 
the  little  "  Tigers  "  were  to  start  for  the  front,  a  fresh  order 
came  from  the  Supreme  Command.  I  was  drafted  off  with 
my  men  to  the  very  worst  terrain  in  the  east,  without  winter 
equipment,  without  being  suitably  provisioned,  without 
appliances  for  war  in  the  mountains.  Here  my  battalion 
was  left  in  the  depth  of  winter  at  a  height  of  i,6oo  metres, 
without  my  being  able  to  obtain  the  necessary  supplies. 
Out  of  1,350  men  nearly  1,000  fell  victims  to  the  exhausting 
work  and  intense  cold.  All  this  was  by  express  order  of 
the  Supreme  Command,  the  intention  being  obviously  to 
abandon  my  battalion  to  destruction. 

On  the  19th  December  I  left  the  front  and  went  to 
Schäsburg.  Talked  to  Seekt,  who  again  told  me  of  King 
Karl's  plans  for  the  future.  "He  is  too  obstinate  in  his 
ideas,"  he  said;  "  to  judge  everything  from  the  standpoint 
of  the  masses  is  a  danger  for  a  ruler." 

There  I  also  met  the  Archduke  Joseph,  who  had  now 
taken  over  the  command,  and  who  was  idolized  by  the 
Hungarian  troops.  A  General  of  noble  simplicity  and 
goodness,  who  looked  after  his  men  like  a  friend,  and  was 
always  to  be  found  in  the  front  line  in  times  of  danger. 
No  other  General  possessed  the  confidence  of  the  Hungarian 
soldiers  to  the  same  extent  as  this  modest,  courteous  Arch- 
duke ;  and  it  was  remarked  with  great  satisfaction,  that 
he  was  the  man  the  young  Monarch  consulted  in  all  questions 
that  concerned  Hungary. 

At  that  time  the  Archduke  Joseph  was  engaged  in  a 
conflict  with  Tisza. 

An  acting  Palatine  had  to  be  elected  to  crown  the  King. 
Tisza  had  offered  himself  as  a  candidate.  The  acting  Pala- 
tine is  elected  by  Parliament,  and  as  Tisza  was  Prime 
Minister  and  leader  of  the  strongest  Party,  there  could  be 
no  doubt  that  he  would  be  elected.     The  Opposition  Parties 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ         121 

under  Andrassy  had  proposed  the  Archduke  Joseph  ;  of 
course,  Tisza  won  by  a  large  majority.  It  was  rumoured 
that  the  King  was  also  annoyed  ;  he  had  seen  that  his  Coro- 
nation was  an  excuse  for  political  machinations,  but  as 
a  constitutional  ruler  he  could  not  do  otherwise  than  give 
his  consent. 

Everyone  was  charmed  with  Karl.  His  youth,  his 
smile,  his  open,  cheery  and  frankly  unaffected  manner 
won  him  friends  everywhere.  That  was  a  genuine  feeling, 
which  was  not  affected  by  the  shameless  competition  which 
began  at  the  same  time  for  the  Monarch's  favour,  to  secure 
orders,  titles,  appointments,  advantages  of  every  kind. 
The  endeavours  to  get  into  touch  with  the  King  by  some 
means  or  other  were  almost  grotesque.  Aunts,  relations, 
friends,  all  available  agencies  were  brought  into  play  to 
obtain  an  audience.  One  of  those  who  made  the  greatest 
efforts  to  secure  a  Privy  Councillorship  was  Michael  Karolyi. 
He  not  only  made  efforts,  but  definitely  demanded  it,  on 
the  ground  that  he  was  a  Party  leader.  There  was  a  general 
national  crawling  competition,  in  which  even  the  Opposition 
Parties  took  an  active  part.  In  view  of  this  undignified 
behaviour  on  the  part  of  many  members  of  the  Hungarian 
aristocracy,  of  the  Hungarian  political  world  and  of  Hun- 
garian society,  I  did  not  try  to  obtain  an  audience  in  Buda 
Pesth.  There  was  only  one  occasion  on  which  my  indig- 
nation at  the  abuses  obliged  me  to  intervene  and  bring 
influence  to  bear  myself. 

The  way  in  which  the  so-called  Coronation  Knights  of 
the  Golden  Spur  were  chosen  was  also  characteristic  of 
the  Hungarian  Government's  absolutist  effrontery.  In 
accordance  with  an  old  Hungarian  custom,  twenty  deserving 
men  had  to  be  chosen  to  receive  the  honour  of  knighthood 
at  the  coronation.  This  time,  as  we  were  at  war,  young 
officers  who  had  distinguished  themselves  at  the  front  were 
to  be  proposed.  But  what  happened  ?  Preference  was 
given  solely  to  men  who  had  relations  in  the  Government. 
Fifteen  of  the  new  knights  were  sons  and  nephews  of 
Ministers.  There  was  a  murmur  of  dissatisfaction  through- 
out the  country.  Among  the  infantry  officers  in  particular, 
who  had  had  the  hardest  work,  and  done  the  most  in  this 


122  MY  MEMOIRS 

war,  there  was  great  indignation  at  this  shameless  favourit- 
ism. With  the  help  of  the  Archduke  Joseph  I  managed 
to  get  at  all  events  one  deserving  infantry  officer  selected 
for  knighthood  of  the  Golden  Spur.  This  was  Lieutenant 
Ver,  of  my  battalion,  who  had  been  severely  wounded  three 
times,  and  had  the  Iron  Crown,  the  Military  Cross  for  Merit, 
the  Signum  Laudis,  the  large  gold  and  the  large  silver  medal 
with  three  bars,  as  well  as  the  small  silver  and  small  bronze 
medals  for  valour.  He  had  more  decorations  than  any 
other  officer  in  the  army  (and  had  failed  when  he  went  up 
for  the  volunteer  examination). 

After  the  Coronation,  I  went  first  to  Prague,  to  visit 
a  relation  who  was  seriously  ill.  I  had  hardly  arrived  there, 
when  an  official  from  the  Foreign  Office  was  announced. 
I  was  surprised,  but  curious  to  hear  what  the  Foreign  Office 
wanted  and  had  to  tell  me  so  suddenly.  I  was  informed, 
with  such  caution  as  to  emphasize  the  confidential  nature 
of  the  communication,  that  Czernin,  the  new  Minister  for 
Foreign  Affairs,  had  selected  me  for  a  very  difficult  mission. 
He  sent  me  word  that  he  could  not  give  me  any  particulars 
yet ;  for  the  present,  the  question  was  whether  I  should 
be  willing  to  undertake  a  very  important  journey  which 
must  be  kept  dark.  Of  course  I  agreed  to  do  so.  A  few 
days  later  Czernin  wrote  to  tell  me  there  was  no  further 
object  in  it.  And  to  this  day  I  am  not  sure  what  it  was 
about. 

(I  imagine,  however,  that  Czernin  had  originally  selected 
me  to  take  the  Imperial  peace  offer  to  Paris,  which  later 
on  acquired  painful  notoriety  as  the  "  Sixtus  letter.") 

On  this,  I  went  to  Vienna  for  an  audience  with  the  King 
in  a  more  peaceful  atmosphere.  I  first  tried  the  usual 
course  of  sending  in  my  name  officially  ;  it  was  no  use. 
I  was  told  that  the  Emperor  was  not  receiving  people  now ; 
he  was  not  well,  he  was  just  going  away.  I  applied  to  all 
my  friends,  but  they  could  not  do  anything.  I  asked  Prince 
Hohenlohe,  the  Chief  of  the  Cabinet,  Polzer— nothing  was 
any  use :  they  would  not  let  me  see  him.  They.  Who 
were  "  they  "  ?  I  had  already  seized  the  hydra  by  the 
throat  on  one  occasion — when  I  made  the  speech  ;    but  it 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  123 

had  many  heads,  and  would  not  allow  me  admission.  It 
was  absolutely  impossible  for  me  to  gain  access  to  the 
Monarch  ;  he  was  surrounded  by  a  high  wall,  a  ring  which 
closed  firmly  like  wet  indiarubber  to  which  suction  is 
applied,  or  slipped  through  one's  fingers  like  a  jelly-fish 
when  firmly  grasped.     Ring,  wall,  hydra,  it  was  a  system. 

I  left  Vienna  and  went  back  to  Transylvania,  to  the 
Rumanian  Front,  to  my  "  Tigers,"  who  were  fighting  for 
the  system. 

I  met  Michael  Karolyi  in  the  train  on  my  way  there. 
I  had  already  heard  in  Vienna — I  think  at  the  Hotel 
Sacher,  where  a  great  deal  of  the  political  and  society 
gossip  was  always  spread — that  Karolyi  had  made  friends 
with  Polzer  ;  of  course,  to  get  more  in  touch  with  the  King. 
I  saw  nothing  extraordinary  in  this  ;  for  I  knew  Karolyi 
was  ambitious,  and  I  also  knew  that  the  Monarch's  former 
legal  adviser  was  trying  his  ready  hand  at  politics. 

Karolyi  was  in  uniform,  and  was  going  to  join  some 
Staff  or  other.  He  had  already  shown  signs  of  being  a 
Pacifist  at  one  time.  But  there  was  no  Defeatism  in  Hun- 
gary when  the  Rumanians  were  menacing  Hungarian  soil ; 
every  Hungarian  had  to  wear  uniform  and  join  up  then. 
Karolyi  had  said  himself  :  "We  shall  fight  like  tigers  "  ; 
anyone  who  had  spoken  otherwise  would  have  been  torn 
to  pieces  alive  in  Parliament. 

I  asked  Karolyi  whether  he  would  not  join  my  battalion; 
he  would  have  an  opportunity  of  distinguishing  himself 
there.  But  he  refused.  He  preferred  going  to  his  safe 
Staff. 

3rd  March,  1917.  On  the  Way  to  the  Front.— On 
the  journey  from  Pesth  I  met  Captain  Schunkel,  going  to 
join  Seekt  ;  told  a  good  deal  of  news  from  Berlin,  where 
they  are  not  quite  satisfied  as  to  the  U-boat  success.  Would 
agree  with  Professor  Singer's  view. 

4*A  March,  Csik-Szereda—  Report  to  the  VI  Corps. 
The  poor  "  Tigers  "  have  been  badly  off — bad  weather,  in- 
adequate winter  equipment,  insufficient  commissariat.  There 
are  now  only  350  men  at  the  front,  who  have  to  hold  the 


124  MY  MEMOIRS 

right  wing  towards  Magyaros.  The  Supreme  Command  has 
intrigued  in  every  possible  way  against  the  sole  Hungarian 
volunteer  battalion.  The  holy  dread  and  awe  of  me  as 
a  politician  in  which  all  here  stand  is  characteristic.  And 
the  way  in  which  they  all  pretend  to  me  that  they  too 
would  hate  the  General  Staff  and  the  clique.  Everything  is 
suddenly  to  be  done  now  to  make  much  of  my  battalion. 

6th  March,  Headquarters  of  my  Battalion  at  the 
Magyaros. — We  have  occupied  the  Magyaros.  We  had 
lost  it ;  but  the  mountain  had  been  described  as  of  the 
utmost  importance,  and  had  to  be  won  back.  The  attempt 
had  already  been  made  three  times  with  two  divisions  ; 
in  deep  snow,  in  bitter  cold,  all  without  success.  In  the 
course  of  the  operation  two  Divisional  Commandants,  a  Corps 
Commandant  and  several  Commandants  of  lower  rank  had 
been  sent  home,  and  we  had  to  deplore  the  loss  of  13,000 
men.  On  this  the  German  General  Litzmann  came  without 
troops,  with  no  one  but  his  very  able  Chief  of  the  Staff, 
looked  at  the  mountain,  and  said  :  "We  shall  do  it  all 
right." 

He  made  a  thorough  study  of  the  mountain,  had  the 
conditions  of  the  ground  and  of  the  heights  ascertained, 
sketches  made  and  paths  drawn  in.  Then  he  looked  for 
a  similar  mountain  behind  the  front  and  copied  the 
Magyaros  defences  on  this.  Every  day  three  Hungarian 
Territorial  Infantry  Battalions  and  my  "  Tiger  "  Battalion 
had  to  carry  out  an  attack  on  this  dome-shaped  unoccupied 
summit,  with  heavy  preliminary  artillery  fire,  and  then 
with  hand-grenades  and  trench  mortars.  Each  man  was 
allotted  his  special  part,  each  man  knew  his  way  and  his 
job.  It  was  simply  a  theatrical  performance,  with  stage 
management  of  the  first  order.  It  is  true  that  the  rehearsals 
cost  thirty-nine  men  their  lives. 

When  all  went  without  a  hitch,  the  four  battalions 
were  tried  against  the  real  mountain,  the  Magyaros. 
Everything  went  off  according  to  programme.  In  three 
hours  it  was  taken.  We  had  seventeen  killed  and  forty 
wounded,  had  taken  3,000  prisoners  and  captured  many 
cannons  and  machine  guns.     That  was  the  German  method. 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         125 

At  German  Main  Headquarters  the  word  of  the  officers 
at  the  front  was  respected  ;  with  us  it  was  just  the  opposite. 
The  most  impossible  orders  came  from  home,  and  the 
officer  at  the  front  had  to  submit  to  being  abused  as  a  coward 
if  he  was  unable  to  carry  out  the  operations  which  had 
been  worked  out  at  the  green  table  without  knowledge 
of  the  actual  conditions. 

gth  April,  Magyaros  Sarka. — Telephone  message  that 
the  King  and  Queen  are  coming  from  Zsekafalva  the  day 
after  to-morrow,  and  I  am  to  go  with  four  men  as  a  depu- 
tation. I  said  at  once  that  I  would  send  another  officer 
in  my  place,  and  appointed  Lieutenant  Bokor ;  he  has 
the  large  gold  medal.  The  King  won't  see  me  as  soon  as 
all  that,  unless  he  sends  for  me.  I  shall  not  ask  for  an 
audience  again. 

Victor  has  been  promoted  to  be  a  warrant-officer  ;  he 
has  the  silver  and  bronze  medals  for  valour.  Gaspar  is 
brimming  over  with  joy  at  having  me  back.  I  am  delighted 
to  hear  the  good  old  growl  of  the  guns  again. 

16th  April. — In  the  night,  radio  telegram  about  out- 
break of  revolution  in  Russia.     Do  not  altogether  believe  it. 

igth  April. — Very  long-winded  orders  come  from  the 
I  Army  Headquarters  about  behaviour  in  the  most  advanced 
lines.  Am  really  curious  to  know  whether  these  gentlemen 
will  ever  try  staying  here  themselves. 

21st  April. — I  think  the  good  God  must  be  lenient  with 
us  poor  human  beings  in  this  terrible  war. 

22nd  April. — Long  talk  with  Wodianer  about  the 
contrast  between  our  splendid  soldiers  and  the  villainous 
higher  grade  Officers'  Corps  (see  all  my  father's  notes).  I 
don't  know  what  others  think  about  it,  but  I  can  hardly 
believe  that  the  decent  men,  large  numbers  of  whom  have 
taken  part  in  the  war,  are  not  all  filled  with  hatred  of  this 
absolutely  rotten  lot. 


126  MY  MEMOIRS 

25th  April. — Father  Herodek  was  with  us  in  the  evening. 
Are  all  very  cheerful.  For  every  unseemly  joke  made, 
the  little,  but  typically  brave  and  devoted  priest  levied 
twenty  crowns  for  the  regimental  orphan  fund.  By  mid- 
night he  had  taken  1,600  crowns. 

14th  May,  Magyaros  Sarka. — In  the  afternoon  a  Rus- 
sian Staff  Officer  arrives  and  announces  a  visit  for  Easter 
Sunday  from  a  number  of  officers,  who  are  to  negotiate  an 
armistice,  in  case  of  need.  In  the  evening  we  receive 
instructions  from  the  Corps  Commandant  to  enter  into 
negotiations.  (We  had  been  trying  for  some  time  past  to 
corrupt  the  most  advanced  Russian  lines  by  manifestos, 
money  and  rum.) 

igth  May. — To-day  the  Russians  have  told  us  that, 
from  now  on,  they  will  give  us  due  notice  of  all  changes  in 
their  positions,  and  asked  if  we  would  let  them  have  daily 
newspapers,  which  we  promised. 

22nd  May. — Various  news  about  peace.  Here  at  the 
front  only  one  wish  :  Peace,  in  order  to  show  the  traitors  at 
home  who  is  master  in  the  country.  One  thing  is  certain : 
if  the  great  reforms  take  place,  then  there  will  be  a  good 
deal  of  hanging  after  the  war.  I  am  easy  in  my  mind ;  I 
shall  not  be  amongst  those  hanged,  but  amongst  those 
who  hang. 

About  this  time,  after  the  Russian  Revolution  under 
Kerensky's  regime,  fraternization  at  the  front  had  already 
become  very  general.  We  had  provided  the  Ukrainian 
infantry  regiment  facing  us  with  food  and  rum,  and  now 
we  were  to  try  whether  a  peace  treaty  could  be  made  with 
the  higher  Commandants.  Major  Hempel,  an  Austrian  of 
Russo-Polish  extraction,  was  selected  by  Rohr,  the  Com- 
mandant of  the  Army,  to  take  a  letter  to  the  enemy  camp, 
and  I  was  to  accompany  him. 

We  crossed  the  line  and  met  with  a  friendly  reception 
from  the  officers.  (The  Circassians,  who  held  the  adjoining 
sector,  were  not  to  know  anything  about  it ;    they   were 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         127 

still  bent  on  fighting,  and  their  methods  were  ruthless.)  An 
answer  in  the  affirmative  came  to  our  inquiry  whether  our 
letter  would  be  received  by  the  Commandant  of  the 
Russian  division,  and  we  were  taken  down  the  hill  blind- 
folded. We  marched  for  four  hours,  accompanied  by 
soldiers  on  our  right  and  left,  but  our  guards  loosened  our 
bandages  themselves,  and  I  could  see  the  positions  of  the 
batteries.  All  said  they  were  tired  of  the  war.  In  the 
meantime,  we  had  reached  the  regimental  Headquarters. 
There  a  Russian  of  the  old  school  was  in  command.  A 
crucifix  hung  over  the  domestic  altar  in  his  shelter.  He 
apologized  for  not  being  able  to  give  us  his  hand :  we  were 
enemies  of  Holy  Russia.  "  Sad  conditions  prevail,"  he 
said  ;  "  there  is  no  discipline,  no  God."  Then  we  marched 
farther,  and  arrived  at  the  position  of  the  48th  Division, 
where  we  were  hospitably  received,  and  where  we  saw 
English  and  French  officers  with  the  front-line  batteries. 
We  were  now  taken  to  the  Headquarters  of  the  Corps, 
escorted  by  two  evil-smelling  police  in  a  motor  ambulance, 
the  windows  of  which  were  pasted  over,  and  in  about  two 
hours  we  were  driven  up  to  an  old  Boyar  castle. 

The  Corps  Commandant,  General  Nekrassoff,  received 
us  with  the  manners  of  an  old  courtier.  A  typical  Russian 
General :  brilliant  uniform,  whiskers,  his  breast  covered 
with  orders  ;  spoke  excellent  French,  knew  Vienna  Court 
circles  and  asked  after  our  Emperor  and  Empress.  Invited 
us  to  have  a  cup  of  tea  with  him,  and  told  us  that  the  state 
of  affairs  was  mad.  He  himself  was  dependent  on  his 
Soldiers'  Councils.  While  we  were  having  tea,  soldiers  in  fact 
came  in  with  red  bands  on  their  arms  and  spoke  to  him  in 
the  tone  of  equals.  Then  a  Staff  Officer  came  in  and  re- 
ported stiffly,  quite  in  the  old  fashion.  It  seemed  to  be 
an  interim  position — the  old  army  no  longer  existing  and 
the  Soldiers'  Councils  not  yet  established.  At  four  in  the 
afternoon  we  drove  on  farther.  We  were  not  allowed  to 
see  much,  but  all  the  same  we  saw  an  uncommonly  fertile, 
beautiful  district.  Towards  midnight  we  arrived  at  Roman, 
a  flourishing  town,  20  kilometres  south  of  Jassy.  We 
were  conducted  at  once  to  an  officers'  mess,  where  we  found 
a  select  company  assembled — Polish   princes  and   Russian 


128  MY  MEMOIRS 

nobles ;  one  of  them,  a  Guard  Cavalry  officer,  was  the 
Commandant  of  the  Russian  position  facing  mine  at 
Magyaros.  We  found  a  delicious  meal  prepared,  the  best 
of  hors-d'ceuvres,  the  oldest  spirits,  French  wines  and  excel- 
lent cheer.  Speeches  were  made  about  our  army,  "  our 
best  enemies."  After  a  time,  in  the  early  hours  of  the 
morning,  all  the  Russians  were  drunk  ;  under  these  cir- 
cumstances we  learnt  that  the  Russian  Army  was  falling  to 
pieces.  But  at  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning  we  were  requested 
to  appear  before  General  Stupyn,  who  wished  to  receive  us 
in  the  presence  of  the  Soldiers'  Council  in  the  large  hall  of 
the  town  hall.  On  either  side  of  the  General  stood  a  soldier 
with  a  red  arm-band  ;  one  was  a  mujik  with  an  absolutely 
expressionless  face,  the  other  an  intelligent  student.  We 
handed  over  the  letter  and  the  General  read  it  through. 
A  general  discussion  ensued,  in  which  the  soldiers  inter- 
posed. Then  came  the  great  surprise.  The  General  said 
to  us  :  "  Gentlemen,  your  conduct  is  unworthy  of  a  soldier. 
You  want  to  negotiate  with  me,  and  are  corrupting  my 
troops  at  the  front.  Those  are  not  civilized  methods  ;  I 
can  have  nothing  more  to  do  with  you.  I  also  beg  to  in- 
form you  that  I  shall  have  every  officer  and  every  man  of 
yours  we  catch,  with  any  kind  of  proclamation  in  his  hands, 
taken  prisoner.  You  I  will  recognize  as  under  a  flag  of 
truce." 

I  thought  the  man  was  perfectly  right.  But  the 
student  said  :  "  Quite  true ;  but  all  the  same,  no  oppor- 
tunity of  bringing  about  peace  ought  to  be  neglected." 

As  the  General  declared  that  negotiations  were  useless, 
we  beat  a  retreat.  By  order  of  the  Chief  of  the  General 
Staff  we  were  closely  searched  on  our  return  to  the  divi- 
sion, in  spite  of  our  protests.  Hempel  and  I  were 
convinced  that  a  proclamation  would  be  stuffed  into  the 
soles  of  our  boots  or  into  the  lining  of  our  caps,  to  give  an 
excuse  for  taking  us  prisoners.  But  nothing  of  the  kind 
occurred  ;  the  Russians  were  more  honest-minded  than  we. 
In  the  night  we  were  conducted  back  to  our  front,  again 
blindfolded.  On  the  way  we  met  Austro-Hungarian  men 
who  had  come  over  the  Russian  line  to  distribute  propa- 
ganda and  had  already  been  taken  prisoners. 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         129 

Our  expedition  had  lasted  three  days,  and  our  side  had 
thought  we  were  long  since  imprisoned.  We  made  a  report. 
We  had  achieved  nothing. 

I  remained  at  my  post  for  another  fortnight ;  the  fighting 
ceased  altogether:   not  a  shot  was  fired. 

Then  the  news  came  that  Tisza  had  resigned,  stirring 
news  for  the  whole  of  Hungary. 


IN    THE    WAR    CABINET 

Tisza,  the  last  of  the  dangerous  triple  constellation,  had 
disappeared  from  the  horizon.  Only,  indeed,  behind  the 
clouds.  On  the  other  hand,  Friedrich  Adler's  bullet  had 
extinguished  the  Austrian  Prime  Minister  Stürgkh  for  ever 
the  year  before. 

Burian,  the  insignificant  planet,  which  derived  its  light 
and  strength  from  Tisza's  sun,  had  been  driven,  by  a  word 
of  authority  from  the  young  Monarch,  to  give  up  old 
Andrassy's  historic  Empire  chair  at  the  Ballplatz.  He 
was  transferred  to  the  joint  Ministry  of  Finance,  where  he 
could  not  do  much  harm.  Karl  appointed  Ottokar  Czernin, 
the  former  minister  in  Bucharest,  who  was  wandering  about 
Vienna  without  any  occupation,  in  his  place. 

By  degrees  King  Karl  got  rid  of  the  old  pillars  of  the 
Empire  very  adroitly.  He  was  kind-hearted,  and  moved 
up  those  he  turned  out.  He  wanted  new  and,  if  possible, 
younger  advisers. 

He  made  Clam-Martiniz  Austrian  Prime  Minister,  Czernin 
Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  and  young  Moritz  Esterhazy 
Prime  Minister  in  Hungary.  Thus  Franz  Ferdinand  may 
be  said  to  have  celebrated  his  resurrection. 

Old  Montenuovo,  the  Lord  Chamberlain,  had  to  make 
his  last  bow,  and  the  King  put  cheery  Conrad  Hohenlohe 
in  his  place.  He  struck  our  furiously  right  and  left  with 
his  royal  sword  on  a  few  occasions  to  put  an  end  to  corruption 
and  extortion  ;  and  sometimes  missed  the  mark  ;  and  he 
took  a  final  bold  step :  he  broke  up  the  Teschen  Headquarters 
Staff. 

The  Commander-in-Chief,  Archduke  Friedrich,  was  super- 
annuated. To  avoid  hurting  his  feelings  the  King  took 
over  the  supreme  command  himself.     Conrad  went,  laden 

130 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  131 

with  honours,  and  Arz  became  Chief  of  the  Staff.  Christofori, 
Slamecka,  Kaltenborn,  Hranilovic,  Bellmont,  and  a  few 
other  hidebound  Staff  Officers  sank  into  obscurity  ;  General 
Metzger  was  given  a  division  at  the  front,  which,  in  justice 
it  must  be  said,  he  led  well  and  successfully. 

This  gives  a  general  idea  of  the  personnel  of  the  new 
regime. 

Tisza  had  refused  to  carry  out  the  young  Monarch's 
franchise  scheme.  It  was  not  by  any  means  a  question  of 
universal,  equal  and  secret  franchise ;  it  was  merely  a 
question  of  giving  every  owner  of  the  Karl  military  cross, 
consequently  everyone  who  had  actually  been  stationed 
at  the  front  for  a  time,  the  franchise.  Tisza  refused  to 
consider  the  men  who  had  really  sacrificed  everything  in 
the  defence  of  their  country  worthy  of  a  vote.  The  King 
dispensed  with  his  services. 

A  new  Government  had  now  to  be  chosen.  A  new 
Government  has  to  secure  a  majority  in  the  country.  This 
majority  can  only  be  ascertained  by  elections.  Conse- 
quently, writs  ought  to  have  been  issued  at  once  for  fresh 
elections. 

The  most  notable  man  on  our  side  was  Andrassy ;  no  one 
else  in  the  Opposition  was,  comparatively  speaking,  worth 
considering  as  Prime  Minister.  But  the  young  King  wanted 
to  have  young  people  about  him  who  could  understand 
him  and  his  ideas,  and  chose  young  Count  Moritz  Esterhazy. 
This  was  to  prove  a  serious  mistake.  Moritz  Esterhazy  is 
a  sympathetic,  intelligent,  very  gifted  individual  ;  good- 
natured,  and  yet  with  keen  critical  insight  ;  an  absolutely 
kindly  nature,  which  shrinks  from  responsibility  of  any 
kind  ;  easily  influenced  and  no  politician.  Above  all,  he 
did  not  summon  up  sufficient  energy  to  adjust  the  differ- 
ences within  the  Opposition  Parties  and  insist  on  a  strong, 
united  bloc.  The  Fraktions  were  just  as  divided  among 
themselves,  the  moment  they  came  into  power,  when 
their  particularist  aspirations  were  in  question,  as  they  had 
been  united  in  fighting  Tisza. 

Esterhazy  based  his  Government  entirely  on  the  franchise. 
He  treated  all  the  great  pending  problems  of  the  war  some- 


132  MY  MEMOIRS 

what  as  side  issues,  and  ignored  the  urgent  necessity  of  an 
early  conclusion  of  peace.  He  asked  me  to  support  him.  I 
did  so,  for  a  time  ;  but  later  on,  his  line  of  policy  was 
no  longer  to  my  taste.  I  did  not  want  to  compete  with  a 
few  members  of  a  casino  clique,  who,  apart  from  this,  looked 
on  me  as  a  political  rival.  For  an  immense  amount  of 
bargaining  was  going  on  over  portfolios  and  offices,  and 
Esterhazy  was  incapable  of  holding  his  own  against  the 
bad  elements.  The  favouritism  in  the  capital  and  in  the 
country  assumed  worse  dimensions  than  during  Tisza's 
dictatorship.  A  good  many  posts  were  given  to  Karolyi's 
adherents.  Among  them  was  one  of  the  opportunist  poli- 
ticians, Count  Tivadar  Batthyanyi,  who  had  boasted  of  his 
friendship  for  the  Entente  and  had  called  himself  a  Pacifist 
and  an  anti-Imperialist  in  his  former  speeches  from  the 
Opposition  bench,  and  who  now  immediately  declared  himself 
ready,  in  return  for  a  Ministerial  portfolio,  to  support 
Esterhazy's  Government,  whose  programme  crept  along  in 
Germany's  wake  with  far  less  hesitation  than  Tisza's  had 
ever  done.  Every  counter-pressure  we  had  ever  tried  to 
exercise  on  Germany  ceased  at  that  time.  Almost  all  the 
earlier  and  later  friends  of  peace,  even  the  deputy 
Lovaszy,  were  satisfied  to  look  on  peace  as  an  unattain- 
able ideal,  when  they  saw  the  possibility  of  coming  into 
power. 

But  no  progress  was  made  even  with  the  Franchise  Bill, 
which  was  the  essence  of  Esterhazy's  policy  ;  no  majority 
could  be  secured  for  it.  Of  course,  Tisza's  followers  opposed 
it  (although,  indeed,  some  members  of  the  Work  Party 
favoured  extension  of  the  franchise)  ;  but,  even  in  the 
Opposition,  there  were  important  groups  who  took  the  rigid 
national  point  of  view  that  the  privilege  of  being  allowed 
to  vote  ought  to  be  dependent  on  ability  to  read  and  write 
the  Hungarian  language.  The  King's  democratic  soul  was 
bent  on  the  accomplishment  of  sweeping  "liberalization"; 
his  earnest  desire  was  to  secure  justice  and  freedom  whereby 
the  classes  which  had  made  the  greatest  sacrifices  in 
the  war  might  express  their  opinion.  But  the  franchise 
question  had  been  turned  into  a  most  infamous  weapon 
of    political    warfare,    which    the     Parties,    Fraktions    and 


PRINCE  LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ  133 

individuals  manipulated  according  to  their  personal  needs 
and  ambitions. 

Esterhazy  was  nervous,  weak-willed  and  touchy,  and 
very  soon  left  the  real  power  to  the  ambitious  dandy 
Pallavicini,  but  he  had  come  to  an  agreement  with  the 
Socialists  who  were  not  represented  in  Parliament,  which 
supplied  the  basis  for  dealing  with  the  franchise  question 
in  Hungary.  This  agreement  was  known  as  the  bloc  protocol. 
Almost  all  the  Fraktion  and  Party  leaders  tried  to  win 
the  sympathies  of  Labour  at  that  time.  They  courted  the 
favour  of  the  man  in  the  street,  on  the  one  hand,  and  on 
the  other  they  persisted  in  dragging  the  Monarch  into  the 
franchise  conflict,  in  the  interest  of  their  own  policy,  while, 
as  a  constitutional  ruler,  he  really  had  no  choice  but 
to  recommend  the  acceptance  of  his  Liberal  programme 
on  constitutional  lines.  And  yet  the  Government  had  not 
the  strength  of  mind  to  dissolve  Parliament  at  the  right 
moment.  This  would  have  been  in  the  summer,  when 
the  harvest  was  carried  and  the  peasants  were  satisfied 
and  content.  When  once  this  opportunity  had  been  missed, 
there  was  no  longer  any  guarantee  that  fresh  elections 
would  pass  off  quietly  and  without  conflict. 

In  order  to  keep  in  touch  with  the  Socialists,  Esterhazy 
requisitioned  the  good  offices  of  the  strongest  man  in  his 
Cabinet,  Dr.  Wilhelm  Vazsonyi,  the  self-made  man  with 
the  headstrong  temperament,  the  orthodox  Jew  whose 
remarkable  intelligence  and  integrity,  whose  mere  existence, 
indeed,  had  given  Hungarian  Jewish  bourgeoisie  cause  for 
the  pride  to  which,  however,  he  became  bitterly  hostile 
as  time  went  on,  when  he  saw  the  inordinate  self-sufficiency 
and  materialism  into  which  it  developed.  This  consistent 
democrat,  who  had  cherished  hatred  against  the  old 
regime  for  decades  past,  looked  forward  to  the  commence- 
ment of  a  new  era  in  Hungary  with  the  passing  of  the 
Franchise  Bill,  the  drafting  of  which  had  been  entrusted 
to  his  statesmanlike  wisdom  and  fanatical  sense  of  justice. 
But  although  he  had  studied  all  the  existing  franchise  laws 
in  order  to  produce  the  best  possible  Bill,  he  found  him- 
self hampered  by  the  hundred  reservations,  alterations, 
protests  and  wishes  proposed  on  all  sides,  by  all  the  Fraktions 


134  MY  MEMOIRS 

and  all  the  Party  leaders.  And  each  proposal,  each  conces- 
sion, each  obstacle  was  nothing  but  a  pretext  for  securing 
an  equivalent :  concessions  were  made  in  return  for  a 
paragraph  ;  obstruction  was  threatened  when  the  Govern- 
ment insisted  on  an  obnoxious  point ;  the  individual  clauses 
of  the  Franchise  Bill  almost  became  objects  of  litigation. 
Again  and  again  the  Government  had  to  approach  Vazsonyi 
and  urge  fresh  alterations  and  fresh  proposals.  Thus  the 
arduous  work  was  continually  delayed,  and  Vazsonyi  was 
unable  to  lay  the  completed  draft  on  the  table  of  the  House. 

Count  Karolyi  suddenly  appeared  to  take  no  further 
interest  in  universal  franchise.  Formerly,  when  Tisza  was 
against  it,  he  posed  as  the  most  zealous  champion  of  far- 
reaching  democratic  ideas  ;  now  he  said  that  he  was  willing 
to  waive  the  inclusion  of  illiterates  in  the  franchise,  on 
condition  of  a  member  of  his  Party  being  taken  into  the 
Ministry  of  Justice  as  Under  Secretary. 

Even  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  were  at  loggerheads. 
Everyone  saw  the  necessity  of  dissolving  Parliament,  but 
nothing  was  done.  The  Franchise  Bill  was  dragged  now 
this  way,  now  [that,  delayed,  pared  down  in  every  direc- 
tion, chopped  up,  patched,  and  for  the  sake  of  personal 
interests  pasted  together  again.  It  was  the  most  miserable 
period  in  Hungary's  political  history. 

Until  the  summer  of  1917  I  preached  universal  and  secret 
franchise,  not  only  in  the  town,  but  in  the  country,  and  I 
was  able  to  appeal  to  the  fact  that  I  had  already  expressed 
myself  strongly  in  favour  of  a  liberal  measure  of  franchise. 
On  the  strength  of  this  community  of  ideas  I  had  become 
well  acquainted  with  Vazsonyi.  I  was  really  the  only 
magnate  of  whom  this  could  be  said,  for  none  of  my  peers 
associated  with  him  on  intimate  terms.  They  needed  him, 
and  had  political  dealings  with  him,  but  he  was  nothing  to 
them  but  the  insignificant  suburban  Jew,  whose  outward 
bearing  repelled  them.  They  needed  his  help  in  solving 
their  problems,  they  needed  him  because  he  was  an  expert 
on  the  franchise  question,  and  they  needed  him  as  repre- 
senting the  Socialists.  This  was  the  highroad  which  led 
Vazsonyi  to  the  Ministry  of  Justice.  But  when  he  received 
a   Privy  Councillorship   automatically,  after  six   months  of 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  135 

office,  the  Court  set  were  horrified.  A  Jewish  lawyer  of  the 
orthodox  faith  Privy  Councillor !  They  were  sure  the 
world  must  come  to  an  end  before  long  ! 

(And  yet  a  year  and  a  half  later  the  Jew  Vazsonyi  was 
one  of  the  few  who  loyally  observed  the  oath  he  had  had 
to  take  to  his  King  as  Privy  Councillor  !) 

In  the  autumn  Esterhazy's  health  broke  down  altogether. 
The  question  again  arose  who  should  take  over  the 
Government. 

Vazsonyi's  Franchise  Bill  was  still  awaiting  completion, 
because  he  could  not  satisfy  all  parties.  The  harvest  was 
over,  and  the  country  was  passing  through  not  only  a 
political  but  a  serious  economic  crisis. 

Esterhazy's  regime  had  been  absolutely  disastrous. 
The  supply  of  Hungary  and  Austria  with  cereals  had  become 
one  of  the  most  important  questions,  if  not  the  most  important 
of  all.  This  supply  could  only  be  guaranteed  by  decreeing 
rigid  expropriation  of  the  harvest.  Acting  on  his  theories 
as  to  promoting  the  people's  happiness  and  as  a  popular 
man  who  wanted  to  see  all  control  eliminated  from  State 
administration,  Esterhazy  abolished  the  regulations  dealing 
with  State  confiscation  and  left  the  peasants  and  bourgeoisie 
a  free  hand.  What  was  the  consequence  ?  The  excellent 
harvest  of  1917  had  disappeared  from  the  market  within 
a  few  weeks.  Agents,  usurers  and  war  profiteers  had  bought 
it  up ;  all  doors  were  open  to  smuggling,  illicit  trading 
and  speculation.  The  popular  benefactor  achieved  the 
opposite  of  what  he  hoped  ;  the  people,  the  poor,  received 
nothing,  the  usurers  sold  at  enormous  prices,  the  illicit 
traders  profited.  Esterhazy's  procedure  is  an  instructive 
example  of  how  ill-timed  kindness  contains  hardships  and 
how  theories  of  liberal  origin  may  produce  anarchy  and 
chaos  in  practice. 

It  is  Moritz  Esterhazy's  tragic  fault  that  he  did  much 
to  bring  about  the  frightful  famine  conditions  of  the 
following  year. 

The  Food  Minister,  Count  Hadik,  came  too  late  to  save 
the  situation.  We  have  only  one  harvest  in  the  year,  and 
the  disaster  had  already  befallen  us. 


136  MY  MEMOIRS 

The  final  shape  in  which  franchise  reform  was  to  see 
the  light  of  day  was  still  undecided  and  writs  for  fresh 
elections  were  not  issued.  The  deputies  who  sat  in  Parlia- 
ment had  been  elected  eight  years  ago,  consequently  long 
before  the  war,  and  in  the  meantime  they  had  entirely  lost 
touch  with  public  feeling  and  opinion.  A  new  Parliament, 
representing  the  masses,  the  people  who  had  lived  through 
the  war,  would  have  expressed  new  ideas,  new  points  of  view, 
and  would  have  been  able  to  avert  the  crises  later  on,  and 
the  final  revolution,  by  what  would  undoubtedly  have  been 
its  Radical  composition.  The  most  Radical  proposals  of 
reform,  the  wildest  shouts  within  a  Parliament,  are  preferable 
to  the  smallest  tumult  in  the  streets.  Paradoxical  as  it  may 
sound,  it  may  safely  be  said  that  tumults  in  Parliament 
are  signs  of  a  well-ordered,  peaceable  State. 

As  economic  difficulties  had  come  to  the  front,  and  it 
had  become  a  question  of  ordering  our  economic  relations 
to  Germany  and  the  rest  of  our  allies  on  a  favourable  basis, 
His  Majesty  appointed  the  most  eminent  financial  expert 
in  the  country,  Alexander  Wekerle,  Prime  Minister,  on 
Czernin's  advice. 

Wekerle  is  tall  and  stout ;  from  his  air  anyone  would 
take  him  for  a  lord.  A  man  of  the  most  finished  society 
manners — a  brilliant  intellect,  the  personification  of  a 
delightfully  agreeable  old  gentleman,  one  of  Hungary's 
cleverest  men.  He  told  me  that  he  had  already  remarked 
me  in  the  Delegations,  and  certainly  I  had  remarked  him. 
We  had  many  talks,  and  he  seemed  to  find  pleasure  in 
teaching  me  to  be  an  efficient  practical  and  administrative 
politician.  I  was  very  glad  to  be  taught.  I  admired  his 
profound  learning,  and,  above  all,  his  parliamentary  skill. 
He  was  an  adept  at  compromise,  and  had  raised  bridge- 
building  to  a  fine  art.  He  controlled  Parliament  as  a 
marionette  player  his  puppets  ;  he  spoke  with  a  passionate 
eloquence  which,  combined  with  the  charm  of  his  rosy 
optimism,  was  irresistible.  He  disarmed  his  fiercest  enemies 
by  his  personal  amiability.  A  born  administrator,  he  was 
unrivalled  as  a  departmental  Minister.  His  relations  to 
questions   of  foreign   and  domestic  policy  were  in   reality 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  137 

never  otherwise  than  Platonic.  He  was  the  most  upright 
of  men,  and  was  not  devoured  by  ambition  of  any  kind  ; 
work  was  his  joy,  and  at  times  he  discharged  the  duties  of 
three  Ministries  simultaneously — would  shut  himself  up 
and  be  absorbed  in  a  detail  of  difficult  practical  administra- 
tion. The  reform  of  administrative  government,  the  system 
of  reconstruction  after  the  war,  at  which  he  was  working, 
would  have  been  epoch-making — and  yet  his  lifework  was 
a  fiasco.  Many  people  thought  him  false  and  untruthful, 
but  he  was  not  that.  He  only  rarely  spoke  the  plain 
unvarnished  truth  ;  he  invariably  temporized.  He  wanted 
to  be  agreeable  to  everyone,  he  promised  everyone  some- 
thing— and  then  forgot  it  ;  that  was  what  gave  him  the 
reputation  of  being  untruthful.  He  did  not  like  responsi- 
bility :  on  the  contrary,  he  was  always  trying  to  shift 
the  responsibility  ;  he  could  never  be  induced  to  commit 
himself  to  a  definite  attitude  ;  one  left  him  feeling  lulled 
into  security  by  his  friendliness  and  the  magic  of  his 
charming  personality,  and  unable  to  give  any  particulars 
of  what  he  had  said  and  what  he  intended  to  do.  His 
discourses  at  Cabinet  meetings  were  mental  treats  of  the 
choicest  order,  invaluable  lessons  in  statesmanship,  and 
his  dinners  after  each  meeting  were  equally  choice  physical 
treats,  masterpieces  of  culinary  art.  The  fiasco  of  his  life 
was  a  necessary  result  of  his  method  of  trying  to  attain 
everything  by  compromise,  by  a  smile  ;  whereas  the  times 
in  which  we  live  confront  us  sternly  with  the  most  acute 
problems,  and  demand  decisions,  demand  strength  and 
courage,  and  the  application  of  force  against  the  beliefs  and 
activities  which  have  been  kindled.  His  idea  was  to  calm 
and  soothe,  to  conjure;  he  wanted  to  please  everyone,  and 
succeeded  in  making  himself  hated  in  the  long  run  by 
everyone. 

Andrassy  and  his  adherents  were  annoyed  at  Wekerle's 
having  been  appointed  Prime  Minister,  and  had  only  promised 
conditional  support.  Nowhere  was  there  any  uniform 
programme  to  deal  with  the  most  important  political 
questions,  and  Tisza's  National  Work  Party,  which  was 
absolutely  solid,  stood,  now  as  ever,  like  a  great  mountain, 


138  MY  MEMOIRS 

an  insuperable  obstacle  in  the  way  of  any  agreement  or 
possibility  of  putting  things  on  a  sound  basis.  The 
Monarch,  whose  sole  wish  was  to  put  an  end  to  the  unhappy 
war,  had  no  advisers  to  guide  him  out  of  the  labyrinth. 
Wekerle  hesitated  to  force  the  Franchise  Bill  through  the 
House  with  one  energetic  stroke ;  he  shirked  having  a  frank 
explanation  with  Tisza ;  he  hesitated  to  dissolve  Parliament 
with  a  view  to  fresh  elections. 

I  therefore  formed  a  ring  with  forty-three  of  my  friends, 
among  whom  there  were  also  a  few  members  of  the  Work 
Party,  and  we  presented  Wekerle  with  an  ultimatum.  We 
declared  ourselves  prepared  to  support  the  Government 
on  condition  of  the  Cabinet  being  reconstructed  and  the 
franchise  campaign  being  set  on  foot  at  once  ;  otherwise 
we  should  establish  ourselves  independently  and  oppose 
the  Government.  Wekerle  promised  us  in  the  friendliest 
and  most  convincing  way  that  he  would  fall  in  with  all 
our  wishes  ;  he  accepted  our  proposals  all  the  more  willingly 
as  they  were  absolutely  in  keeping  with  his  own  plans. 
I  now  begged  the  Prime  Minister  to  obtain  me  an  audience 
with  the  King  ;  for,  secretly,  I  still  wished  to  tell  the  King 
all  about  the  intrigues  of  the  Supreme  Command,  and  to 
complain  in  particular  of  the  treatment  of  my  poor  young 
"Tigers."  Against  the  advice  of  all  the  higher  officers  at 
the  front,  I  had  sent  a  very  strongly  worded  protest  to  the 
Supreme  Command  during  the  latter  days  of  my  command 
of  the  battalion.  The  only  answer  to  it,  however,  was 
that  I  received  the  Iron  Cross — to  which  God  knows  I 
had  not  aspired.  But  my  wrath  could  not  be  appeased 
by  this  intended  douceur ;  the  King  should  be  made 
thoroughly  aware  of  my  opinion  of  these  gentlemen,  at  the 
audience. 

On  the  3rd  October  1917  I  went  to  Reichenau,  where 
the  Monarch  was  staying  at  the  Villa  Wartholz.  This  was 
his  favourite  residence,  because  he  was  able  to  indulge  a 
little  in  his  one  amusement,  hunting,  in  the  short  intervals 
between  his  arduous  work. 

When  I  got  up  there — of  course  I  was  in  uniform — I 
was  told  to  wait  in  the  garden.  It  is  a  wonderfully 
beautiful  park,  laid  out  in  terraces,  facing  which,  in  the 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  139 

distance,  the  magnificent  heights  of  the  Semmering  Pass 
are  outlined  against  the  sky.  Sometimes  chamois  may  be 
seen  on  the  rocks  from  here. 

Presently  the  Chief  of  the  Staff,  Arz,  emerged  from  the 
villa.  This  did  not  surprise  me  at  first,  for,  of  course, 
the  chief  director  of  the  army  often  had  business  to  transact 
with  his  Kaiser.  Arz  saw  me,  assumed  an  air  of  surprise, 
came  towards  me  and  said  very  cordially  :  "  Your  first 
audience  ?  Good  luck,  my  dear  friend."  Then  he  went. 
I  had  everything  prepared  in  my  mind,  and  meant  to  tell 
the  King  at  once  that  he  had  broken  up  the  Teschen 
Headquarters,  but  that  the  mafia  had  re-established  itself 
comfortably  at  another  place,  at  Baden.  What  is  more, 
one  of  the  worst  offenders,  Colonel  Kundmann,  had  succeeded 
by  his  ingenuity  in  retaining  his  post. 

The  King  then  came  towards  me  and  spoke  in  Hungarian, 
a  courteous,  kindly  trait.  Without  giving  me  an  opportunity 
of  speaking,  he  thanked  me  for  the  plucky  way  in  which 
I  had  led  my  battalion  ;  my  devotion  had  been  an  example 
to  the  whole  army  ;  he  had  been  told  how  admirably  all 
my  dispositions  had  been  made,  and  so  on.  I  was  petrified. 
To  interrupt  was  out  of  the  question.  I  saw  at  once  what 
had  happened.  The  King  was  quite  ignorant  of  the  facts, 
but  the  Supreme  Command  had  got  wind  of  my  audience 
and  suspected  what  I  was  planning.  Arz  himself  had  gone 
to  Reichenau  to  frustrate  my  intention  by  a  most  discreet 
diplomatic  move.  The  kindly  disposed  General,  who  dis- 
liked any  conflict,  prompted  the  King  as  to  what  he  should 
say  to  the  deserving  officer  who  had  raised  a  volunteer 
battalion,  and  the  unsuspecting  Monarch  gladly  undertook 
to  say  something  nice  to  an  officer  coming  from  the  front. 
For  the  moment  I  was  checkmated. 

I  merely  replied  :  "  Your  Majesty,  we  only  did  our 
duty."  Thereupon  a  conversation  of  a  general  political 
nature  ensued.  It  was  prolonged  over  two  hours.  I  heard 
that  the  King  meant  to  conclude  peace,  I  learnt  that  he 
was  trying  to  recover  the  independence  we  had  lost  to 
Germany  since  the  recent  military  events,  and  I  heard  of 
his  efforts  to  secure  working  Governments  in  Austria  and 
Hungary.     I  found  that  he  looked  on  Karolyi  as  a  useful 


140  MY  MEMOIRS 

element  in  his  policy,  if  he  could  be  reconciled  to  Andrassy 
and  Tisza  and  kept  off  demagogic  ideas  and  acts,  which  he 
had  begun  to  propagate  recently.  Tisza  must  be  brought 
to  see  that,  in  the  present  day,  no  people  can  be  governed 
without  universal  and  secret  franchise,  particularly  in  a 
State  which  could  only  retain  its  independence  as  against 
Germany  on  the  basis  of  satisfying  the  masses  ;  our  watch- 
word, as  against  militarist  Germany,  must  be  the  most 
generous  enfranchisement  and  the  most  ample  satisfaction 
of  the  wishes  of  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  Monarchy. 

I  explained  to  the  Monarch  that  the  greatest  difficulties 
were  caused  by  the  personal  antagonism  of  our  politicians. 
The  King  asked  me  for  details.  Then  he  complained  of  the 
disappointment  Esterhazy  had  been  to  him,  but  added 
apologetically  that  he  had  always  been  in  bad  health,  and 
had  not  been  able  to  talk  to  him  for  half  an  hour  without 
having  a  glass  of  brandy.  The  King  asked  me  what  I 
thought  about  the  South  Slav  question.  I  replied  that  it 
must  be  radically  solved  before  peace  terms  were  made  ; 
my  view  was  that  all  the  South  Slavs  ought  to  be  united 
under  the  Hungarian  Crown.  The  King  said  that  it  would 
be  difficult  to  break  down  the  resistance  of  the  German 
deputies,  particularly  as  Germany's  attitude  towards  the  idea 
of  a  great  South  Slav  block  was  also  far  from  sympathetic. 
I  was  able  to  reply  to  this  that,  on  the  occasion  of  my  last 
visit  to  Berlin,  Bethmann-Hollweg  and  Jagow  had  assured 
me  that  we  should  have  an  absolutely  free  hand  in  the 
Balkans,  on  which  His  Majesty  said  that  he  would  discuss 
this  possible  solution  with  Czernin  at  once.  In  conclusion, 
the  King  invited  me  to  come  and  see  him  whenever  I  had 
anything  I  wanted  to  talk  over  with  him. 

The  next  day  I  went  to  see  Czernin  and  told  him  what 
I  had  discussed  with  the  Monarch.  Czernin  had  already 
heard  all  about  it,  and  reproached  me  bitterly  for  having 
broached  the  South  Slav  question.  "  The  questions  cannot 
all  be  dealt  with  simultaneously,"  he  said.  "  Some  peace 
or  other  must  be  concluded  first,  with  whom  is  absolutely 
a  matter  of  indifference.  The  fact  of  this  conclusion  of 
peace  will  be  imitated  throughout  Europe.  Russia  will 
probably  be  the  first  to  make  peace,  then  Rumania,  then 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  141 

Poland,  and  after  that  we  can   deal  with  the  South  Slav 
question,  but  not  before." 

When  I  went  back  to  Buda  Pesth  I  found  that  Wekerle 
also  was  opposed  to  my  attitude  towards  the  South  Slavs. 
He  was  against  the  idea  of  uniting  the  South  Slavs  to  the 
bitter  end. 

A  deadlock  had  been  reached  in  Buda  Pesth.  The 
Ministers  were  conspiring  against  one  another.  The  object 
of  the  action  taken  by  my  forty-three  followers  was  a  recon- 
struction of  the  Cabinet,  with  a  view  to  setting  energetically 
to  work  to  carry  through  the  franchise.  In  case  of  the 
Bill  being  successfully  brought  forward  in  Parliament  in 
December  there  could  be  a  dissolution  in  January,  and  it 
would  be  possible  for  the  new  House  to  meet  at  the  end 
of  February  ;  it  might  perhaps  have  been  possible  to  form 
a  united  National  Party.  But  difficulties  kept  on  arising. 
The  Socialists  had  long  since  seen  that  the  franchise  was 
made  use  of  by  all  denominations  in  Parliament  merely  as 
a  pawn  with  which  to  drive  a  bargain.  No  agreement  could 
be  reached  about  the  Bill ;    the  year  came  to  an  end. 

At  the  beginning  of  January  1918  a  partial  crisis  occurred 
in  Wekerle's  Cabinet,  caused  by  differences  between  the 
Food  Minister,  Count  Hadik,  and  the  Chairman  of  the  joint 
Food  Committee,  General  Ottokar  von  Landwehr.  This 
crisis  at  last  gave  the  final  impetus  to  a  reconstruction  of 
the  Cabinet.  Wekerle  sent  for  me  and  asked  whether  I 
would  accept  the  very  difficult,  and  at  that  time  very 
responsible,  post  of  Food  Minister. 

Of  course  the  Hungarian  Food  Minister  had  to  take 
steps  to  supply  Austria  too.  That  was  not  at  all  popular 
in  Hungary.  Every  truck  sent  to  Austria  might  mean  a 
reduction  of  the  quota  per  head  at  home.  Again,  State 
confiscation  and  control  of  the  harvest  cannot  be  expected 
to  give  satisfaction  to  any  agricultural  people  ;  it  is  a  dis- 
agreeable war  measure,  the  carrying  out  of  which  is  attended 
with  the  greatest  risks  in  a  country  in  a  state  of  ferment 
Count  Hadik  did  not  want  to  be  exposed  to  this  risk  any 
longer  ;  he  could  also  give  popular  patriotic  reasons  for  his 
refusal.  He  declared,  in  the  halo  of  Hungarian  martyrdom, 
that  he  did  not  wish  requisitions  to  be  made  in  Hungary 


142  MY  MEMOIRS 

under  cover  of  his  name.  Then  Wekerle  proposed  me. 
He  was  not  unaware  that  the  Monarch  had  spoken  sympa- 
thetically about  me  and  wished  me  to  be  given  a  post  in 
the  Cabinet.  I  had  been  in  the  army,  knew  all  the  leading 
men  personally,  and  therefore  he  considered  me  the  most 
suitable  man  to  carry  on  the  necessary  negotiations  with 
all  the  factors  in  question. 

I  was  to  go  to  Laxenburg  to  see  the  King. 

A  few  days  before  I  left  I  went  carefully  into  the  food 
question,  having  special  regard  to  the  army  supplies  and 
the  help  to  be  given  to  Austria.  Count  Hadik  told  me, 
when  I  introduced  myself  to  him  as  his  presumptive  successor, 
that,  judging  by  the  present  state  of  the  stocks,  it  would 
no  longer  be  possible  to  supply  the  army  and  feed  our  own 
country  by  the  end  of  the  year,  under  the  existing  system 
of  levy.     Help  to  Austria  was  quite  out  of  the  question. 

When  I  arrived  at  Laxenburg  I  heard  that  the  Turkish 
orchestra  was  giving  a  concert  in  the  great  hall  of  the  castle. 
I  found  the  whole  Imperial  family  assembled.  It  seemed 
to  me  that  the  Emperor  looked  very  overworked. 

We  were  soon  sitting  alone  in  his  study  over  a  cup  of 
coffee  and  cigars.     I  took  a  sip. 

"  Your  Majesty,  is  that  the  coffee  you  drink  every 
day  ?  "    I  asked. 

"  Of  course,"  he  said;  "  why  do  you  ask  ?  " 

"  I  only  wanted  to  know,"  I  said. 

But  I  thought  it  over.  I  already  knew  how  many 
hundredweight  of  genuine  coffee  beans  the  Royal  Household 
had  received,  and  what  I  was  drinking  was  the  filthiest 
stuff,  made  of  chicory.  There  could  be  no  doubt  that  some 
Court  official  or  other  had  kept  the  genuine  coffee  for 
himself,  or  sold  it  illicitly  at  a  high  price,  and  the  inferior 
substitute  was  served  at  His  Majesty's  table. 

The  King  talked  of  the  great  difficulties  with  which  he 
had  to  contend.  "  Count  Hadik,  an  excellent  man  I  value 
very  highly,"  he  said,  "  does  not  seem  to  appreciate  the 
fact  that  the  food-supply  question  is  a  vital  question  for 
Austria-Hungary  to-day.     Try  your  hand  at  it  now." 

I  replied  :   "  Your  Majesty,  I  hesitated  a  long  time  before 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         143 

making  up  my  mind  to  accept  this  responsible  post — the 
whole  thing  is  in  too  great  a  muddle  ;  but  if  your  Majesty 
wishes  it,  I  will  do  my  best.  Whether  I  shall  succeed  I 
cannot  tell ;  if  I  fail,  I  beg  you  to  lose  no  time  in  relieving 
me  of  my  post,  so  that  another,  more  capable  man  may  take 
my  place.  I  must,  however,  call  attention  to  one  point. 
I  shall  only  be  able  to  assure  the  food  supply  by  employing 
draconian  methods.  Such  compulsory  measures  can  and 
should  only  be  attempted  in  a  country  which  has  been 
satisfied  as  far  as  possible  in  other  respects,  in  which  all 
political  differences  have  been  smoothed  over,  and  all  whose 
factors  will  be  interested  in  pursuing  one  great  political 
aim."  The  King  agreed,  and  promised  to  help  me  by 
expediting  a  solution  of  the  domestic  problems.  Then  he 
began  to  talk  of  foreign  policy.  Czernin  was  working  hard 
to  bring  about  peace  with  Russia.  Czernin  always  said 
that  this  peace  would  be  like  a  spot  of  oil,  that  spreads 
farther.  Then  he  complained  of  Germany's  intractability 
and  annexationist  plans.  He  thought  Galicia  ought  to 
belong  to  Poland,  and  that  the  Poles  ought  to  decide  for 
themselves  who  they  wished  to  have  as  their  ruler. 

The  King  had  got  rather  heated  and  excited.  He  asked 
me  to  co-operate  more  closely  with  Czernin  from  now  on. 
He  was  very  anxious  as  to  whether  the  negotiations  going 
on  at  Brest-Litovsk  would  lead  to  a  favourable  result. 
And  he  dropped  hints  (the  meaning  of  which  I  did  not  under- 
stand at  the  time)  that  he  would  like  to  take  this  oppor- 
tunity of  getting  into  touch  with  the  Entente,  in  order  to 
secure  general  peace.  He  also  expressed  anxiety  lest  Count 
Czernin  should  allow  himself  to  be  influenced  by  the  Germans, 
who  would  not  be  satisfied  till  the  Western  Powers  were 
crushed.  "  And  we  cannot  go  on  fighting  !  "  he  exclaimed. 
"  I  won't  let  my  people  starve ;  they  cannot  be  allowed  to 
die  !  "  Again  and  again  he  exclaimed  :  "  We  can't  go  on! 
We  can't  go  on  !  " 

I  was  very  much  impressed  by  this  outbreak,  and  I  left, 
fully  and  honestly  intending  and  absolutely  determined  to 
do  all  that  was  humanly  possible  to  avert  disaster. 

I  drove  straight  from  this  audience  to  Andrassy,  who 
was  then  staying  on  the   Semmering.     He  advised  me   at 


144  MY  MEMOIRS 

once  not  to  accept  the  post  of  Food  Minister.  "  It  is  the 
most  formidable  job,"  he  said.  "  No  one  can  do  it  well. 
Have  you  the  necessary  expert  knowledge,  have  you  taken 
all  the  difficulties  into  consideration  ?  The  individual 
provinces  have  refused  to  contribute  any  longer  to  Austria's 
food  supply.  The  Central  Government  in  Vienna  is  power- 
less to  take  strong  measures.  You  know  what  our  people 
in  Hungary  say  :  '  First  set  your  own  house  in  order.'  The 
Poles,  the  Croats,  the  Bohemians  will  give  nothing  more  ; 
there  is  probably  abundance  of  everything  in  Croatia,  but 
it  is  sold  illicitly  to  Steiermark  at  extortionate  prices. 
Peace  and  victory  depend  on  the  food  supply ;  it  is  a  matter 
of  life  or  death.  If  you  don't  succeed  you  will  be  branded 
as  one  of  the  causes  of  the  collapse." 

I  knew  Andrassy  was  right ;  but  I  said  I  had  certain 
ideas  as  to  the  organization,  and  at  least  I  should  not  do 
worse  than  another. 

With  this  resolve  I  returned  to  Buda  Pesth  and  went 
at  once  to  see  Hadik,  who  assumed  an  injured  air  and  received 
me  in  a  most  unfriendly  way.  He  made  no  secret  of  his 
anger  with  Wekerle  and  Landwehr,  who  he  considered  were 
at  the  bottom  of  his  dismissal.  I  begged  him,  however, 
to  help  me  with  his  experience  and  to  give  me  general 
instructions.  He  said:  "There  are  no  instructions;  you 
are  taking  over  a  task  which  is  insoluble.  There  are  no 
supplies,  and  you  will  come  to  grief.  The  claims  of  the 
army  and  of  Austria  cannot  be  met."  I  tried  to  obtain 
definite  data,  but  saw  that  he  was  too  much  put  out,  and 
that  I  should  not  be  able  to  get  anything  out  of  him. 

On  the  26th  January  I  took  the  oath  as  Hungarian 
Food  Minister.  The  Cabinet  was  reconstructed.  Esterhazy, 
the  former  Prime  Minister,  came  in  as  Minister  without 
portfolio,  Szterenyi  as  Minister  of  Commerce  ;  Janos  Tot 
became  Minister  of  the  Interior  ;  Batthyanyi,  Ugron,  and 
the  Minister  of  Agriculture,  Mezössy,  whose  mistaken  harvest 
regulations  had  so  intensified  the  food  crisis,  went. 

When  I  became  Food  Minister  the  Monarchy  was  already 
breaking  up.  Andrassy  was  right :  the  food  question  was 
the  pivot  on  which  everything  turned  ;  unless  it  could  be 
satisfactorily  solved,  not   only  could   we   not   go   on  fight- 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  145 

ing,  but  we  could  not  continue  to  exist.  Its  satisfactory 
solution  was  the  primary  condition  of  all  foreign  policy. 
But  the  solution  was  inseparably  connected  with  the 
domestic  situation. 

Internal  confusion,  foreign  policy,  food  problem,  these 
three  were  now  one.  And,  nolens  volens,  the  Food  Minister 
had  to  bring  this  trinity  into  harmony,  in  a  sort  of  unofficial 
capacity. 

I  had  some  previous  knowledge  of  practical  administra- 
tion. I  had  watched  the  administration  of  offices  very 
closely  in  the  Comitat ;  my  business  experiences  as  a  director 
of  my  Tokay  Limited  Company  were  also  an  advantage  to 
me  ;  as  occasional  commissariat  officer  I  had  had  to  master 
the  functions  of  administrative  service,  and  as  a  Staff  Officer 
during  the  war  I  had  learnt  the  routine  of  organizations 
on  a  large  scale. 

Before  I  began  to  act  in  my  new  capacity,  however, 
I  shut  myself  up  in  my  office  for  three  weeks,  day  and  night, 
and  studied  the  situation.  I  came  across  nothing  that 
might  have  facilitated  my  work,  and  I  had  to  inaugurate 
a  new  way  of  obtaining  evidence.  The  Food  Ministry 
comprised  thirteen  sections  ;  Hadik  had  had  every  detail 
reported  to  him,  and  was  always  buried  in  documents.  I 
saw  the  impossibility  of  this,  and  sent  for  all  the  heads 
of  sections  at  once.  I  explained  that  from  henceforth 
"  documents  "  were  abolished  in  my  Ministry.  Important 
matters  must  only  be  dealt  with  by  telephone  or  telegraph  ; 
correspondence  by  letter  between  the  individual  depart- 
ments and  sections  was  to  be  discontinued  altogether.  I 
asked  my  subordinates  what  they  thought  of  such  simplifica- 
tions ;  they  were  all  against  them.  I  said  :  "  Thank  you, 
gentlemen ;  things  will  nevertheless  be  henceforth  as  I  now 
direct."  (I  succeeded,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  in  accomplishing 
certain  simplifications,  and  consequently  getting  things 
done  quicker,  but  I  was  unable  to  remodel  the  old  system 
entirely,  as  I  had  intended.  Officials  and  bureaucrats 
remain  bureaucrats,  and  the  grey  mare's  trot  is  the  only 
pace  they  know.) 

I  knew  what  the  daily  requirements  of  the  army  in  the 
field  were,  but  now  I  wanted  to  know  exactly  what  the 

10 


146  MY  MEMOIRS 

actual  consumption  of  flour  was,  in  order  to  calculate  what 
quantities  might  possibly  be  supplied  to  Austria.  It  was 
impossible  to  obtain  a  clear  idea  as  to  this.  Equally,  I 
could  not  obtain  any  authentic  figures  giving  the  effective 
strength  of  the  army  ;  at  first  the  military  authorities  would 
not  give  me  these  data,  and  later  on  they  could  not ;  it 
had  become  mere  guesswork. 

My  efforts  to  introduce  order  into  the  Centres  very  soon 
began.  I  saw  that  my  office  must  be  the  sole  authority 
above  the  Centres,  if  I  was  to  succeed  in  reconciling  the 
public  transport  policy  with  the  military  necessities.  It 
was  clear  that  the  Supreme  Command  of  the  army  in  the 
field  could  not  give  the  Centres  any  information  as  to  the 
proposed  offensives,  but  that  I  must  be  kept  au  fait,  and  I 
passed  on  corresponding  instructions  to  the  Wheat  Office, 
the  Pig  Trade  Office,  the  Fat  Centre,  etc.  Unfortunately, 
the  Centres  were  for  the  most  part  nothing  but  instruments 
in  the  hands  of  interested  parties — the  great  banks,  the 
associations  ;  I  might  give  the  orders,  but  their  being  carried 
out  satisfactorily  depended  on  the  good  will  of  the  Centres. 
Whether  they  offered  passive  resistance  or  whether  they 
carried  out  my  measures  promptly  depended,  as  I  very 
soon  discovered,  on  political  constellations.  If  my  political 
position  was  strong,  everything  went  off  without  a  hitch  ; 
if  I  were  resigning,  the  machinery  broke  down. 

There  were  different  departments  in  my  office  corre- 
sponding to  the  different  Centres  (fruit,  fat,  potatoes,  vege- 
tables, wheat  products,  flour,  etc.),  but  there  were  also 
departments  which  had  to  deal  with  depositions,  evasions, 
smuggling  and  prosecutions  in  the  police  and  criminal 
courts.  I  had  to  see  to  the  requisitioning,  expropriation 
and  collection  of  the  supplies,  which  I  distributed  to  the 
Centres,  from  whence  they  were  sent  on  to  the  mills  and 
factories.  (This,  of  course,  gave  opportunities  for  all  sorts 
of  sharp  practices,  against  which  I  was  powerless.  It  would 
have  required  a  special  Anti-corruption  Minister  to  contend 
against  this.) 

The  order  in  which  I  proposed  to  provide  for  the  different 
requirements  was  as  follows  :  (i)  the  army  ;  (2)  my  own 
country  ;     (3)    Austria.     Hadik   had   only   provided   for   (1) 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         147 

his  own  country  ;  (2)  the  army  ;  nothing  more.  Austria 
could  only  obtain  help  by  means  of  pressure,  entreaties 
or  threats,  according  to  circumstances.  I  had  the  area 
under  cultivation  ascertained,  through  the  Statistical  Office 
and  the  Ministry  of  Agriculture,  and  as  early  as  in  the  winter 
months  I  let  it  be  known  that  I  proposed  to  commandeer 
all  agricultural  products,  and  had  a  calculation  made  and 
worked  out  of  the  quantities  each  county  would  be  obliged 
to  hand  over,  after  deducting  the  amount  required  for  the 
producer's  own  consumption. 

Luckily,  I  found  excellent  officials  in  my  departments, 
who  placed  their  whole  time  at  my  disposal  from  the  first 
moment.  I  had  400  employees  and  400  assistants ;  two 
administrative  under  secretaries,  each  of  whom  had  a  large 
section  under  him. 

I  went  to  Berlin  one  day  to  introduce  myself  to  my 
German  colleagues  and  try  whether  we  could  not  work 
hand  in  hand.  Even  then,  in  the  latter  half  of  February, 
it  was  evident  that,  even  in  Germany,  not  only  were  the 
supplies  of  raw  material  running  short,  but  that  the  food 
supplies  could  not  be  considered  guaranteed  till  the  harvest. 
In  the  preceding  year  it  had  only  been  possible  to  avert 
a  food  crisis  in  Germany  by  turning  Rumania's  economic 
surplus  to  judicious  account.  While  in  Berlin  I  met 
Kühlmann,  who  told  me  of  the  German  Government's  firm 
determination  to  end  the  war  this  year,  the  reserves  of  food 
and  raw  material  being  absolutely  exhausted. 

Soon  after  I  took  office  a  Privy  Council  was  held  in 
Vienna,  at  which  I  submitted  all  my  calculations.  Cogni- 
zance was  taken  of  my  statements.  Several  days  afterwards 
His  Majesty  telephoned  to  me  to  support  my  statements 
by  data.  I  did  this,  but  still  waited  in  vain  for  any  pro- 
visions to  be  made  which  would  have  backed  me  up  in  my 
far-reaching  proposals  of  reform.  I  therefore  drew  up  a 
plan  of  action  of  my  own,  and  made  it  a  rule  to  submit  all 
fresh  drastic  measures  to  the  Ministerial  Council  for  approval 
and  to  provoke  a  decision.  I  soon  ascertained  that,  in 
general,  there  had  not  been  the  slightest  idea  of  the  gravity 
of  the  situation  ;  neither  the  Supreme  Command  nor  the 
Austrian   Government    nor   our    own    Cabinet    knew    how 


148  MY  MEMOIRS 

matters  stood.  I  sat  down  and  wrote  a  detailed  memo- 
randum :  amount  of  live  stock,  estimated  results  from  the 
harvest,  amount  of  fat  in  hand,  etc. — figures,  figures,  figures ; 
very  tedious,  and  very,  very  interesting. 

The  Supreme  Command  and  the  Austrian  Government, 
the  Hungarian  Government  and  the  Privy  Council  held  at 
the  latter  end  of  February  were  horrified.  I  also  sent  the 
memorandum  to  my  colleagues  in  Germany,  who  opened  a 
discussion  on  it  in  the  German  Federal  Council.  It  laid 
bare  the  real  state  of  our  food  supplies  in  all  its  meagreness, 
and  gave  the  date  when  the  Monarchy  must  break  down 
for  lack  of  bread. 

The  only  two  men  in  leading  positions  who  fully  grasped 
the  purpose  of  my  sedulous  efforts  were  the  Monarch  and 
Czernin  ;    everyone  else  looked  on  me  as  a  pessimist. 

The  task  of  provisioning  the  Monarchy  should,  of  course, 
have  been  dealt  with  conformably  with  the  foreign  political 
administration  ;  but  there  was  no  central  authority  in  the 
Monarchy.  We  had  no  Imperial  Chancellor.  The  Hun- 
garian and  the  Austrian  Government  and  the  Foreign  Office 
mostly  started  from  quite  different  hypotheses,  and  in  the 
course  of  my  whole  ministerial  life  I  never  succeeded  in 
getting  all  the  authorities  to  act  simultaneously  and 
unanimously  in  the  interest  either  of  war  or  peace. 

But  Czernin,  who  went  backwards  and  forwards  between 
Brest  and  Vienna,  and  with  whom  I  was  in  constant  touch, 
induced  me,  under  the  impression  of  my  memorandum  and 
in  support  of  his  own  policy,  to  write  a  letter  to  the  Emperor, 
stating  plainly  that  in  case  we  did  not  succeed  in  obtaining 
food  supplies  from  the  Ukraine  the  result  must  be  absolute 
collapse.  I  myself  did  not  take  the  newly  discovered 
State  Ukraine  into  my  calculations,  and  began  my  requisi- 
tions. Three  infantry  divisions  of  60,000  men  were,  so  to 
speak,  under  my  command  ;  I  had  divided  the  country 
into  Government  commissariats,  to  which  several  counties 
were  allotted.  Requisitions  which  took  the  economic 
personal  requirements  of  the  peasants  into  account  were 
made  in  good  earnest,  and  as  far  as  possible  without  the 
application  of  force.  There  were  occasional  local  difficulties 
and  injustices,  and  some  abuses,  but  on  the  whole  the  result 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         149 

achieved   was  distinctty  favourable  as  compared   with   the 
requisitioning  of  the  year  before. 

In  the  course  of  the  months  of  February  and  March 
I  had  innumerable  audiences  of  the  King,  and  had  oppor- 
tunities of  seeing  how  hard  he  had  to  fight  day  by  day  for 
peace  and  domestic  reforms.  The  leaders  in  Austria  all 
pulled  different  ways — they  called  that  Viribus  unitis — and 
the  only  man  who  would,  in  my  opinion,  have  been  in  a 
position  to  unite  all  the  forces  of  Austria-Hungary  under 
one  flag,  Count  Julius  Andrassy,  had  held  aloof  from  active 
participation  in  foreign  and  domestic  policy  since  the 
autumn  of  1917,  on  account  of  personal  differences  between 
him  and  Czernin.  There  was  a  little  newspaper  in  Buda 
Pesth,  the  Deli  Hirlap,  which  made  violent  and  low  attacks 
on  the  Foreign  Minister  daily,  and  advocated  Andrassy's 
being  appointed  in  his  place.  Czernin  was  firmly  convinced 
that  Andrassy  had  instigated  these  articles.  Anyone  who 
knew  Andrassy  would  have  known  how  absurd  this  view  was. 

In  the  early  part  of  February  negotiations  took  place 
repeatedly  in  Vienna  between  the  Austro-Polish  and  Austro- 
Ruthenian  deputies  and  the  Austrian  Prime  Minister, 
Seidler,  the  object  being  to  discuss  the  methods  of  incor- 
porating Galicia  in  Poland. 

I  had  a  conference  at  Baden  on  the  24th  February, 
in  the  course  of  which  the  Monarch  said  : 

"  Recognizing  that  a  strong  and  friendly  Poland  is 
essential  in  the  interest  of  Austro-Hungarian  policy,  it 
follows  that  no  other  solution  is  possible  than  the  incor- 
poration of  all  parts  of  the  Monarchy  inhabited  by  Poles 
in  the  new  Polish  State. 

"  The  question  of  the  parts  of  Galicia  inhabited  by 
Ruthenians  can  only  be  solved  by  agreement  with  the  Poles 
that,  in  case  a  Ukrainian  State  should  come  into  existence 
on  the  conclusion  of  peace  in  the  future,  the  purely  Ruthenian 
districts  of  East  Galicia  shall  fall  to  it. 

"  For  the  present  there  can  be  no  question  of  this 
Ruthenian  State  coming  into  existence.  If  the  Ruthenian 
State  does  not  come  into  existence,  the  districts  inhabited 
by   Ruthenians   will   remain   within   the   framework  of   the 


150  MY  MEMOIRS 

Polish  National  State,  in  which  they  must  be  guaranteed 
far-reaching  autonomy. 

"  Count  Czernin's  view  is  on  the  whole  the  same.  The 
only  question  is  how  far  Germany  will  promote  the  coming 
into  existence  of  the  Ukraine.  The  Ruthenian  deputies 
from  East  Galicia  and  the  Bukovina  are  taking  up  a  strong 
attitude  against  transfer  to  the  Polish  National  State, 
which  appears  to  them  to  offer  less  guarantee  for  their 
national  existence  than  the  Austrian  State.  For  all  that, 
the  possibility  of  the  Bukovina  remaining  within  the 
Monarchy  must  be  reckoned  with." 

On  the  occasion  of  Count  Czernin's  spending  two  days 
in  Vienna,  I  had  an  opportunity  of  talking  over  the  peace 
negotiations  in  Brest-Litovsk  with  him. 

He  really  is  of  opinion  that  if  peace  can  be  brought  about 
in  the  East  it  will  be  possible  to  commence  peace  negotiations 
with  the  Entente. 

One  of  his  statements  with  regard  to  Serbia  is  character- 
istic. In  answer  to  my  question  why  an  attempt  had  not 
long  since  been  made  to  solve  the  South  Slav  question 
and  prepare  the  way  at  the  same  time  for  a  separate  peace 
with  Serbia,  he  said  :  "I  consider  it  impossible  to  deal 
with  the  South  Slav  question  at  the  same  time  as  that  of 
peace  in  the  North-east  ;  all  the  more  as  we  must  very 
soon  consider  how  to  secure  our  position  as  against  the 
Rumanians  after  the  war." 

During  a  Ministerial  Council  in  the  month  of  March 
the  Brest  peace  was  discussed.  No  protest  was  made  against 
the  conditions.  I  must  admit  that  I  was  of  the  same 
opinion  as  Count  Czernin,  that  the  chief  consideration  at 
the  moment  was  the  "  bread  peace  "  ;  I  did  not  know  what 
the  conditions  were  in  the  Ukraine,  and  still  relied  on  Czernin 
at  that  time.  Vazsonyi  then  came  into  the  room  and  took 
part  in  the  conference.  He  was  the  only  one  who  dis- 
approved of  the  Brest  peace,  and  he  demanded  that  his 
separate  opinion  should  be  recorded  in  the  minutes.  He 
said  :  "  Peace  with  a  Bolshevist  regime,  which  denies  the 
existing  world  order,  is  not  a  peace  a  properly  ordered  State 
ought  to  conclude.  The  Entente  will  not  recognize  the 
Bolshevists   and   the   peace   concluded   with   them.      Peace 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  151 

with  Bolshevist  Russia  will  not  bring  us  any  nearer  a  world 
peace,  but  assuredly  nearer  the  world  of  Bolshevism."  Thus 
Vazsonyi  was  the  only  politician  whose  view  of  the  future 
was  correct  and  who  had  the  courage  to  state  his  opinion. 

Czernin  had  gone  to  Bucharest  to  continue  peace 
negotiations  with  the  defeated  Rumanians.  Before  this 
he  had  made  the  worst  mistake  of  his  life  :  he  had  fallen 
foul  of  Clemenceau.  The  old  Tiger  struck  out  at  him 
with  his  claws  and  stamped  him  before  all  the  world  as  a 
liar.  At  that  time  the  unreliability  of  Czernin's  vacillating 
temperament  became  evident.  Thanks  to  his  inconceivably 
foolish  tactics  our  Monarch's  private  negotiations  with  the 
Entente  were  dragged  into  the  light  of  day,  and  this  of 
course  made  any  further  discreet  attempts  to  open  up 
formal  or  informal  discussions — to  which,  at  that  time,  the 
enemy  was  not  averse — or  to  throw  out  any  peace-feelers, 
impossible.  Not  only  this,  but,  in  the  half-light  of  the 
revelations,  the  Monarch's  undoubtedly  noble-hearted  in- 
tention, inspired  solely  by  humane  motives,  appeared  in 
an  unpleasantly  disloyal,  almost  treacherous  light.  The 
amazingly  harsh  attitude  Count  Czernin  suddenly  adopted 
towards  the  Czechs  also  had  a  most  bewildering  effect  in 
the  country.  These  two  great  political  mistakes  made  it 
clear  that,  with  all  due  recognition  of  his  frequently 
brilliant  ideas,  he  was  not  qualified  to  hold  the  highest 
office  in  the  State. 

At  our  Ministerial  Councils  in  the  early  days  of  April 
it  turned  out  that  Wekerle  was  neither  familiar  with  the 
guiding  lines  of  Czernin's  Bucharest  negotiations  nor  in 
a  position  to  make  the  standpoint  of  the  Hungarian  Govern- 
ment quite  clear.  Repeated  conferences  between  Wekerle, 
Andrassy,  Apponyi  and  Tisza  led  to  maximum  wishes  being 
laid  down  in  the  peace  treaty,  but  not  to  the  Hungarian 
proposals  being  brought  into  keeping  with  Czernin's  procedure. 

The  franchise  conflict  came  to  the  front  again,  after  an 
interval  in  which  there  had  not  been  much  talk  of  franchise. 
The  ration  per  head  of  all  articles  of  food  had  been  reduced 
to  what  was  absolutely  necessary  ;  the  shortage  of  flour  and 
fat   was   making  itself  acutely   felt.     These   were   sufficient 


152  MY  MEMOIRS 

reasons  for  limiting  all  the  interests  of  the  idealistic 
Parliament  to  material  things. 

At  this  period  I  came  into  conflict  with  my  friend 
Vazsonyi.  On  the  question  of  bringing  in  the  new  franchise 
I  took  the  view  that  the  chance  of  an  immediate  dissolution 
of  Parliament  had  been  missed,  now  that  the  first  two  months 
of  the  year  1918  had  also  gone  by  without  a  dissolution. 
An  electoral  campaign  now  would  fall  just  at  the  time 
of  the  most  oppressive  requisitions.  Vazsonyi  took  this 
apparent  change  of  mind  on  my  part  very  much  amiss, 
but  the  reasons  for  my  attitude  were  obvious. 

I  had  always  considered  it  unworthy  of  Hungary  that 
the  nationalities  within  our  borders,  who  were  certainly 
40  per  cent,  of  the  population,  should  only  be  represented 
by  ten  to  twelve  deputies  ;  I  had  been  in  favour  of  as  many 
Nationalists  as  possible  getting  into  the  House.  Equally, 
I  was  a  convinced  supporter  of  equal,  secret  and  communal 
franchise.  The  desire  for  expansion  and  development 
ought  to  have  full  play  in  Parliament,  and  not  away  on 
the  borders  of  the  Empire,  not  in  the  street.  But  at  this 
latest  and  worst  period  of  the  war  it  seemed  to  me  too  late 
to  attempt  evolutionary  tactics  of  that  kind  ;  we  had  seen 
enough  during  Esterhazy's  regime  of  where  liberal-minded 
experiments  lead  in  times  of  incalculable  upheaval ;  we 
were  suffering  from  their  effects  now.  The  elections  would 
have  been  a  fight,  and  would  have  been  fought  under  the 
influence  of  the  bitterest  class  antagonism.  I  knew  that 
I  should  be  obliged  to  requisition  the  produce  of  the  soil, 
to  commandeer  the  whole  harvest  by  armed  force,  the  very 
last  resort.  To  have  competed  at  the  same  time  for  the 
votes  of  electors  who  had  naturally  been  rendered  open 
to  every  kind  of  demagogic  idea  by  a  disastrous  war, 
which  had  now  lasted  for  four  years,  would  have  been 
madness. 

Andrassy,  too,  was  quite  convinced  of  the  necessity  of 
subordinating  all  interests  to  the  food  and  supply  question, 
but  among  those  about  him  there  were  some  who  made 
my  attitude  towards  the  Franchise  Bill  the  object  of  spiteful 
personal  attacks.  Count  Hadik,  in  particular,  looked  on 
every  step  I  took  to  commandeer  supplies  as  a  disavowal 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WIXDISCHGRAETZ  153 

of  his  food  policy,  and  had  violent  attacks  made  on  me  in 
several  Buda  Pesth  daily  newspapers. 

In  the  meantime  Vazsonyi  had  as  good  as  completed 
his  great  work,  and  negotiations  had  now  to  take  place 
with  the  Parties,  in  order  to  ascertain  what  reception  the 
Bill  would  meet  with  in  the  House  of  Deputies.  These 
negotiations  showed  how  immaterial  my  attitude  towards 
the  question  of  dissolving  Parliament  and  issuing  writs  for 
a  fresh  election  really  had  been,  an  attitude  adopted  purely 
on  principle,  and  not  in  any  way  directed  against  the  new 
franchise ;  for  the  chief  opponent  of  the  Franchise  Bill 
was  Tisza.  Tisza  was  summoned  by  the  Monarch,  who 
represented  to  him  that  the  rejection  of  his  franchise  pro- 
gramme would  merely  produce  the  opposite  effect  in  the 
country  ;  for  if  this  programme  fell  to  the  ground,  the  work- 
ing and  all  radical  classes  would  only  demand  still  further 
extension  of  the  franchise,  and  fresh  concessions  every 
session.  Tisza  shook  his  head.  The  King  urged  him, 
begged  him,  implored  him.  Tisza  said  inflexibly  :  "  No." 
The  King  threatened  to  dissolve  Parliament.  Tisza  said 
calmly  :  "  Pray  do  so."  It  was  a  serious  crisis.  Vazsonyi 
himself  saw  that  under  such  circumstances  this  was  not 
the  time  for  an  election.  Wekerle's  Cabinet  was  faced 
with  an  impasse  and  resigned. 

On  the  13th  April  I  was  summoned  to  an  audience 
at  Baden.  At  that  time  the  King  had  already  got  into  the 
habit  of  sending  for  me  every  week.  As  a  general  rule 
I  was  informed  by  telephone  in  the  evening  that  His 
Majesty  wished  to  speak  to  me  ;  on  which  my  saloon  carriage 
was  coupled  to  the  train  and  I  travelled  by  night  to 
Vienna.  I  got  into  uniform  at  my  rooms  in  the  Prinz 
Eugen  Strasse  and  motored  to  Baden.  There  the  Monarch 
occupied  a  dwelling  which  consisted  of  three  rooms.  The 
first  was  an  ante-room,  generally  full  of  Ministers,  Generals, 
politicians,  functionaries,  orderlies,  officials  and  footmen ; 
the  middle  room  was  the  study  ;  the  Empress,  who  had 
been  confined,  was  in  bed  in  the  third.  It  would  hardly 
be  possible  to  live  more  unpretentiously.  The  cooking  was 
the  simplest  imaginable.     The  Monarch  drank  a  glass  of 


154  MY  MEMOIRS 

beer  at  his  midday  meal  and  smoked  a  cigarette.  The 
Imperial  family  lived  in  this  way  for  six  whole  months. 
Very  often  officers  and  officials  of  high  rank  stood  in  the 
ante-room  and  the  nurse  went  through  carrying  the  utensils 
of  her  office. 

The  King  began  to  discuss  our  resignation  directly.  I 
admitted  that  quarrels  and  personal  differences  between 
the  leading  politicians  and  responsible  statesmen  were  the 
chief  cause  of  the  perpetual  inability  to  take  the  same 
view  of  urgent  questions. 

"  Who  can  form  a  Cabinet  ?  "  asked  the  Monarch. 
"  I  should  be  in  favour  of  Andrassy." 

I  begged  the  King  not  to  think  of  this.  I  knew  Czernin's 
position  was  shaky,  and  considered  Andrassy's  appointment 
to  be  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  an  absolute  necessity. 
I  used  all  my  powers  of  persuasion  to  win  over  the  King  to 
my  view,  and  laid  stress  on  the  fact  that  in  Hungary  it  was 
a  question  of  forming  a  strong  Ministry  which  would  devote 
its  energies  to  business,  without  making  policy  a  matter  of 
pure  nationalism.  The  most  suitable  man  at  the  head  of 
such  a  Cabinet  would  in  my  opinion  be  Szterenyi,  if  he 
could  reach  any  agreement  with  the  Work  Party  and  Tisza 
which  would  enable  him  to  govern.  The  King  sighed.  He 
also  inquired  as  to  the  state  of  the  food  supplies. 

"  Don't  forget  to  provide  for  Austria,"  were  his  words. 

"  I  do  what  I  can,  your  Majesty,"  I  said,  "  but  it  can't  go 
on  for  ever.     Your  Majesty  must  make  peace." 

"  Am  I  not  doing  what  I  can  ?  "  he  replied  in  great 
distress.  "  You  have  seen  that  Clemenceau  has  published 
my  letter.  I  cannot  understand  Clemenceau  ;  he  is  incom- 
prehensible to  me,"  he  jerked  out,  and  walked  excitedly  up 
and  down.  "  Of  course,  my  object  was  to  bring  about 
peace  quickly,  and  I  meant  to  turn  all  the  means  at  my 
disposal  to  account ;  but  it  was  Czernin  himself  who  advised 
me  to  try  and  get  into  touch  with  France  through  my 
brother-in-law.  Has  not  enough  blood  been  shed  ?  Do 
they  want  to  represent  my  letter  as  disloyalty  to  Germany 
now  ?  Would  not  the  fruits  of  this  action  have  been  just 
as  advantageous  to  Germany  as  to  us  ?  Now  I  see  that 
through    Czernin's    clumsiness    the    general    public    thinks 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  155 

that  there  are  differences  of  opinion  between  me  and  Kaiser 
Wilhelm  over  peace  and  war.  I  have  ordered  Czernin  to 
return  at  once.     I  must  talk  to  him." 

Czernin  had,  in  fact,  been  recalled  from  Bucharest  to 
Vienna.  In  the  meantime  I  had  gone  back  to  Buda  Pesth, 
and  I  went  to  the  station  with  Wekerle,  to  confer  with 
Czernin.  Czernin  told  us  at  the  station  that  he  had  received 
news  from  Vienna  which  represented  the  situation  there 
as  desperate.  The  Austrian  Prime  Minister  was  no  longer 
in  a  position  to  keep  the  situation  in  hand  if  the  food  condi- 
tions did  not  improve,  and  there  were  also  the  worst  possible 
reports  from  the  front. 

"  What  can  you  do  for  Austria  ?  "    Czernin  asked  me. 

"  Every  truckload  that  crosses  the  frontier  from 
Hungary  is  used  as  a  weapon  for  agitation,"  I  said.  "  Come 
and  hear  the  interruptions  in  Parliament  for  yourself.  I 
started  the  compensation  business  almost  solely  as  a  means 
of  saving  Austria  from  starvation  by  a  legitimate  process. 
In  the  same  proportion  as  Austria  sends  us  industrial  goods 
I  send  flour.  There  is  no  longer  any  other  way  of  doing  it." 
Wekerle  poured  out  a  few  drops  of  oil  and  tried  to  calm 
the  troubled  waters.  "  Windischgraetz  is  always  pessi- 
mistic ;  it  will  be  all  right.  Just  tell  the  King  all  the  necessary 
steps  have  been  taken  to  provide  for  Austria." 

"  You  know,  Excellency,"  I  said,  turning  rather  ironically 
to  Wekerle,  "it  is  no  longer  a  question  of  steps  ;  it  is  a 
question  of  carrying  them  out.  We  have  no  support  either 
in  the  country  or  in  Parliament ;  all  the  factors  ought  to 
be  brought  to  see  at  last  how  serious  the  position  is." 

"  My  dear  friend,"  said  Wekerle,  "  everything  will  be 
seen  to.  All  will  be  well."  And  he  spread  out  his  large 
fat  hands  soothingly,  in  his  characteristic  way. 

"I  tell  you  what!"  said  Czernin;  "come  straight  to 
Vienna  with  me,  and  let  us  both  discuss  the  food  situation 
and  the  general  political  position  with  the  Emperor." 

I  got  into  the  train  and  went  with  him  without  any 
preparation.  A  long  conversation  with  Czernin  was  exactly 
what  I  wanted.  I  had  seen,  from  what  the  King  said,  that 
the  friendly  relations  between  him  and  Czernin  had  been 
broken    off,   and    I   fancied   that   his   days   of   office   were 


156  MY  MEMOIRS 

already  numbered.  I  therefore  tried  to  convince  him, 
during  the  night  journey,  that  he  must  keep  on  good  terms 
with  Andrassy,  that  Andrassy  would  be  his  most  valuable 
fellow-worker,  on  whom  he  could  always  depend.  But 
Czernin  would  not  hear  of  this.  He  looked  on  Andrassy 
as  his  greatest  enemy,  and  did  not  want  to  initiate  him 
into  his  policy.  I  did  not  succeed  in  convincing  him  that 
the  press  campaign  against  him  was  not  organized  by 
Andrassy. 

Czernin  told  me  that,  after  some  hesitation,  the  Supreme 
Command  had  agreed  to  a  march  on  the  Ukraine  ;  unfortu- 
nately, too  late,  and  only  in  consequence  of  a  simultaneous 
German  action,  which  of  course  reduced  the  expected 
advantage  to  us,  both  from  a  political  point  of  view  as  regards 
the  Ukrainians  and  an  economic  point  of  view  as  regards  the 
hoped-for  food  and  raw  material  supplies,  to  a  minimum.  He 
now  discussed  with  me  the  possibility  of  raising  the  necessary 
reserve  food  supplies  for  this  great  strategic  undertaking. 
I  had  to  tell  him  that  I  was  not  in  a  position  to  supply  the 
army  with  more  than  the  normal  amount.  "  We  will  talk 
this  over  with  Landwehr  in  Vienna,"  said  Czernin.  He 
thought,  moreover,  that  Tisza  was  the  only  suitable  man 
to  be  at  the  head  of  the  Government,  and  who  could  succeed 
in  getting  the  necessary  measures  carried  out.  I  told 
Czernin  very  decidedly  that  if  he  meant  to  advise  His  Majesty 
to  entrust  the  reins  of  government  to  Tisza  I  should  certainly 
resign.  In  my  opinion,  a  resuscitation  of  the  Work  Party 
would  cause  such  agitation  in  the  country  that  it  would 
absolutely  preclude  any  possibility  of  putting  the  food 
situation,  or  even  the  political  situation,  on  a  sound  basis, 
from  the  very  first.  I  explained  Tisza's  attitude  as  regards 
the  franchise  question,  and  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  promise 
from  Czernin  not  to  make  the  proposal  to  His  Majesty. 
Finally,  we  came  to  the  following  agreement :  We  should 
both  tender  our  resignations  unconditionally  to  His  Majesty 
unless  he  took  immediate  steps  to  put  domestic  political 
questions  on  a  sound  basis,  as  otherwise  it  would  be  impossible 
to  provision  the  army  and  provide  for  Austria. 

We  were  travelling  in  Czernin's  special  train,  and  he 
repeatedly  held  telephonic  conversations  with  the  Emperor 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  157 

at  the  individual  stations.  I  asked  him  how  matters 
stood  with  regard  to  the  Sixtus  letter.  "  I  would  rather 
not  speak  of  that  now,"  said  Czernin. 

General  Landwehr,  Czernin  and  I  drove  to  Baden. 

The  Foreign  Minister  was  received  first  and  had  a  very 
long  audience.  Czernin's  face  was  flushed  when  he  came 
out  ;  I  knew  the  Sixtus  letter  had  given  rise  to  discussions. 
Then  we  went  in  together.  We  again  discussed  the  food 
problem.  I  again  explained  that  no  one  would  admit  the 
gravity  of  the  situation  ;  I  again  insisted  that  nothing  but 
the  creation  of  properly  ordered  domestic  political  conditions 
would  make  it  possible  to  hold  out  over  the  next  two 
months.  His  Majesty  promised  to  solve  the  crisis  in  Buda 
Pesth  within  the  next  few  days. 

In  the  afternoon  I  was  received  by  the  Monarch  alone. 
He  told  me  that  Czernin  had  advised  him  to  send  a  telegram 
to  Kaiser  Wilhelm,  assuring  him  of  his  loyalty  to  the 
alliance.  "  My  wish,"  said  the  Emperor,  "  was  that  Czernin 
should  persuade  the  German  Government  to  announce 
that  the  letter  was  sent  by  mutual  agreement.  In  my 
opinion,  that  would  have  been  a  better  solution.  But 
Czernin  would  not  hear  of  it ;  he  said  the  only  thing  possible 
now  was  to  deny  everything  flatly.  I  did  not  like  it,  but 
I  gave  in." 

I  then  heard  from  the  King's  immediate  entourage  of 
the  second  telegram  sent  to  Kaiser  Wilhelm,  which  spoke, 
not  very  tactfully,  of  the  guns  on  the  Western  Front.  It 
turned  out,  from  later  disclosures,  that  Czernin  had 
composed  and  sent  that  telegram. 

On  the  16th  April  a  Ministerial  Council  was  held  in 
Buda  Pesth,  at  which  I  again  demonstrated  the  food  situation 
of  the  army,  of  Austria  and  of  Hungary,  by  accurately 
worked-out  data.  My  colleagues  again  thought  I  took  too 
gloomy  a  view,  and  were  convinced  that  the  complaints 
made  by  the  Austrian  Government  were  only  a  transparent 
manoeuvre  for  the  purpose  of  extorting  larger  quantities 
of  food  from  Hungary,  the  milch  cow.  Wekerle's  view  is 
that  everything  in  the  world  can  be  settled  somehow  or 


158  MY  MEMOIRS 

other,  and  that  it  will  be  so  in  this  case  too.  On  this,  I 
submit  information  obtained  by  my  agents  in  Bohemia, 
Galicia  and  the  German  highlands,  from  which  it  is  evident 
that  Bohemia  is  pursuing  a  regular  food  policy  of  her  own, 
but  is  no  longer  willing  to  be  influenced  in  any  way  by 
the  central  Government  in  Vienna  ;  Galicia  has  extremely 
badly  regulated  food  conditions,  but  is,  on  the  whole,  able 
to  support  herself ;  Vienna  and  the  Austrian  highlands, 
on  the  other  hand,  are  starving,  and  are  quite  unable  to 
obtain  provisions  from  anywhere. 

Wekerle  and  Szterenyi  thought  my  statements  exagger- 
ated. In  speaking  of  the  franchise  proposal,  Vazsonyi 
accused  me  of  having  intrigued  against  the  Bill. 

In  the  afternoon  the  King  arrived  in  Buda  Pesth. 

His  Majesty  received  me  at  once  at  the  Royal  Palace 
and  informed  me  of  Czernin's  resignation.  He  seemed  very 
troubled  and  depressed.  He  had  read  what  the  newspapers 
had  written  of  him,  and  he  understood  the  open  and  veiled 
accusations  very  well.  "  I  was  always  of  opinion  that  we 
ought  to  have  honestly  admitted  having  sent  the  letter," 
he  said,  "  but  Czernin  would  not.  It  was  Czernin's  business 
to  make  my  attitude  to  Wilhelm  clear  at  Brest,  but  at  that 
time  he  wheeled  completely  round  into  the  Pan-German 
camp  ;  that  is  my  firm  conviction.  He  was  to-day  this, 
to-morrow  that ;  to-day  disarmament  and  international 
peace,  to-morrow  victory-peace  and  destruction  of  all  our 
enemies." 

I  implored  him  to  appoint  Andrassy  Minister  for  Foreign 
Affairs.  I  was  of  opinion  that  this  was  a  fateful  moment 
for  the  Monarchy.  If  the  Monarch  wanted  to  dissociate 
himself  from  Germany's  policy  he  must  choose  Andrassy. 
Andrassy  had  always  been  a  loyal  adherent  of  the  policy  of 
alliance,  his  sincerity  was  beyond  all  doubt,  and  for  this  very 
reason  he  was  the  most  suitable — in  fact,  the  only — person 
to  explain  to  the  Germans  that  it  was  only  the  most  dire 
necessity  which  obliged  us  to  withdraw  from  the  war,  and 
that  we  could  not  bring  on  ourselves  the  additional  odium 
of  swimming  in  the  wake  of  an  annexationist  policy.  The 
King  appeared  to  recognize  this,  appeared  inclined  to  take  my 
view,  but  he  still  wavered,  hesitated,  did  not  say  yes  or  no. 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  159 

With  regard  to  a  solution  of  the  domestic  crisis,  he 
hoped  to  bring  about  an  agreement  between  Tisza,  Apponyi 
and  Andrassy,  in  view  of  the  menacing  foreign  political 
complications.     Andrassy  was  to  be  received  in  audience. 

This  was  my  hope.  I  went  that  very  evening  to  the 
Chief  of  the  General  Staff,  Arz,  and  begged  him  to  put  in 
a  word  for  Andrassy  with  the  King.  And  then  I  waited 
to  see  what  would  happen.  Every  telephone  call  racked 
my  nerves  ;  I  was  overworked  and  overwrought.  I  hoped 
for  Andrassy's  appointment  as  the  sole  salvation  for 
Hungary,  for  the  Monarchy,  for  the  Monarch.  But  this  is 
what  happened  : 

The  King  had  summoned  the  joint  Minister  of  Finance, 
Burian,  to  Buda  Pesth,  as  his  presence  was  necessary,  in 
view  of  the  intended  discussion  of  the  South  Slav  question. 
The  next  day  the  King  drove  to  Alcsut  to  visit  the  Archduke 
Joseph's  family,  and  took  with  him  Burian,  who  was  to 
report  to  him.  No  authentic  account  of  what  was  said 
during  this  motor  drive  has  ever  been  given.  What  happened 
seems  to  have  been  that  the  Monarch  naturally  complained 
of  the  hopelessly  tangled  state  of  affairs.  Burian  consoled 
him  ;  Burian's  serene  academic  nature  had  a  calming  effect, 
his  stoic  optimism  roused  new  hopes.  The  nearer  they  came 
to  Alcsut,  the  lighter  the  Monarch  felt  the  burden  on  his 
shoulders.  Bit  by  bit  Burian  relieved  him  of  the  weight ; 
he  held  out  hopes :  things  would  improve — at  one  stroke  the 
King  could  be  rid  of  the  greatest  responsibility,  the  most 
crushing  anxiety,  that  of  foreign  policy.  Here  was  the 
right  man. 

Cousin  Berchtold,  His  Majesty's  Lord-in- Waiting,  is 
fond  of  describing  a  little  scene  which  was  enacted  at  that 
time  in  one  of  the  rooms  in  the  Royal  Palace  at  Buda. 
King  Karl,  Tisza  and  Burian  stood  talking  in  the  middle 
of  the  room.  A  footman  stood  near  the  door.  The  King's 
aide-de-camp,  stout  General  Zdenke  Lobkowitz,  stood  in 
a  window  recess.  Berchtold  came  in  and  exchanged 
greetings  with  Lobkowitz.  Lobkowitz  whispered  to  him  : 
"  Some  one  in  this  room  is  going  to  be  Minister  for  Foreign 
Affairs." 

"  Who  can  it  be  ?  "  Berchtold  whispered  back. 


160  MY  MEMOIRS 

"It  isn't  me,"  said  Lobkowitz,  under  his  breath.  "I 
know  nothing  of  politics." 

"Good  God!"  said  Berchtold.  "Surely  they  won't 
fall  back  on  me  ?  " 

"It  is  certainly  not  Tisza,"  whispered  Lobkowitz. 
"  He  won't  agree  to  be  cut  adrift  from  Hungarian  politics. 
This  leaves  only  the  footman,  and  possibly  Burian  ;  the 
footman  looks  quite  intelligent.  ..." 

"  I  lay  two  to  one  on  the  footman,"  said  Berchtold 
quickly  ;  for  just  at  that  moment  the  King  came  towards 
the  two  Officers  of  his  Household  and  said :  "I  have 
appointed  Baron  Burian  my  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs." 

It  was  the  17th  April.  A  Cabinet  Council  was  just 
being  held,  when  Wekerle  was  called  to  the  telephone  and 
heard  of  Burian's  appointment.  I  at  once  declared  my 
intention  of  resigning  ;  the  whole  Cabinet  did  the  same. 

I  saw  His  Majesty  at  the  station  in  the  afternoon,  just 
before  he  left,  and  told  him  that  under  the  existing  circum- 
stances it  was  out  of  the  question  for  me  to  remain  in  the 
new  Cabinet.  He  was  very  much  annoyed,  and  I  was 
ungraciously  dismissed. 

The  next  day  Tisza  came  to  see  me  in  my  office.  It 
was  the  first  time  he  had  called  on  me  and  had  a  long 
conversation  with  me.  "  I  know,"  he  said,  "  that  it  will 
be  spread  about  everywhere  that  Burian  is  my  tool  and 
that  his  appointment  was  my  doing.  But  the  fact  is  that 
His  Majesty  confronted  me  with  a  fait  accompli."  Tisza 
and  I  looked  at  one  another  ;  but  we  said  nothing.  Tisza 
went  off  on  another  tack.  He  considered  Czernin's  dismissal 
one  of  the  greatest  mistakes  of  the  Monarch's  policy.  Then 
he  complained  bitterly  that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to 
meet  Andrassy,  as  his  entourage,  particularly  Hadik  and 
Pallavicini,  prevented  any  rapprochement.  I  readily  under- 
took to  speak  to  Andrassy  about  it  (and  also  drove  to  see 
Andrassy  directly  after  this  talk).  As  regards  the  resigna- 
tion of  the  Cabinet,  Tisza  thought  the  only  solution  would 
be  an  immediate  fusion  of  the  existing  Government  Party 
with  his  Work  Party  ;  agreement  must  also  be  reached  at 
once  on  the  franchise  question,  as  Karolyi  was  rousing  a 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  161 

dangerous  feeling  by  his  defeatist  electioneering  speeches 
in  the  province  and  his  demagogic  articles  in  the  papers, 
which  all  the  patriotic  elements  must  oppose. 

The  enmity  between  Tisza  and  Karolyi  had  become 
more  and  more  bitter.  The  only  object  of  Karolyi's  visit 
to  America  in  the  spring  of  1914  had  been  to  collect  money 
to  carry  on  an  agitation  against  Tisza's  policy  in  Hungary. 
Tisza  was  loyal  to  the  King,  Karolyi  had  '48  ten- 
dencies, and  demanded  the  severance  of  Hungary  from 
Austria  ;  Tisza  was  pro-German,  Karolyi  was  anti-German  ; 
Tisza  was  against  the  new  franchise,  and  therefore  Karolyi 
was  in  favour  of  it.  On  the  outbreak  of  war  Karolyi  was 
detained  in  Paris  on  his  way  back  from  America  and 
interned.  But  the  French  released  him,  on  his  giving  his 
word  of  honour  not  to  fight  against  the  Entente  and  to  bring 
about  a  pacifist  movement  in  his  country.  Nothing  was 
known  of  this  word  of  honour  in  Hungary  till  much  later  on. 

On  the  20th  the  King  commissioned  me  by  telephone 
to  find  out  from  Andrassy  how  far  he  would  support  a 
Coalition  Government.  Andrassy  said  he  wished  to  with- 
draw from  the  Government  Party,  but  not  with  any 
intention  of  making  difficulties  for  the  Government.  I 
reported  the  details  of  my  conversation  to  the  King  by 
telephone,  again  begged  him  to  put  an  end  to  the  crisis 
and  appoint  a  new  Cabinet  as  quickly  as  possible,  and  laid 
stress  at  the  same  time  on  the  fact  that  I  would  not  take 
office  in  the  new  Cabinet. 

The  King  replied  :  "  We  will  talk  of  that  again." 

On  the  23rd  General  Landwehr,  the  head  of  the  Joint 
Food  Committee,  and  the  Austrian  Prime  Minister,  Seidler, 
are  summoned.  Seidler  gives  details  of  the  desperate  food 
conditions  in  Vienna  and  the  highlands.  I  myself  produce 
figures  to  demonstrate  my  absolute  inability  to  accept 
responsibility  for  provisioning  both  the  army  and  Austria. 
His  Majesty  replied  that  he  would  look  on  my  resignation 
at  a  time  of  such  difficulty  as  desertion,  and  requested  me 
to  retain  my  post. 

The  next  day  there  was  a  Cabinet  Council  in  Buda  Pesth, 
at  which  Wekerle  explained  Burian's  foreign  policy  and 
the  modalities  of  the  Rumanian  peace.     I  note  that  Wekerle 

11 


162  MY  MEMOIRS 

and  Burian  have  come  to  terms,  are  hand  and  glove,  but 
that  there  are  considerable  differences  between  their  views 
and  His  Majesty's  attitude.  I  venture  to  call  my  Chief's 
attention  to  this,  but  he  denies  the  differences. 

Szterenyi  and  I  are  commanded  to  come  to  Baden  on 
the  26th.  I  was  first  received  alone.  The  King  asked  me 
if  I  would  undertake  to  form  a  Cabinet.  I  might  have  held 
office  as  Prime  Minister.  I  might  have  merely  carried  on 
Wekerle's  zigzag  policy  of  postponement,  compromise  and 
delay,  with  a  few  modifications.  But  I  refused  ;  I  explained 
that,  practically,  the  political  situation  could  only  be 
rectified  by  dissolving  Parliament ;  Tisza's  Majority  must 
be  smashed  ;  Parliament  needed  new  men  who  knew  exactly 
what  the  country  wanted.  But  a  dissolution  was  quite 
out  of  the  question  in  the  present  critical  food  situation, 
if  we  did  not  want  to  run  the  risk  of  serious  disturbances 
in  the  country.  Therefore,  in  my  opinion,  a  Ministry  ought 
to  be  formed  purely  of  officials  who  would  carry  on  the 
business.  Szterenyi  was  the  most  suitable  man  for  this 
task,  as  no  one  could  suspect  him  of  political  jobbery  in 
connection  with  the  franchise.  At  the  same  time,  I 
informed  His  Majesty  of  the  result  of  my  conferences  with 
the  Socialists. 

I  had  asked  the  Labour  leaders,  Böhm,  Buchinger  and 
Peidl,  to  come  to  see  me,  and  my  impression  was  that  they 
were  not  inclined  to  yield  to  the  Karolyi  allurements  at 
present.  All  the  same,  they  said  they  would  not  support 
any  Government  which  had  not  included  universal,  equal 
and  secret  franchise  in  its  programme.  The  Buda  Pesth 
working  class  was  perfectly  aware  of  the  various  Opposition 
Parties'  franchise  manoeuvres.  Even  such  men  as  Andrassy 
and  Apponyi  were  among  the  most  hated  politicians,  because 
they  were  suspected  of  only  using  the  franchise  as  a  political 
weapon.  The  working  men  looked  on  Michael  Karolyi  as 
an  aristocratic  poseur,  who  made  lavish  use  of  popular 
catchwords  in  order  to  attract  attention  to  himself  and 
gratify  personal  ambition.  But  there  was  the  risk  that 
the  masses  might  lend  an  ear  to  political  adventurers  if  the 
Government  did  not  try  to  get  into  friendly  and  close  touch 
with  these  masses. 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  163 

I  had  recently  set  up  an  extensive  intelligence  system 
in  Labour  circles,  and  I  received  reports  from  my  confidants 
from  time  to  time  as  to  the  real  opinions  and  movements 
within  the  working  class. 

The  audience  lasted  a  very  long  time,  as  I  gave  the 
King  a  dissertation  on  the  absolute  lack  of  harmonious 
co-operation  between  all  the  authorities,  a  theme  on  which 
I  had  many  a  time  invited  discussion  already,  notably  at 
the  secret  meeting  of  Parliament  on  the  16th  September 
1916.  In  particular,  I  protested  against  the  Supreme 
Command,  which  pursued  a  policy  of  its  own,  as  a  State 
within  a  State.  The  high  and  mighty  gentlemen  of  the 
General  Staff,  who  formerly  hardly  returned  my  salute, 
were  now  very  eager  to  bow  down  to  my  Excellency,  but 
that  would  not  deter  me  from  denouncing  them  ;  on  the 
contrary.  Besides,  I  had  taken  part  in  countless  meetings 
of  the  Supreme  Command,  as  Food  Minister,  and  had  become 
familiar  with  the  working  and  the  tactics  of  this  institution 
from  within. 

"  But  I  have  broken  up  the  Teschen  Command,"  said 
the  King,  "  sent  away  Hranilovic,  changed   all  the  heads." 

"  Yes,  your  Majesty,  but  Teschen  has  been  revived  at 
Baden  in  a  new  form.  Above  all,  Colonel  Kundmann,  who 
deals  with  all  personal  questions,  and  has  consequently 
become  one  of  the  most  sought-after  and  powerful  officers, 
has  remained  ;  and  General  Waldstätten  in  Metzger's  place 
is  no  gain." 

"  What  am  I  to  do  ?  "  the  Monarch  sighed.  Then  he 
looked  me  closely  up  and  down,  and  laughed.  I  had  put 
on  a  new  black  frock-coat  for  the  audience.  "  You  look 
like  a  private  tutor,"  he  said.  "  What  is  that  for  ?  Do 
come  as  you  are."  In  reality,  he  hated  ceremonial  or 
formalities  of  any  kind,  and  could  not  bear  my  always 
keeping  on  his  left  in  walking  up  and  down.  I  often  had 
to  pull  myself  together  lest,  led  astray  by  his  tone  of  fami- 
liarity, I  should  involuntarily  lapse  into  similar  freedom. 

I  said  :  "  Your  Majesty,  to  bring  order  into  the  chaos 
of  the  different  groups  of  power  there  would  have  to  be 
a  Central  Office.  What  we  need  is  an  Imperial  Chancellor  ; 
we  have  only  the  Privy  Council  now,  and  even  this  is  not 


164  MY  MEMOIRS 

a  factor  provided  for  in  the  Constitution.  Your  Majesty 
is  the  sole  central  power — is  the  Imperial  Chancellor  ;  but 
the  Monarch  should  never  interfere  personally  in  the  compli- 
cated machine  of  Imperial  administration,  or  even  give 
detailed  instructions.  This  may  have  the  worst  possible 
consequences  for  him  and  his  dynasty.  If  the  policy  of 
the  Austrian  and  Hungarian  Government,  the  Ministry 
for  Foreign  Affairs  and  the  Supreme  Command  does  not 
coincide,  then  policy  is  nonsense.  If  a  mistake  is  made  in 
one  of  these  quarters,  the  responsible  head  must  go.  The 
Monarch  should  never  overthrow  Governments,  never  com- 
promise himself.  The  King  should  rule,  but  not  govern  ; 
his  business  is  to  fix  the  important  political  guiding  lines, 
and  he  must  have  a  supreme  quarter  from  whence  these 
guiding  lines  are  translated  into  policy.  The  Foreign 
Minister  alone  can  fill  this  position  in  Austria-Hungary. 
This  Minister  ought  really  to  be  also  the  chief  personage 
in  the  Empire,  and  ought  to  disentangle  the  present  chaos 
by  means  of  a  uniform  programme,  extending  to  all  parts 
of  the  Monarchy." 

The  King  had  listened  very  attentively.  I  saw  how  his 
face  lit  up,  and  how,  above  all,  his  looks  seemed  to  assent 
to  and  endorse  all  I  had  said. 

"  Draw  up  this  programme  for  me,"  he  exclaimed  im- 
petuously ;  "  draw  it  up  !  That  is  just  what  I  need.  I 
want  reforms  everywhere.  I  see  they  are  necessary  ;  they 
are  urgent.  I  step  in  here  and  there,  but  I  cannot  do 
everything.  The  great  difficulty  is  to  bring  about  the 
necessary  co-operation  between  the  very  different  political 
opinions  both  in  Hungary  and  Austria.  I  don't  want  to 
pursue  any  Court  policy ;  my  view  is  that  the  peoples  them- 
selves must  govern.  You  know  my  programme  ;  put  the 
whole  into  shape  and  submit  it  to  me." 

I  replied  that  I  had  pondered  over  the  problems  of  the 
Monarchy  for  years,  and  would  work  out  a  programme  for 
him.  He  shook  hands  with  me  and  thanked  me  in  advance ; 
the  mere  prospect  of  now  at  last  getting  a  coherent  proposal 
put  him  into  a  state  of  joyous  excitement.  The  shilly- 
shallying, the  perpetual  bungling,  was  perhaps  going  to 
end  :    "  Divide  et  impera  "   was   to   vanish  from  the  back 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  165 

of  our  banner,  on  the  front  of  which  "  Viribus  unitis  " 
was  inscribed.  I  understood  why  he  was  so  delighted  at 
my  proposal. 

"  But  in  the  meanwhile  the  immediate  questions  have 
to  be  dealt  with,"  I  said.  As  a  solution  of  the  Cabinet 
crisis,  I  suggest  that  the  Minister  for  Commerce,  Szterenyi, 
should  be  appointed  in  place  of  Wekerle,  who  had  definitely 
resigned.  Szterenyi  had  been  a  journalist  and  industrial 
inspector,  and  had  worked  himself  up  from  the  position  of 
an  authority  in  an  insignificant  Buda  milieu  to  that  of  a 
business  politician  of  the  first  rank.  In  these  days  of 
economic  stress  he  would  be  the  best  man  to  replace  Wekerle. 
His  Majesty  got  me  to  ring  up  Wekerle  in  Buda  Pesth  at 
once  from  his  writing-table.  I  did  so,  but  I  knew  what 
his  answer  would  be.  I  had  noticed  that  Wekerle  was 
becoming  very  suspicious  of  my  repeated  summonses  to 
audiences  of  His  Majesty,  and  I  also  knew  that  the  King 
had  lost  confidence  in  Wekerle. 

Wekerle  replied  on  the  telephone  that  he  considered 
Szterenyi  an  excellent  departmental  Minister,  who  had 
not  the  prestige  necessary  to  enable  him  to  adjust  the 
various  Party  interests  in  these  difficult  times.  His  Majesty 
stood  beside  me,  and  whispered  that,  in  spite  of  this,  he 
proposed  entrusting  Szterenyi  with  the  task  of  forming  a 
Cabinet.  His  Majesty  would  leave  Szterenyi  an  absolutely 
free  hand  in  personal  questions,  and  only  made  it  a  condition 
that  I  should  remain  in  office. 

Before  I  left  for  Buda  Pesth  I  went  to  see  Burian,  who 
gave  me  a  long  dissertation  on  the  steps  he  had  taken  in 
Berlin  as  regards  a  solution  of  the  Polish  question.  I  called 
his  attention  to  the  desperate  state  of  Hungarian  politics, 
and  pointed  at  the  same  time  to  the  food  difficulties, 
which  I  considered  could  only  be  solved  by  the  Foreign 
Office  making  itself  responsible  for  carrying  out  economic 
measures  common  to  the  whole  Monarchy.  Burian  saw 
the  difficulties,  but  said  that  in  so  far  as  he  personally  was 
concerned  he  could  not  interfere  in  any  way  in  the  affairs 
of  both  States. 

The  walls  of  the  State  were  tottering,  various  hidden 


166  MY  MEMOIRS 

forces  were  undermining  the  rotten  structure,  the  enemy 
stood  at  the  gates,  the  inhabitants  were  dying  of  hunger 
— but  the  leading  statesman  of  the  Monarchy  adhered  to 
his  departmental  point  of  view. 

At  that  time  the  German  Government,  or  rather  the 
German  military  authorities,  had  requested  the  Monarchy 
to  take  immediate  action  on  the  Piave,  in  order  to  facilitate 
their  military  plans  in  the  West.  I  told  Burian  that  I  was 
not  in  a  position  at  the  moment  to  say  definitely  whether 
I  could  guarantee  the  necessary  food  supplies  for  an  offensive. 
Burian  replied  that  he  did  not  the  least  believe  in  an  offen- 
sive being  seriously  intended  ;  the  Supreme  Command  was 
always  working  out  vast  schemes,  but  it  would  be  quite 
possible  to  dissuade  the  gentlemen  from  carrying  them  out. 
I  could  not  believe  my  ears  or  imagine  on  what  planet  this 
Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  was  really  living.  I  knew  that 
very  definite  conferences  were  going  on  between  the  German 
Supreme  Command  and  our  military  authorities,  that 
German  Headquarters  had  made  any  further  economic 
help  or  supply  of  raw  material  dependent  on  this  offensive 
being  undertaken  without  loss  of  time,  and  Baron  Burian 
knew  nothing  about  it.  I  was  only  a  departmental  Minister 
in  the  Hungarian  Ministry,  and  would  not  presume  to  set 
him  right. 

I  looked  up  Tisza,  Andrassy,  Apponyi  and  Karolyi  in 
Buda  Pesth,  and  discovered  that  they  were  unanimously 
antagonistic  to  Szterenyi,  the  son  of  a  rabbi.  Andrassy 
alone,  who  saw  clearly  the  abyss  to  which  events  must  lead 
if  no  political  agreement  were  reached,  maintained  an  atti- 
tude of  reserve,  and  said  he  would  not  put  any  difficulties 
in  Szterenyi's  way.  Tisza,  on  the  other  hand,  tried  to 
persuade  Szterenyi  to  join  his  Work  Party  with  part  of  the 
Government  Party.  Szterenyi's  negotiations  were  protracted 
over  several  days,  but  it  became  more  and  more  clear  that 
he  would  not  be  able  to  find  a  basis  on  which  to  form  a 
new  Cabinet.  Wekerle  followed  the  course  of  these  various 
efforts,  perhaps  not  without  satisfaction,  and  gave  himself 
the  pleasure  of  cleverly  hinting  in  Parliament  at  his  own 
indispensability.  In  reply  to  a  speech  of  Michael  Karolyi's, 
he  expounded  his  point  of  view  in  brilliant  rhetoric,  according 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  167 

to  which  the  franchise  question  could  be  solved  by  means 
of  Parliamentary  negotiations  to  the  satisfaction  of  all 
parties.  He  succeeded  by  methods  of  analysis,  almost 
amounting  to  genius,  in  so  enlarging  on  and  twisting  all 
dangerous  questions  as  finally  to  make  it  appear  that  all 
the  Parties  were  actually  united  on  a  common  basis 
(whereas  of  course,  in  reality,  all  the  Parties  disagreed).  He 
was  unrivalled  in  arranging  compromises,  which  he  wrapped 
up  in  sophistically  varied  bombast,  so  that  his  illogically 
feeble  contradictions  were  not  conspicuous.  He  had  no 
equal  in  the  technicalities  of  Parliamentary  routine.  He 
screwed  holes  in  the  air  with  a  large,  fat,  acrobatic  index 
finger  when  speaking,  and  the  more  sinuous  the  curve,  the 
more  he  insisted  that  in  policy  the  straight  road  is  the  best. 

On  this  occasion  he  had  again  made  a  programme  speech, 
which  very  discreetly  intimated  that  the  retiring  Prime 
Minister  would  be  willing  to  withdraw  his  resignation. 

In  the  long  run  Wekerle  did,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  remain 
in  office  ;  but  he  reconstructed  his  Cabinet.  Those  members 
who  had  identified  themselves  with  the  view  that  the 
franchise  question  should  be  dealt  with  at  once  resigned. 
These  were  Apponyi,  Moritz  Esterhazy,  Bela  Földes  and 
the  originator  of  the  Franchise  Bill,  Vazsonyi.  It  was  a 
long  time  before  Vazsonyi  could  forgive  me  for  my  attitude  ; 
he  took  me  to  task  and  said  it  was  on  my  account  that 
he  was  resigning. 

In  spite  of  all  the  diversions  of  a  political  nature  which 
repeatedly  kept  me  away  from  the  Ministry  for  whole  days, 
I  had  to  administer  my  Food  Office. 

I  began  my  work  at  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning.  I 
listened  to  the  reports  made  by  my  departmental  chiefs 
and  dealt  with  documents  for  two  hours. 

At  eleven  o'clock  I  began  to  receive  the  deputies  and 
deputations,  all  the  factors  to  whom  I  necessarily  had  to 
speak  personally. 

Towards  1.30  I  gave  out  the  fresh  directions,  thought 
out  and  dictated  orders  and  measures  without  intermission. 
Simultaneously  telephonic  reports,  requests,  protests  and 
questions  came  in  without  intermission  from  all  the  provinces, 


168  MY  MEMOIRS 

all  the  Government  Commissioners,  Lords-Lieutenant  and 
my  own  functionaries. 

At  2.30  I  went  to  lunch  at  the  National  Casino.  From 
the  moment  I  entered  till  I  reached  my  table  I  was  besieged 
and  surrounded  by  friends  and  acquaintances  ;  I  never  sat 
alone ;  someone  always  sat  with  me  who  had  a  request  at 
his  hungry  heart. 

I  was  back  at  my  office  at  four  o'clock,  and  remained 
till  ten  at  night,  or  as  long  as  necessary. 

The  reports  on  the  results  of  requisitions  came  in  the 
afternoon.  Figures  had  to  be  submitted  to  me  every  day, 
showing  what  quantities  and  what  products  were  ground 
in  the  mills  throughout  the  country.  In  the  evening  I  gave 
my  orders  for  the  next  day  on  the  basis  of  these  reports. 

I  arranged  a  uniform  method  of  supplying  the  working 
class  with  food,  and  entrusted  the  carrying  out  of  this  to 
a  section  of  my  office  which  had  to  report  to  me  daily. 

I  had  official  inquiries  made  with  a  view  to  opening  up 
fresh  possibilities  of  obtaining  supplies  and  to  the  produc- 
tion of  artificial  foods.  Thus,  for  instance,  flour  was  manu- 
factured from  hay  and  grass.  I  set  up  new  factories — for 
instance,  one  for  refining  maize,  to  obtain  oil  and  produce 
margarine. 

I  received  on  an  average  ten  deputations  a  day,  inter- 
viewed eighty  to  a  hundred  private  individuals,  and 
received  over  a  hundred  private  letters  daily  from  people 
who  had  wishes  connected  in  some  way  or  other  with  the 
question  of  their  food. 

I  had  devised  the  policy  of  compensation,  which  enabled 
me  to  defend  the  delivery  of  food  supplies  to  Austria  in 
Parliament. 

And  for  Sunday  afternoon  I  had  introduced  quite  a 
novelty.  I  had  it  officially  notified  in  the  newspapers  that 
anyone  could  call  on  me  on  Sundays  between  three  and 
eight  o'clock.  Anyone  was  to  come  up  from  the  street  who 
liked,  and  tell  me  his  wishes  and  troubles.  A  stenographer 
sat  close  to  me,  who  took  down  all  the  wishes  and  complaints 
promptly,  and  had  them  just  as  promptly  attended  to. 
I  had  made  it  an  absolute  rule  to  make  a  clean  sweep  of 
every  kind  of  bureaucratic  chicanery  ;    I   meant    to    show 


PRINCE  LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ  169 

the  people  that  my  office  existed  for  the  people,  not  the 
reverse.  Those  who  came  to  me  to  discuss  a  matter  of 
business  which  meant  personal  profit  were  shown  out ; 
letters  of  similar  purport  found  their  way  to  the  wastepaper 
basket  unanswered  ;  but  those  who  had  any  kind  of  personal 
wish,  whether  it  were  a  question  of  exporting  a  pig  or  of 
being  allotted  two  kilogrammes  of  fat  or  of  potatoes,  were 
referred  to  an  official,  who  was  authorized  to  carry  out  all 
these  wishes  en  bloc. 

For  instance,  an  old  woman  came  who  complained  that 
she  had  not  been  given  a  bread  card ;  beggars  came,  a  washer- 
woman came  to  ask  my  advice,  as  she  had  been  accused 
of  stealing  washing  ;  even  singers  came,  who  asked  me  to 
secure  them  an  engagement  at  the  Royal  Opera. 

I  was  the  Cadi. 

Sometimes  I  went  about  the  country  to  ascertain  per- 
sonally how  my  requisitions  were  prospering  ;  sometimes 
I  went  to  Berlin  to  hold  conferences  ;  then  there  were 
Ministerial  Councils  ;  tedious  sittings  of  Parliament,  answer- 
ing interpellations,  conversations  on  the  telephone  with 
His  Majesty  or  his  aide-de-camp,  more  and  more  frequent 
summonses  to  Baden,  the  Supreme  Command  negotiations 
and  sittings.  My  day  was  full,  my  nights  were  never  undis- 
turbed. When  I  went  back  to  my  office  there  were  always 
fresh  mountains  of  papers  to  be  dealt  with  (in  spite  of  my 
working  on  a  system  of  limited  documents). 

Tisza  received  my  appointment  to  be  Food  Minister 
very  sceptically.  He  did  not  believe  in  my  being  capable 
of  doing  anything  useful  in  this  most  difficult  department 
at  such  a  critical  time.  From  time  to  time  he  interrogated 
me  in  Parliament,  put  me  through  my  paces  like  a  schoolboy, 
but  when  he  saw  how  seriously  I  took  my  mission,  how 
thoroughly  I  went  into  every  detail,  how  fully  acquainted 
I  was  with  my  subject,  with  what  energy  I  saw  to  my 
measures  being  carried  out,  he  changed  his  opinion,  and 
made  more  of  me.  He  came  to  see  me  in  my  office — he, 
the  great  personification  of  our  national  life,  came  to  me, 
the  youngest  Minister  ;  he  talked  to  me  in  the  House,  he 
sent  for  me  in  the  Casino.     He  was  frightfully  strict ;  he 


170  MY  MEMOIRS 

expected  a  young  politician  to  work,  not  to  take  his  duty 
to  the  public  lightly  ;  he  presupposed  self-discipline  and 
thoroughness  ;  he  wrote  me  personally  letters  of  eight  to 
ten  pages  to  explain  a  matter.  He  made  rather  merry  over 
my  new-fangled  way  of  dictating  letters  to  the  typewriter. 
He  was  my  most  bitter  opponent,  but  I  knew  that  he 
respected  my  efforts.  He  took  an  interest  in  my  system  of 
food  supply,  and  was  in  the  habit  of  saying  :  "I  shall  inter- 
pellate you  the  day  after  to-morrow  ;  you  will  have  to  give 
particulars  in  answer  to  all  my  questions."  Then  came  the 
interpellation  :  as  to  the  supply  of  the  communes,  as  to 
the  distribution  of  wheat  to  the  mills  in  the  province,  he 
asked  a  hundred  questions,  and  would  not  be  satisfied  till 
I  had  supported  everything  by  data  and  figures  down  to 
the  smallest  detail.  I  was  bathed  in  perspiration  when 
the  examination  in  Parliament  lasted  till  eleven  o'clock 
at  night. 

The  reappointment  of  Wekerle's  Cabinet  took  place 
early  in  May,  when  the  Prime  Minister  took  over  the  Ministry 
of  the  Interior  as  well.  Not  to  the  advantage  of  its  adminis- 
tration, for  absolute  anarchy,  Party  political  cliquism. 
reigned  in  this  particular  Ministry,  with  which,  as  the  organ 
responsible  for  carrying  out  my  food  measures,  I  was  in 
daily  communication.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  in  the  course 
of  the  whole  year  neither  the  central  nor  the  county 
authorities  did  their  duty.  Most  of  the  Lords-Lieutenant, 
most  of  the  Under  Secretaries,  and  even  the  officials  of  the 
individual  central  offices  were  appointed,  promoted  or 
passed  over  from  a  Party  political  point  of  view.  And 
now  Alexander  Wekerle,  a  master  of  the  art  of  delay,  who 
shirked  and  postponed  when  faced  with  a  crisis,  even  in 
imbroglios  of  more  importance,  rather  than  thrust  his  hand 
into  a  wasps'  nest,  became  the  head  of  this  Ministry,  in 
which  only  an  iron  hand  could  have  tackled  the  abuses. 

Again  it  was  Andrassy  who  took  in  this  witches'  cauldron 
at  a  glance  and  appreciated  it  at  its  true  value  ;  but  even 
his  entourage  was  mixed  up  in  franchise  bargains,  a  circum- 
stance which  made  it  difficult  for  him  to  speak  openly  of 
the   truths  he   recognized.     The   most   prominent   members 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         171 

of  Tisza's  faction  were  the  Vojnicse,  the  great  bojar  family 
of  the  Banat,  who  constituted  a  sort  of  dynasty  in  Serbian 
South  Hungary,  and  played  a  leading  part  in  the  Banat 
as  Tisza's  most  loyal  adherents.  Thus  the  two  strongest 
factors  in  public  life  were  each  hemmed  in  by  a  ring  of 
friends,  whose  interest  it  was  to  keep  up  irreconcilable 
differences  for  the  benefit  of  personal  cliquism,  to  the 
injury  of  the  general  public. 

It  is  characteristic  that  our  whole  domestic  political 
life  should  have  passed  by  the  actual  foreign  political 
occurrences,  as  it  were,  blindfolded.  The  burning  questions 
of  peace,  of  the  alliance  problems,  of  the  South  Slav 
peril,  and  even  of  national  policy,  which  had  formerly  held 
the  country  breathless  for  decades,  were  all  disregarded 
and  set  aside.  The  whole  political  passion  of  which  the 
Magyar  is  capable  found  vent  in  the  manoeuvres  over  the 
franchise.  Each  individual  Party  tried  to  make  capital 
out  of  the  franchise  reform,  which  was  the  order  of  the  day, 
and  thereby  to  commend  itself  to  the  masses  and  to  organ- 
ized Buda  Pesth  Labour,  because  everyone  thought  that  the 
Party  which  succeeded  in  gaining  ascendancy  over  the 
generally  speaking  credulous,  decent  and  hitherto  well- 
disciplined  masses  of  the  working  class  would  find  it  easy 
to  deal  with  all  other  currents  of  opinion  in  the  country. 

Nor  was  Andrassy's  son-in-law,  Karolyi,  idle.  His 
ambition  had  once  been  kindled,  and  his  hour  seemed  to 
have  come.  Since  the  affair  of  the  Sixtus  letter  his  tactics 
had  taken  a  remarkable  form.  He  gave  people  to  under- 
stand, in  conversation,  that  the  King's  views  were  exactly 
the  same  as  his  own  ;  they  were  both  Pacifists.  He  got  a 
newspaper,  which  was  well  disposed  to  him,  to  announce 
that  his  wife  had  been  received  in  audience  by  the  Queen. 
He  denied  the  statement,  but  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  it 
doubtful  whether  there  might  not  be  something  behind  it. 
He  boasted  of  his  relations  to  the  Entente  ;  he  represented 
himself  as  the  only  one  who  could  conclude  peace.  It  had 
been  reported  to  me  that  in  socialistic  circles  he  talked  of 
abolishing  the  dynasty  ;  but  at  bourgeois  meetings  he  posed 
as  a  democrat,  and  I  knew  from  the  King's  aide-de-camp, 
Count  Hunyadi,  that  he  had  promised  the  King  to  sacrifice 


172  MY  MEMOIRS 

his  last  drop  of  blood  for  him.  When  he  was  spoken  of  in 
Parliament,  he  was  in  the  habit  of  assuming  a  bored  air 
and  reading  a  paper,  or  burying  himself  in  a  book.  If  he 
stood  up  himself,  he  spoke  without  expression  or  any  kind 
of  gesture,  held  a  pencil  in  his  hand,  and  looked  horribly 
bored  into  the  bargain.  And  if  none  of  his  poses  availed 
to  attract  attention  to  him,  then  he  dressed  his  wife  in 
eccentric  costumes,  which  he  had  designed  himself,  and 
cut  off  her  hair,  that  he  might  be  talked  of  in  Buda  Pesth. 
He  was  successful. 

Up  to  now  I  had  associated  with  Karolyi  on  friendly 
terms  ;  in  many  respects  we  were  of  the  same  opinion  ; 
but  I  now  decided  to  keep  the  glittering  facets  of  this 
aristocratic  jewel  under  closer  observation. 

Early  in  May  I  again  had  conferences  with  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  Socialist  Party.  My  private  secretary, 
Franz  Nagy,  who  had  kept  up  relations  with  the  evening 
paper  Az  Est  for  some  time  past,  had  arranged  a  meeting 
between  me  and  Andor  Miklos,  the  clever  and  energetic 
publisher  of  this  paper.  Ever  since  then  it  had  been  clear 
to  me  that  the  only  useful  journalistic  organization  was 
that  of  the  Az  Est.  I  had  never  concealed  from  Miklos 
that,  in  my  opinion,  every  Government  in  Hungary  would 
have  to  make  up  its  mind  either  to  convert  the  Az  Est  to 
its  policy  or  to  root  it  out.  Miklos  entirely  agreed  with 
me  ;  he  was  aware  of  his  power.  Besides  this,  I  had  obtained 
the  most  accurate  information  as  to  the  connections  and 
the  agitation  carried  on  by  the  Az  Est  from  my  numerous 
agents  and  confidants.  At  this  period,  the  beginning  of 
May,  it  was  certain  that  there  was  no  contact  between  this 
paper  and  Karolyi's  Party  organization  or  the  bourgeois 
Radical  Party.  Az  Est  was  merely,  and  not  without  good 
reason,  a  merciless  opponent  of  Wekerle's  system,  which 
really  only  aimed  in  general  at  postponing  any  political 
solution. 

In  the  course  of  my  later  dealings  with  Miklos  we  were 
chiefly  agreed  as  regards  the  franchise  question,  from  which 
I,  too,  hoped  for  a  thorough  regeneration  of  Hungarian 
political  life. 

For  decades  past  the  nationalities'  great  grievance  had 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  173 

been  that  the  Hungarian  franchise  involved  the  grossest 
injustice  to  all  non-Magyar  races,  not  so  much  because 
of  the  limited  number  enfranchised  as  because  of  the 
artificial  arrangement  of  the  constituencies.  There  can  be 
no  doubt  that  the  system  was  so  skilfully  contrived  that 
it  was  solely  to  the  advantage  of  Magyar  supremacy.  This 
system  had  to  come  to  an  end.  In  my  opinion  "  Im- 
perialism" must  find  its  Justine  at  ion  in  cultural  and  economic 
superiority.  In  the  mixed-language  territories  of  the 
Hungarian  State,  Hungarian  national  interests  are  safe- 
guarded apart  from  this  by  the  fact  that  when  no  special 
pressure  is  brought  to  bear  on  an  election  the  dead  weight 
of  political  influence  is  solely  in  the  hands  of  the  Hungarian 
intelligentsia.  On  the  other  hand,  it  cannot  be  denied  that, 
in  the  Magyar  State  proper,  there  are  smaller  territories 
inhabited  purely  by  foreign  nationalities  which  ought  to  be 
given  full  freedom,  from  the  standpoint  of  the  right  of 
self-determination.  Close  and  honest  study  of  the  ethno- 
graphical conditions  shows  that  there  is  an  absolute  Magyar 
majority  within  the  frontiers  of  the  Hungarian  State 
proper  (Hungary  without  Croatia).  The  nationalities  must 
be  represented  in  the  Hungarian  Parliament  in  proportion 
to  the  actual  number  of  their  people.  Hungary  ought  not 
to  fear  an  irredenta,  seeing  that  the  State  which  is  in 
a  position  to  hold  even  the  districts  inhabited  by  races 
speaking  a  different  language,  through  its  own  strength, 
will  play  a  leading  part  on  the  threshold  of  the  Balkans. 
Any  fear  of  an  irredenta  would  be  an  admission  of  our  national 
inferiority.  Hungarianism  can  offer  the  nationalities  advan- 
tages which  are  not  to  be  had  in  the  neighbouring  Balkan 
States  under  any  circumstances.  This  conviction,  which 
accords  with  my  national  pride,  has  always  been  my  chief 
reason  for  supporting  Vazsonyi's  franchise  Bill.  Never, 
indeed,  can  any  draft  Bill  have  been  more  thoroughly  and 
efficiently  prepared. 

On  the  ioth  May  I  submitted  my  view  of  the  new  fran- 
chise proposal  to  His  Majesty  at  Baden.  "If  we  should 
succeed  in  overcoming  the  difficulties  caused  by  Tisza's 
opposition,  this  law  will  have  borne  witness  before  all  the 
world  to  the  democratic  character  of  a  new  political  drift 


174  MY  MEMOIRS 

in  Hungary."  "  Apponyi  may  be  won  over,  but  not 
Tisza,"  said  the  King,  with  resignation.  Then  I  handed 
him  my  "programme."  He  promised  to  read  it  at  once.  He 
then  told  me  that  he  must  go  to  the  German  Headquarters 
within  the  next  few  days  ;  it  was  a  question  of  regulating 
and  strengthening  the  alliance,  and  all  the  responsible 
statesmen  and  politicians  of  the  Monarchy  were  urging  him 
to  go.  He  said  he  fully  intended  to  make  strengthening 
the  alliance  dependent  on  an  assurance  being  given  at  the 
German  Headquarters  of  a  peace  policy,  and  that  he  was 
no  longer  willing  to  make  sacrifices  for  Alsace-Lorraine  or 
for  the  German  colonies.  Unfortunately,  I  discovered  in 
the  course  of  the  conversation  that  both  Burian  and  Wekerle 
were  dealing  even  with  this  most  important  question  in 
their  notoriously  dilatory  way.  They  continually  comforted 
the  Monarch  by  telling  him  that  the  decision  in  the  West 
was  imminent  ;  and  I  further  ascertained  that  the  German- 
Austrian  politicians  were  in  constant  communication  with 
the  Pan-Germans  in  the  Empire,  who  egged  them  on  to  a 
pronounced  Teutonic  war  policy.  The  King  told  me  he 
thought  he  could  work  best  of  all  with  the  social  democratic 
elements,  whose  common  sense  realized  the  absurdity  of 
the  Pan-German  ideas.  If-  the  Christian  Socialists  would 
work  with  the  Social  Democrats,  they  might  be  German 
Austria's  most  efficient  forces.  He  also  spoke  strongly 
about  the  "  amnesty."  "  I  have  been  reproached  with 
having  decreed  the  amnesty  under  clerical  or  Slav  influences  ; 
that  is  unjust.  I  had  been  seriously  thinking  of  it 
ever  since  I  came  to  the  throne  ;  so  many  sentences  of 
court  martial  had  been  pronounced  that  I  was  horrified  ; 
it  was  really  worse  than  the  Spanish  Inquisition.  I 
considered  it  incompatible  with  my  views  of  life  and  with 
my  position  as  Emperor  that  whole  peoples  should  be 
branded  on  account  of  their  opinions.  Immediately  after 
I  came  to  the  throne  the  Clam  Ministry  negotiated  with 
the  Czech  Parties  on  my  behalf,  on  the  basis  of  all  verdicts 
passed  by  courts  martial  being  subjected  to  revision  by 
courts  of  assizes;  but  how  were  all  the  investigations  to  be 
taken  in  hand — where  was  the  line  to  be  drawn  ?  The 
necessity  of   the   amnesty   was  self-evident.     The   Austrian 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  175 

problem  can  only  be  solved  by  agreement  between  Germans 
and  Slavs.  At  present  the  Germans  are  responsible  for  our 
official  foreign  policy.  Therefore  it  was  for  them,  and  not 
for  the  Slavs,  to  find  ways  and  means  of  arriving  at  an 
understanding  with  the  Slavs  in  the  north  and  south.  But 
so  long  as  our  Pan-Germans  receive  their  instructions  from 
Berlin  there  will  be  no  peace." 

His  Majesty  was  very  much  worried  ;  he  seemed  depressed 
and  put  out,  because  all  his  views  were  misunderstood, 
and  instead  of  support  he  only  found  distrust  on  all  sides. 
I  tried  to  console  him ;  and  as  he  was  to  go  to  Headquarters, 
it  seemed  to  me  of  the  utmost  importance  to  strengthen 
his  backbone  against  the  Germans.  I  went  so  far  as  to 
make  the  journey  to  Baden  four  times  in  one  day,  and 
brought  my  heaviest  guns  into  action. 

The  Prime  Minister  Seidler  was  to  me  one  of  the  most 
unsympathetic  offenders  in  Austria  at  that  period.  Seidler's 
principle  was  to  make  the  most  extravagant  promises  to 
all  the  Parties,  all  the  Fraktions.  He  held  out  the  greatest 
hopes  to  the  Germans,  Czechs,  Italians,  Ruthenians,  Christian 
Socialists  and  Social  Democrats,  and  of  course  the  wishes 
of  the  individual  Parties  could  never  be  reconciled.  The 
whole  Seidler  system  was  nothing  but  political  deception, 
with  the  object  of  postponing  the  political  solutions  till 
the  final  German  victory,  in  which  he  believed  more 
than  anyone  else.  Incidentally,  I  could  imagine  what  sort 
of  solutions  they  would  have  been  under  Ludendorff's  aegis. 

The  misfortune  was  that  the  Monarch  had  no  statesmen 
willing  to  take  responsibility  who  would  support  his  policy 
openly  and  honestly.  His  mistake  was  that  he  did  not 
try  a  final  solution  with  all  the  means  at  his  disposal.  Thus, 
he  allowed  himself  to  be  buoyed  up  again  and  again  with 
hopes  of  a  better  future  for  far  too  long  by  professional 
politicians  who  were  concerned  about  their  political  and 
physical  existence. 

A  few  days  later  the  Monarch  again  summoned  me  by 
telephone  to  Vienna,  and  showed  me  that  he  had  put  his 
signature  to  my  programme.  He  thanked  me,  and  said 
that  from  henceforth  he  would  work  on  this  basis. 

The  programme  covers  sixty-nine  pages  of  manuscript, 


176  MY  MEMOIRS 

and   gives  reasons  in  support  of  the  following  briefly  sum- 
marized points  : 

(A)  Adjustment  of  our  relations  to  Germany 

(B)  Immediate  conclusion  of  peace. 

The  conclusion  of  peace  necessitates  : 

1.  As  regards  foreign  policy  : 

(a)  The  solution  of  the  Polish  question, 

(b)  The  solution  of  the  South  Slav  question. 
The  South  Slav  question  was  divided  in  drawing 

up  the  programme  : 

(a)  Within  and 

(b)  Without  our  frontiers. 

2.  As  regards  domestic  policy  : 

(a)  The  adjustment  of  all  questions  in  Austria, 

Germans,  Czechs,  South  Slavs,  Poles. 

(b)  In  Hungary  : 

Universal,  equal,  secret  franchise, 
national  army,  land  reform,  social 
reform. 

As  regards  the  execution  : 
In  foreign  affairs  : 

Unequivocal,  candid  discussion  with  Germany, 
stating  our  absolute  inability  to  carry  on  war 
any  longer. 

Our  points  of  settlement : 

i.  Setting  up  of  an  independent  Poland,  with 
cession  of  Galicia  (as  a  solution  of  the  Polish 
question). 

2.  Reconstruction    of    Serbia,    with    a  port    on  the 

Adriatic  guaranteed  by  us. 

3.  In   case  of  Germany  not  agreeing,   and  insisting 

on  a  peace  of  victory :  immediate  separate  peace. 

In  domestic  affairs  : 
For  Austria  : 

Czech  autonomy,  South  Slav  autonomy,  formation 
of  German  Austria,  severance  of  Galicia. 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         177 

For  Hungary  : 

Formation  of  a  South  Slav  State  within  the 
Hungarian  realm. 

Universal,  equal  and  secret  franchise  to  be 
exercised  by  communes;  rational  agrarian 
policy;  distribution  of  the  land;  Government 
right  of  expropriation  throughout  the  country  ; 
social  measures  ;  State  insurance. 

The  programme  contains  a  clause  providing  that  these 
points  shall  be  carried  out  by  the  two  Governments  by 
constitutional  methods,  consequently  neither  under  pressure 
nor  by  revolutionary  means. 

In  order  to  secure  this  constitutional  procedure,  three 
men  must  be  entrusted  with  the  conduct  of  the  State  : 
the  Foreign  Minister  and  the  Austrian  and  Hungarian 
Prime  Ministers,  who  are  willing  to  work  together  towards 
absolutely  the  same  aim  on  the  basis  of  the  programme. 

I  asked  His  Majesty  if  I  might  communicate  the  contents 
to  Andrassy.  But  the  King  did  not  wish  that.  He  thought 
I  ought  to  discuss  the  programme  in  detail  with  the  Hunga- 
rian politicians,  but  without  reference  to  him,  or  representing 
the  sum  total  of  these  details  in  the  first  instance  as  a  fixed 
programme.  It  would  only  be  possible  to  come  forward 
when  three  suitable  statesmen  were  found,  who  would  be 
willing  to  undertake  to  carry  out  the  programme  by  consti- 
tutional methods  as  Foreign  Minister  and  heads  of  the 
Austrian  and  Hungarian  Governments.  He  also  told  me 
that  he  was  going  to  the  German  Headquarters  with  Burian 
and  Arz.  The  moment  was  not  indeed  favourable  for  his 
intentions,  for  we  were  again  obliged  to  fall  back  on 
Germany  for  raw  material  and  food. 

I  went  back  to  Pesth,  where  my  presence  was  urgently 
needed.  The  food  difficulties  increased  from  day  to  day. 
In  several  places  the  peasants  went  so  far  as  to  oppose  the 
seizure  of  supplies  in  the  counties  by  armed  force.  The 
situation  was  very  menacing.  No  one  in  Hungary  under- 
stood the  necessity  of  radical  intervention.  Tisza  on  the 
one  hand,  and  the  Parties  of  the  Left  on  the  other,  had 
made    it    a    habit    to    turn    all    drastic   food    measures    to 

12 


178  MY  MEMOIRS 

account    as    weapons     of    agitation    for    their    immediate 
aims. 

On  the  morning  of  the  16th  His  Majesty  arrived  in 
Vienna  from  the  German  Headquarters,  and  I  was  immedi- 
ately summoned  to  Baden.  The  King  was  very  depressed. 
The  disclosures  he  made  were  not  in  any  way  satisfactory. 
The  successes  in  the  West  had  increased  the  power  of  the 
German  Supreme  Command  still  more.  An  early  break- 
through of  the  French  Front  and  an  offensive  from  four 
different  quarters  in  the  direction  of  Calais  were  spoken 
of  at  the  German  Headquarters.  The  Germans  had  only 
promised  further  supplies  of  food  and  raw  material  on 
condition  of  an  Austro-Hungarian  offensive  on  the  Piave 
being  started  in  the  month  of  June.  Burian  was  entirely 
dominated  by  the  idea  of  a  final  German  victory,  and  had 
said  this  was  not  the  moment  to  approach  the  Germans 
with  proposals  of  a  fresh  nature.  In  so  far  as  strengthening 
the  alliance  itself  was  concerned,  no  long-term  binding 
agreements  were  reached  ;  nothing  was  codified  except 
renewed  promises  of  mutual  political  and  military  support 
and  an  exchange  of  views  as  to  the  economic  questions  of 
the  future.  His  Majesty  said  that  Austria's  existence  now 
depended  on  the  necessary  quantities  of  flour  for  the  Piave 
being  forthcoming.  I  propounded  my  objections  without 
mincing  matters.  Reports  had  come  from  all  parts  of 
the  front  telling  me  how  insufficiently  all  the  troops  were 
fed.  At  my  request  the  Chief  of  the  Staff,  Arz,  was  called 
in  to  take  part  in  the  discussion,  as,  apart  from  my  depart- 
mental point  of  view,  I  wanted  to  call  attention  to  the 
military  and  political  importance  of  the  question.  I  stated 
most  emphatically  that  this  offensive  would  be  the  beginning 
of  the  end  ;  I  implored  the  Monarch  to  think  it  all  over 
carefully ;  I  made  my  calculations  then  and  there,  and 
pointed  out  that  the  reserve  supplies  necessary  for  the 
offensive,  namely,  1,300  trucks,  could  only  be  provided  by 
reducing  the  provision  for  the  Hungarian  counties,  which  now 
guaranteed  fifteen  days'  supply,  to  an  amount  sufficient 
for  three  days.  This  would  be  a  most  dangerous  experiment, 
for  in  the  event  of  the  means  of  communication  breaking 


PRINCE  LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ  179 

down,  individual  parts  of  the  country  would  be  reduced 
to  starvation.  The  result  of  such  an  upset  must  have  the 
most  injurious  consequences  at  the  present  moment  of 
political  high  tension. 

Burian  was  consulted.  He  said  the  offensive  had  been 
discussed  and  demanded  at  German  Headquarters,  and 
that  just  now  Austria-Hungary  could  not  dispense  with 
material  help  from  the  German  Empire.  The  supplies  of 
maize  from  Rumania  were  the  last  hope  of  being  able  to 
provision  Austria  till  the  harvest.  The  whole  delivery  of 
the  Rumanian  supplies  was  in  German  hands,  and  therefore 
it  was  out  of  the  question  to  refuse  what  the  Germans 
wished.  Burian  could  be  very  firm  when  it  was  a  case  of 
German  interests. 

I  went  back  to  Buda  Pesth  and  reported  the  desperate 
position  to  a  Ministerial  Council.  Lack  of  knowledge,  lack 
of  understanding,  optimism,  shoulder-shrugging.  Szterenyi 
was  the  only  one  who  recognized  the  peril  of  the  moment. 

It  was  my  duty,  however,  to  provide  the  1,300  truck- 
loads  of  flour.  No  one  relieved  me  of  this  anxiety.  How 
I  was  to  provide  them  was  my  affair  ;  I  was  the  Food 
Minister.  Nothing  remained  for  me  but  to  have  the  most 
drastic  measures  worked  out  for  commandeering  the  harvest 
of  the  current  year.  But  to  commandeer  a  harvest  without 
an  administrative  apparatus  which  works  faultlessly  is  out 
of  the  question.  And  Hungary's  administrative  apparatus 
had  already  been  so  disorganized  in  the  course  of  the  month 
of  May  by  Wekerle's  aimless  policy  that  one  could  not  count 
on  the  orders  given  being  strictly  carried  out.  I  did  not 
get  much  sleep  at  that  time. 

In  accordance  with  the  King's  wish,  I  began  discussions 
of  the  individual  points  of  my  programme  with  Tisza, 
Bethlen,  Apponyi,  Wekerle  and  Andrassy,  without  referring 
to  the  originator  of  the  idea.  I  only  said  that  during  my 
repeated  audiences  I  had  gained  the  impression  that  this 
was  His  Majesty's  standpoint.  I  soon  discovered,  however, 
that  Wekerle's  view  of  all  the  details  concerning  the  South 
Slav  question  was  diametrically  opposed  to  the  programme, 
and  that  the  same  applied  to  Tisza  and  Apponyi,  neither 
of   whom    would   hear   of   any   kind   of   aggrandizement   of 


180  MY  MEMOIRS 

Croatia.  In  general,  the  opinion  in  all  quarters  was  that 
Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  must  be  directly  attached  to  the 
Hungarian  kingdom  as  a  corpus  separatum,  without  connection 
of  any  kind  with  the  South  Slav  countries  of  the  Hungarian 
realm.  With  regard  to  a  union  of  the  South  Slavs,  Andrassy's 
point  of  view  was  the  nearest  to  that  of  the  Monarch,  but 
even  Andrassy  was  not  in  sympathy  with  a  union  of  all 
the  South  Slavs ;  on  the  other  hand,  he  was  convinced 
that  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  could  not  possibly  be  main- 
tained as  a  corpus  separatum.  Moreover,  it  seemed  to  him 
dangerous  to  try  to  solve  the  South  Slav  question  at  the 
present  moment,  when  any  attempt  at  a  generous  solution 
might  be  rendered  illusory  by  the  general  peace  negotiations. 

On  the  23rd  May  the  Monarch  had  returned  to  Vienna 
from  Constantinople.  The  impression  he  gained  in  Constan- 
tinople might  be  described  as,  on  the  whole,  favourable. 
On  the  other  hand,  he  told  me,  at  an  audience  in  Vienna, 
that  Bulgaria  had  in  all  probability  arrived  at  an  end  of 
her  economic  resources. 

On  the  same  day  the  Monarch  received  a  large  deputation 
from  the  Austrian  Alpine  regions,  which  came  to  complain 
of  the  food  difficulties  in  Tirol  and  the  Alpine  regions.  His 
Majesty  sent  for  me,  and  asked  me  to  explain  the  situation 
to  the  gentlemen  ;  he  also  asked  me  to  help  them.  I  said  : 
"  I  cannot.  We  are  on  the  eve  of  an  offensive  in  Italy  ; 
the  reserves  belong  to  the  Army.  It  is  impossible  for 
Hungary  to  give  any  further  help  to  Austria  at  present." 
The  gentlemen  were  in  despair  :  the  Alpine  people  were 
starving.  I  telephoned  to  my  office  in  Buda  Pesth  to 
ascertain  whether  somewhere  or  other  a  reserve  might  not 
possibly  be  spared  ;  but  there  was  really  not  the  smallest 
surplus  available  in  the  way  of  food.  I  was  informed  that 
there  were  a  few  truck-loads  of  refined  sugar  beet.  The 
gentlemen  from  the  Alpine  regions  rejected  this  gift,  however 
(for  which  I  could  not  blame  them  )  ;  then  I  got  word  of 
a  truck-load  and  a  half  of  salami I  ;  this  they  accepted. 
I  was  able  to  add  a  couple  of  truck-loads  of  early  potatoes. 
There  was  no  more.  This  is  how  we  lived  and  managed 
in  those  days. 

1  A  kind  of  Italian  sausage. 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  181 

With  this  scene  fresh  in  my  mind,  I  drove  to  see  Seidler 
and  conferred  with  the  President  of  the  Austrian  Food  Office, 
Patil.  Both  were  helpless.  "  Perhaps,"  they  thought, 
"increased  supplies  may  come  from  the  Ukraine;  that  is 
the  only  hope."  But  there  the  system  of  military  requisi- 
tioning had  proved  absolutely  inadequate.  The  natural 
result  of  the  miserable  value  of  our  money  and  the  fixing 
of  maximum  prices  for  purchase  was  that  the  inhabitants 
concealed  their  large  supplies  from  the  requisitioning  troops, 
and  burnt  them  rather  than  sell  them  for  bad  prices.  I 
immediately  drafted  a  memorandum,  in  which  I  showed 
clearly  that  we  could  only  purchase  with  success  by  means 
of  free  trade  and  by  abolishing  maximum  prices. 

The  King  read  the  memorandum  and  sent  for  the 
Austrian  and  Hungarian  Minister  of  Finance,  who  protested 
strongly  against  a  demand  being  made  for  considerable 
sums  of  money  for  the  purpose  of  purchasing  food  supplies. 

We  had  no  money,  we  had  no  food  supplies,  we  had  no 
statesmen,  we  had  no  appreciation  of  co-operation,  we  had 
only  a  patient,  gentle,  self-sacrificing,  marvellous  people. 

During  this  stay  I  had  an  opportunity  of  satisfying  myself 
as  to  the  food  conditions  in  Vienna  by  going  to  the  various 
markets,  war  kitchens,  etc.  It  was  appalling.  I  could 
only  express  my  astonishment  to  those  who  accompanied 
me  that  the  poor  people  endured  these  frightful  privations 
with  such  patience  and  self-denial. 

On  the  28th  May  a  Ministerial  Council  was  held  in 
Buda  Pesth,  at  which  we  were  informed  of  the  negotiations 
Burian  had  carried  on  at  the  German  Headquarters  with 
regard  to  a  solution  of  the  Polish  question.  I  listened 
calmly,  but  noted  privately  that  in  the  first  place  Wekerle 
knew  nothing  of  King  Karl's  intentions,  and  secondly  that 
Burian  was  not  following  the  line  of  Polish  policy  fixed  by 
His  Majesty  in  the  "  programme."  Germany  wished,  by 
hook  or  by  crook,  to  make  Poland  into  a  Federal  State  of 
the  German  Empire,  but  in  order  to  flatter  Austria  outwardly, 
and  yet  be  in  a  position  really  to  eliminate  her  entirely, 
the  Imperial  Chancellor,  who  had  been  summoned  to  take 
part  in  the  consultation  at  Headquarters,  proposed  to  crown 
a  Prince  of  the  House  of  Habsburg  King  of  Poland.     This 


182  MY  MEMOIRS 

Prince  was  to  be  Karl  Stephan,  who  would  then,  as  a 
German  Federal  Prince,  have  held  the  same  position  in 
the  German  Empire  as  the  Kings  of  Saxony  and   Bavaria. 

In  Hungary,  the  German  victories  had  the  effect  of 
powerful  dynamos  on  the  masses.  Hope  of  final  victory 
for  the  Central  Powers  rose  high.  Tisza  and  his  Party, 
in  particular,  reckoned  confidently  on  the  course  of  future 
military  events  enabling  them  to  regain  power.  This  change 
to  optimism,  which  showed  absolute  and  lamentable  ignor- 
ance of  Austria-Hungary's  actual  position,  was  voiced  in 
the  various  speeches  during  the  negotiations  over  the 
franchise.  Anyhow,  our  leading  statesmen  carefully  avoided 
dealing  with  the  burning  questions  of  foreign  policy.  Day 
after  day  Burian  told  the  Emperor  he  did  not  consider  the 
time  had  come  for  peace  negotiations :  at  all  events  we  must 
await  the  result  of  the  offensive  in  the  West.  Wekerle 
was  entirely  of  the  same  opinion. 

And  so  we  waited.  And  the  Viennese  starved.  At  the 
beginning  of  June  the  state  of  affairs  in  Austria  was  desperate. 
The  consignment  of  all  the  available  stocks  of  potatoes  to 
the  army,  which  was  urgently  in  need  of  better  food  before 
undertaking  the  offensive,  had  naturally  reduced  the  amount 
of  potatoes  and  early  vegetables  to  be  sent  to  Vienna. 
But  Vienna  waited,  calm  and  confident,  and  Wekerle 
reassured  the  Monarch,  or  Wekerle  waited  and  Burian 
reassured  the  Monarch.  The  King  went  about  in  despair. 
He  rang  me  up  and  said  :  "  Vienna  is  starving."  "  Your 
Majesty,"  I  replied,  "  I  can  do  nothing  ;  the  Piave  offensive 
stands  or  falls  with  my  flour  ;  I  have  nothing  else — there 
is  literally  nothing  to  be  had." 

A  chance  again  brought  help.  Supplies  of  maize  for 
Germany  were  on  their  way  from  Rumania.  They  were 
being  brought  slowly  up  the  Danube.  General  Landwehr, 
of  the  joint  Food  Committee,  knew  that  the  tugs  had  arrived 
in  the  vicinity  of  Vienna.  He  hastily  decided  to  send  the 
boats  to  Vienna.  Here  they  were  unloaded,  the  maize 
was  distributed  to  the  mills  with  the  utmost  dispatch  and 
ground.  Then  Germany  was  frankly  told  that  to  avert 
hunger  riots  there  was  nothing  for  it  but  to  commandeer 
the  food-stuffs  nearest  at  hand.     Landwehr  took  the  responsi- 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ         183 

bility  on  himself.  He  said  to  me  :  "I  know  it  was  highway 
robbery,  but  there  was  no  other  way  out  ;  now  the  Viennese 
have  something  to  eat  for  at  least  a  fortnight." 

I  think  the  Viennese  ought  to  put  up  a  monument 
to  him. 

Germany,  of  course,  entered  a  strong  protest  against 
such  an  illicit  proceeding. 

I  again  had  an  interview  with  Burian,  one  of  I  don't 
know  how  many.  I  told  him  the  most  simple  common- 
places. He  must  surely  see  now  that  our  food  conditions 
were  hopeless.  Either  the  necessary  measures  for  carrying 
on  the  war  must  be  carried  out  in  all  parts  of  the  Monarchy 
or  the  situation  must  be  faced,  the  consequences  drawn, 
and  a  conclusion  reached.  To  continue  the  war  was  out 
of  the  question.  Hungary  was  responsible  for  provisioning 
the  army  and  Austria,  and  was  even  helping  Germany  by 
sending  small  supplies  of  pigs  and  fat.  It  was  impossible 
to  make  a  further  reduction  of  the  ration  per  head  in 
Hungary.  Count  Tisza  was  a  stout  supporter  of  the  German 
alliance,  in  whose  interest  alone  we  were  continuing  the 
war,  but  it  did  not  occur  to  him  to  lend  me  a  hand  in 
taking  the  tighter  hold  of  the  harvest  which  was  necessary 
for  the  conduct  of  the  war.  Again  :  this  is  what  is  called 
Viribus  tinitis. 

I  made  the  same  statement  to  His  Majesty,  who  discussed 
the  question  with  his  two  Prime  Ministers.  The  Foreign 
Minister  was  instructed  to  clear  up  the  food  problem  with 
Germany.  Burian  went  to  Berlin  for  a  day,  and  I  followed 
a  few  days  later.  I  talked  to  Hertling,  and  noted  with  dismay 
that  the  influence  of  the  Supreme  Command  had  never  been 
so  strong  as  at  this  period. 

Count  Hertling  told  me  that  the  German  Kaiser  reckoned 
absolutely  on  the  possibility  of  peace  in  the  course  of  the 
summer.  The  military  authorities  were  planning  three 
more  separate  offensives  and  the  capture  of  Calais.  Wilhelm 
would  not  allow  Paris  to  be  occupied.  This  moderation 
was  to  be  a  clear  indication  of  his  amicable  intentions  for 
the  future.  He  wished  that  there  should  be  no  question 
of  any  humiliation,   and  had  no  intention  of  speaking  in 


184  MY  MEMOIRS 

favour  of  annexation  of  any  kind  in  the  West.  The  gigantic 
sacrifices  made  by  Germany  would  not  have  been  possible 
but  for  her  economic  exploitation  of  the  eastern  territories. 
The  German  Empire  must  make  these  subservient  to  its 
own  interests,  and  these  were  the  chief  reasons  for  the 
non-fulfilment  of  Austria's  wishes  as  regards  Poland. 

I  reported  to  His  Majesty  what  I  had  heard  in  Berlin. 

Burian,  whom  I  called  on  again,  repeated  what  I  had 
already  heard  from  Hertling.  He  believed  in  the  war  ending 
this  year.  He  could  not  personally  attempt  to  influence 
the  Austrian  and  Hungarian  Governments  in  the  matter 
of  the  food  supplies — perhaps  later  on  some  such  action 
might  be  taken — everything,  however,  depended  on  the 
result  of  our  and  the  German  offensive. 

In  a  debate  early  in  June,  Wekerle  and  Tisza  spoke  in 
Parliament  on  strengthening  the  German  alliance. 

Again  I  could  see  that  neither  the  Hungarian  Prime 
Minister  nor  Tisza  was  aware  of  the  agreements  which  had 
actually  been  made,  or,  if  they  did  know  the  truth,  they 
intentionally  suppressed  the  fact  that  His  Majesty  had 
succeeded  in  preventing  the  conclusion  of  a  long-term 
agreement. 

At  my  next  interview  with  the  Monarch  I  spoke  of  the 
urgent  necessity  of  taking  his  programme  in  hand  and 
putting  its  guiding  lines  into  execution.  His  Majesty 
replied  that,  for  the  moment,  this  was  quite  impossible  ; 
the  first  point  of  the  programme  was  the  explanation  with 
Germany,  and  the  momentary  foreign  political  situation, 
as  well  as  the  food  difficulties  in  German  Austria,  precluded 
an  explanation  with  Germany  at  present.  Unfortunately, 
I  had  nothing  to  urge  against  this.  Count  Burian,  the 
King  continued,  was,  moreover,  just  engaged  on  a  solution 
of  the  Polish  question  which  would  be  favourable  to  us, 
and  for  this  reason  also  it  would  not  be  convenient  to  make 
the  personal  changes  without  which  it  would  be  impossible 
to  carry  out  the  programme. 

In  the  meantime,  the  position  of  Seidler's  Cabinet  had 
become  more  and  more  untenable,  The  bitterness  against 
him  increased.  The  inadequate  food  measures  and  the 
ever-increasing  tendency  to  independence  shown  by  Bohemia, 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         185 

which  had  latterly  firmly  refused  to  contribute  towards 
supplying  either  Vienna  or  the  German  Austrian  parts  of 
Bohemia,  naturally  resulted  in  the  German  Parties  presenting 
a  united  front  against  his  Cabinet. 

The  Ruthenians  and  Poles  in  particular,  to  whom  he 
had  made  simultaneous  promises  which  were  essentially 
contradictory,  were  preparing  the  fall  of  the  Cabinet. 

I  noticed  that  the  German  Parties,  which  also  turned 
violently  against  him,  were  just  as  ignorant  of  the  military 
and  foreign  political  position  as  the  Hungarian  politicians. 

Vienna  did  not  in  the  least  understand  the  actual  condi- 
tions in  the  northern  Slav  countries.  The  fact  that  the 
Czech  State  had  been  organizing  within  for  months  past, 
relying  on  its  links  with  the  Entente,  was  overlooked  ;  the 
power  represented  by  a  people  politically  and  nationally 
united  was  overlooked.  How  thoroughly  the  German 
politicians  and  the  great  Vienna  newspapers  which  supported 
their  views  misjudged  the  military  and  international  position 
is  best  shown  by  the  fact  that  bitterness  was  expressed,  even 
at  this  period,  in  German  political  circles,  over  the  Emperor 
and  King's  statesmanlike  wisdom  and  his  policy  of  ad- 
justing grievances  on  the  most  generous  possible  scale. 

Viewed  in  the  light  of  later  events,  there  cannot  be  the 
slightest  doubt  that  the  Monarch  was  the  only  statesman 
au  fait  as  to  all  the  foreign  and  domestic  political  condi- 
tions. But  it  will  remain  the  cardinal  error  of  his  method 
of  government  that  he  did  not  know  how  to  get  the  poli- 
ticians in  any  way  to  grasp  the  situation  he  duly  and 
clearly  recognized  himself. 

Our  offensive  on  the  Piave  began  on  the  15th  June. 

A  few  days  before,  I  had  a  long  talk  with  the  Chief  of 
the  Staff,  Arz.  In  answer  to  my  question  whether  he 
reckoned  with  certainty  on  the  success  of  this  gigantic 
undertaking  in  the  South-west,  he  made  the  Delphic  remark 
that  the  operation  was  a  foreign  political  necessity.  On  the 
other  hand,  he  described  the  material  preparations  for 
the  offensive  as  ample.  He  answered  the  question  whether 
the  troops  were  willing  to  fight  by  shrugging  his  shoulders. 

This  conversation   made   the   worst   possible   impression 


186  MY  MEMOIRS 

on  me,  and  I  could  not  refrain  from  telling  His  Majesty 
what  I  felt  about  it.  He  said  he  was  less  anxious  as  to  the 
spirit  of  the  arnty,  which  was  still  absolutely  uncorrupted, 
than  as  to  the  strategy.  There  was  the  greatest  possible 
difficulty  in  getting  the  military  leaders  to  co-operate. 

The  first  reports  of  the  offensive,  which  began  simulta- 
neously in  four  places,  were  in  general  favourable. 

At  this  period  a  number  of  interpellations  were  made 
in  the  Hungarian  Parliament,  at  Karolyi's  instigation,  on 
the  foreign  political  situation  and  on  the  solution  of  the 
Polish  question. 

In  the  evening  I  dined  at  the  Park  Club,  and  Karolyi 
sat  down  beside  me.  As  he  was  telling  me  of  his  plans 
for  the  near  future,  I  seized  the  opportunity  of  discussing 
the  fundamental  points  of  His  Majesty's  programme  with 
him,  and  ascertained  that,  on  the  whole,  he  agreed  with  most 
of  the  propositions.  The  fact,  which  he  frankly  admitted, 
that  he  meant  to  get  into  power  personally,  by  hook  or  by 
crook,  was  the  only  thing  which  raised  doubts  in  my  mind 
as  to  the  future.  He  declared  that  Tisza  could  only  be 
deprived  of  power  by  the  most  drastic  methods,  and 
that  he  would  apply  those  methods.  His  remark,  that 
in  order  to  get  into  power  one  ought  not  to  shrink 
from  the  most  criminal  methods  in  politics,  had  already 
come  to  my  ears.  Karolyi  told  me  at  that  time  that  he 
would  agree  to  a  federal  union  of  the  whole  Monarchy  if  the 
reorganization  were  to  be  on  a  Radical-Socialistic  basis.  He 
could  see  no  other  guarantee  of  a  pacifist  course  in  the  future. 

Late  in  the  evening  I  went  back  to  the  office,  to  get 
through  some  work.  The  telephone  on  my  writing-table 
rang.  I  heard  a  buzzing  and  roaring  and  clicking,  and 
could  not  understand  anything  ;  I  got  impatient  and  angry 
with  the  operator.  At  last  I  heard  distinctly  :  "  His  Majesty 
wishes  to  speak  to  you.  From  the  royal  train  at  Udine." 
Then  the  King's  voice  :  "Is  that  you,  Windischgraetz  ?  " 
— "  Yes,  your  Majesty." — "  Come  to  Udine  at  once." — 
"  At  your  service,  your  Majesty." — "  Thank  you."  I  rang 
off,  ordered  the  special  train,  and  travelled  the  same  night 
to  Udine. 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  187 

The  latest  reports  from  the  front  had  been  less  favourable. 
The  attack,  which  had  been  commenced  on  a  front  of 
170  kilometres,  had  had  to  be  withdrawn  at  several  points, 
in  consequence  of  the  two  army  group  commanders' 
measures  not  having  been  quite  clearly  formulated.  Still, 
there  did  not  appear  to  be  any  immediate  danger. 

I  arrived  at  Headquarters  at  Udine  at  seven  o'clock 
in  the  morning.  First  of  all  I  had  a  long  talk  with  Fields 
Marshal  Boroevic,  who  explained  the  position  of  his  army 
to  me.  The  whole  plan  of  the  offensive  had,  in  his  opinion, 
held  the  germs  of  failure  from  the  start.  Differences  of 
opinion  had  arisen  between  him  and  Conrad  as  far  back  as 
when  selecting  the  place  for  a  break-through.  Arz  and  the 
Supreme  Command  favoured  a  combined  attack,  but  were 
unable  to  carry  their  point  ;  therefore  a  middle  course  was 
chosen,  and  storming  parties  were  posted  at  four  different 
places.  They  were  successful,  but  had  not  sufficient  men 
or  munitions  available  at  any  one  point  to  enable  them 
to  turn  the  advantages  they  had  won  to  account.  In  the 
early  days  of  the  offensive  Boroevic's  army  group  had 
succeeded  in  crossing  the  Piave  with  comparative  ease, 
and  would  have  been  able  to  tackle  the  whole  Italian  front 
if  Boroevic  had  had  munitions  and  reserves  available. 
Seeing,  however,  that  both  munitions  and  reserves  were 
distributed  over  the  whole  length  of  the  front,  the  troops 
wore  themselves  out  in  the  three  days'  fighting  and  were 
no  longer  in  a  position  to  press  forward.  But  a  halt  was 
out  of  the  question,  with  the  Piave  behind  them. 

I  was  told  that  the  two  army  groups  had  lost  a  total 
of  170,000  men.  The  behaviour  of  the  troops  had  been 
beyond  all  praise. 

In  the  course  of  the  conferences  it  became  clear  that  the 
supplies  available  both  of  munitions  and  food  precluded 
any  further  advance.  By  the  withdrawal  of  the  army 
across  the  Piave  no  less  than  one  hundred  precious  truck-loads 
of  flour  were  necessarily  abandoned.  It  was  catastrophic. 
And  fresh  reports  kept  on  coming — verbally,  by  telephone, 
by  telegram.  One  of  them  reduced  the  Monarch  to  the 
lowest  depths  of  depression ;  it  was  a  telegram  stating 
that,  having  consumed  the  supplies  of  maize  commandeered 


188  MY  MEMOIRS 

from  the  Germans,  Vienna  was  again  unprovided  for.  The 
King  looked  at  me.  I  saw  that  he  had  grey  hairs.  It  had 
never  struck  me  before  so  clearly.  "  I  cannot  place  any 
quantity  of  the  early  harvest  supplies  worth  mentioning 
at  Austria's  disposal  before  the  beginning  of  July,"  I  said. 

"  I  won't  let  Vienna  starve,"  said  His  Majesty. 

"  Then  there  is  nothing  for  it  but  to  send  another  request 
to  Berlin  ;  they  must  help  us  to  tide  over  the  most  difficult 
weeks." 

We  held  consultation.  I  proposed  that,  under  these 
exceptional  circumstances,  His  Majesty  should  personally 
write  a  letter  to  Kaiser  Wilhelm  and  explain  the  desperate 
position.  Of  course,  such  a  step  was  a  fresh  obstacle  in  the 
way  of  solving  the  peace  question  ;  but  after  the  failure 
of  our  offensive  we  no  longer  had  much  scope  or  freedom 
of  action.  Moreover,  His  Majesty  had  already  put  this 
plan  into  execution.  Prince  Max  Egon  Fürstenberg,  who 
is  a  friend  of  the  German  Kaiser,  was  to  go  with  me  to  the 
German  Headquarters,  and  there  to  hand  His  Majesty's 
letter  to  the  German  Kaiser  and  discuss  the  question  of 
helping  Austria. 

The  Germans  had  long  since  expressed  a  wish  to  employ 
Austrian  troops  on  the  Western  Front  ;  but  this  idea,  which 
would  have  drawn  him  obviously  still  further  into  the  net 
of  German  Imperialistic  policy,  was  so  distasteful  to  His 
Majesty  that  hitherto  he  had  obstinately  set  himself  against 
it.  But  now  Colonel  Zeynek  was  to  accompany  us,  as 
representing  the  Supreme  Command,  and  in  case  of  need 
to  discuss  the  question  of  sending  Austrian  troops  to  the 
Western  Front,  as  a  last  concession.  Never  would  it  have 
come  to  sending  our  four  best  divisions,  to  be  followed, 
according  to  later  agreements,  by  two  further  divisions, 
had  not  the  desperate  food  conditions  made  immediate 
help  to  Austria  a  necessity. 

I  travelled  from  Udine  by  special  train  to  Vienna,  where 
I  was  to  meet  the  other  members  of  the  mission,  Prince 
Max  Egon  Fürstenberg  and  Colonel  Zeynek.  I  betook 
myself  in  Vienna  to  the  German  ambassador,  Wedel,  to 
inform  him  of  our  intended  journey  and  ask  him  to  arrange 
the  details  of  our  reception  at  Spa. 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  189 

The  answer  which  arrived  from  Spa  showed  plainly  how 
much  our  prestige  in  the  German  Empire  had  suffered  from 
recent  events.  It  stated  that  the  Monarch's  letter  would 
be  awaited,  and  that  Prince  Fürstenberg,  the  German 
Kaiser's  personal  friend,  would  be  received.  The  Hungarian 
Minister  and  the  representative  of  the  Supreme  Command, 
on  the  other  hand,  were  requested  to  betake  themselves 
to  Berlin  for  detailed  discussions. 

The  blood  rushed  to  my  head  when  I  heard  this.  I 
went  at  once,  late  as  it  was  in  the  evening,  to  the  German 
ambassador,  and  informed  him  that,  under  these  circum- 
stances, I  did  not  deem  it  expedient  that  anyone  should 
deliver  a  letter  from  our  Emperor  to  the  German  Head- 
quarters. As  a  responsible  Hungarian  Minister  I  was 
authorized  by  my  Government  and  by  the  Monarch  to  state 
that  the  refusal  to  receive  us  would  be  regarded  as  a  political 
slight  to  Hungary  and  the  Monarch.  I  had  been  sent  by 
the  Emperor  and  King  because,  for  some  months  past,  I 
alone  had  been  responsible  for  provisioning  Austria-Hungary 
and  the  army  in  the  field,  and  I  alone  was  able  to  explain 
the  actual  situation.  If  Spa  would  not  deal  with  us,  I  would 
announce  this  to-morrow  in  the  Hungarian  Parliament, 
and  both  the  Hungarian  Government  and  my  Monarch 
would  draw  the  proper  conclusions  from  this  rebuff. 

Wedel  understood,  and  telegraphed  without  delay  to 
the  German  Headquarters  and  to  the  Imperial  Chancellor. 
An  invitation  for  all  three  of  us  came  the  very  same  night, 
couched  in  most  friendly  terms. 

On  the  morning  of  the  22nd  we  made  our  way  to  the 
German  Headquarters  via  Cologne.  Spa  was  as  though 
deserted ;  the  houses  were  partly  burnt  down  and  had 
not  been  rebuilt.  The  Kaiser  occupied  a  lovely  villa,  placed 
at  his  disposal  by  a  rich  carpet  merchant.  A  sentry  guarded 
the  entrance  to  the  villa. 

In  the  hall  the  Master  of  the  Ceremonies,  Plessen,  placed 
us  according  to  rank,  I  being  on  the  right  wing.  Fürsten- 
berg, who  had  delivered  the  letter,  now  came  out  with  the 
Kaiser.  We  were  presented  individually,  and  quite  a  short 
cercle  followed.  Then  we  went  into  the  dining-room,  the 
party   at   lunch   consisting  of   the   Empress,   the   Emperor, 


190  MY  MEMOIRS 

Plessen,  our  mission,  our  military  plenipotentiary,  Major- 
General  Klepsch,  a  lady-in-waiting  and  two  aides-de-camp. 
The  food  was  very  simple,  but  excellent ;  the  Rhine  wines 
first-rate.  The  Kaiser  drank  to  us,  made  jokes,  discussed 
the  events  of  the  day  ;    no  reference  was  made  to  politics. 

After  lunch  the  Kaiser  took  me  into  a  corner  and  talked 
to  me  for  an  hour  and  a  half. 

He  found  great  fault  with  our  foreign  policy  and  our 
military  conduct  of  the  war.  The  help  we  asked  meant  a 
reduction  of  the  ration  per  head  in  the  German  Army.  He 
could  only  agree  to  this  if  we  gave  effective  military  help 
on  the  Western  Front.  As  to  the  domestic  political  develop- 
ments, he  saw  the  germs  of  a  Slav-Bolshevist  movement, 
which  was  probably  devised  by  the  Entente  ;  our  rulers 
must  make  it  their  first  business  to  set  their  faces  against 
these  tendencies  as  strongly  as  possible.  "  The  Habsburgs," 
he  said,  "  have  no  idea  how  to  bring  over  the  people  to 
their  side.  Look  at  me:  I  go  about  everywhere,  talk  to 
everyone  ;  we  sometimes  come  to  hard  blows,  but  in  the 
long  run  we  manage  to  understand  one  another." 

I  replied  quite  frankly  that  both  our  military  and  foreign 
political  administration  left  a  great  deal  to  be  desired, 
that,  above  all,  our  omission  to  make  the  fundamental  con- 
ditions of  our  participation  in  the  war  sufficiently  clear 
to  Germany  had  been  the  greatest  possible  mistake.  The 
Monarchy  had  now  reached  the  end  of  her  resources,  and 
there  could  be  no  question  of  continuing  the  war.  Kaiser 
Wilhelm  interrupted  me  :  "Of  course,  the  economic  resources 
of  Central  Europe  have  been  exhausted  by  the  four  years' 
blockade.  But  we  shall  have  final  peace  in  the  course 
of  this  year.  There  is  no  intention  of  marching  on  Paris — 
I  am  far  from  wishing  to  inflict  any  humiliation  at  all  on 
the  vanquished  enemy  ;  tell  your  Monarch  this,  and  that 
I  beg  him  to  hold  out  till  the  favourable  moment  for  opening 
negotiations  has  arrived.  I  know  His  Majesty  is  impatient, 
but  the  sacrifices  that  have  been  made  are  too  great  for  us 
to  think  of  breaking  off  the  war  when  things  are  going 
favourably." 

The  Kaiser  did  not  speak  ungraciously,  but  most 
strongly     and     in     the    Prussian     staccato.      "  After     the 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         191 

war  we  shall  rearrange  everything.  Naumann's  Central 
Europe  is  absurd,  but  from  a  military  point  of  view  there 
must  be  a  Central  Europe,  otherwise  we  shall  always  be 
liable  to  attack  from  the  enemy.  We  must  hold  out  at 
all  costs,  must  just  take  heart,"  he  said  by  way  of  farewell; 
"  carry  on  !  " 

Zeynik  and  I  discussed  the  help  to  be  given  by  Austria 
very  fully  with  officers  of  the  German  Supreme  Command, 
both  in  the  morning  and  afternoon,  at  conferences  presided 
over  by  General  von  N.  We  had  to  agree,  in  the  first  place, 
that  the  administration  and  requisitioning  of  food  supplies 
and  raw  material  in  the  Ukraine  should  be  made  over  entirely 
to  the  Germans,  and  secondly,  it  was  made  a  condition  that 
the  six  Austrian  divisions  which  had  been  promised  should 
be  conveyed  to  the  Western  Front  without  delay. 

I  was  not  unacquainted  with  the  strategic  position  on 
the  Western  Front,  and  I  could  not  help  inquiring  what 
decisive  influence  the  German  military  authorities  expected 
our  six  divisions  to  have  on  military  operations  which  were 
undertaken  by  the  Germans  with  two  hundred  units.  The 
answer  promptly  given  was  that  the  failure  of  our  Piave 
offensive  had  made  the  most  unfavourable  possible  impres- 
sion at  German  Headquarters,  and  that  the  demonstration 
was  necessary,  because  we  had  shown  that  we  were  no 
longer  a  factor  to  be  seriously  reckoned  with  from  a 
military,  any  more  than  from  an  economic  point  of  view. 

I  remarked  on  this  that  it  was  really  no  longer  in  the 
interest  of  the  Monarchy  to  carry  on  the  war.  Austro- 
Hungarian  policy  did  not  contemplate  annexations,  and 
the  one  great  aim,  both  of  my  Sovereign  and  of  my  Govern- 
ment, was  to  put  an  end  to  the  war  as  soon  as  possible. 

It  was  a  great  disappointment  to  me  that  Ludendorff 
was  not  at  Spa  ;  I  should  have  had  much  satisfaction  in 
telling  him  the  plain  truth.  On  the  other  hand,  I  had  the 
pleasure  of  meeting  Major  von  O.,  of  the  General  Staff,  whom 
I  had  already  come  across  on  various  fronts.  As  we  were 
friends,  my  old  comrade  concealed  nothing  from  me,  and 
gave  me  an  insight  into  what  was  going  on  behind  the 
scenes  in  the  Operations  Department.     What  he  said  was 


192  MY  MEMOIRS 

much  as  follows  :  "  The  German  offensive  in  the  direction 
of  Amiens  used  up  almost  three  times  the  number  of 
reserves  provided.  The  German  thrust  met  with  less 
obstruction  and  resistance  at  the  Chemin  des  Dames,  but 
the  favourable  results  of  the  fighting  could  not  be  turned 
to  account,  because  the  greater  part  of  the  forces  intended 
for  this  offensive  were  held  up  in  front  of  Amiens.  The 
military  authorities  reckoned  on  France  breaking  down, 
a  calculation  which  he  thought  was  taken  far  too  much 
into  account.  A  great  many  Staff  Officers  took  a  most 
pessimistic  view  of  the  military  situation.  The  transport 
of  the  troops  fighting  in  the  Ukraine  and  in  the  Baltic 
provinces,  partly  against  Bolshevist  forces,  was  going  on 
very  slowly.  Everything  now  really  depended  on  whether 
France  would  be  so  exhausted  from  a  military  point  of 
view,  after  the  last  German  offensive,  that  an  early  collapse 
might  be  expected.  I  asked  Herr  von  O.  how  matters 
stood  between  the  German  military  authorities  and  the 
German  Government.  He  shrugged  his  shoulders :  "At 
present  Ludendorff  is  working  to  get  rid  of  Kühlmann  and 
his  partisans.  You  will  see  how  quickly  it  will  be  done." 
Ludendorff  was  of  opinion  that  the  next  three  months  must 
be  decisive,  for  victory  or  for  defeat.  But  during  this 
period  the  internal  situation  must  be  held  at  any  price. 

Later  on,  in  Berlin,  where  I  had  to  confer  with  Count 
Hertling  as  to  the  technical  execution  of  the  measures 
discussed  at  Spa,  I  saw  how  correct  Herr  von  O.'s  information 
had  been.  I  went  to  the  Reichstag  and  heard  Kühlmann's 
not  very  dignified  swan-song.  Anyhow,  it  was  obvious  that 
in  Germany  a  civilian  dare  not  say  a  word,  whether  he 
were  called  the  Imperial  Chancellor  or  the  Secretary  of 
State  for  Foreign  Affairs,  or  held  any  other  seemingly  high 
rank.  Officers  in  field-grey  uniforms  stood  behind  the 
Ministers  in  the  Reichstag  ;  Staff  Officers  stood  with  their 
hands  in  their  breeches'  pockets,  visible  symbols,  as  it 
were,  of  the  higher  power,  in  the  House  of  the  German  people's 
representatives,  in  which  no  one  but  the  members  elected 
by  the  people  had  any  right  to  be  present,  and  controlled 
the  Ministers'  speeches  and  behaviour,  and  probably  every 
expression    of    their    features.     There    was    a    private    line 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         193 

between  the  House  and  Spa,  and  hardly  was  a  speech  ended 
before  its  purport  was  telephoned  to  Ludendorff  by  one 
of  these  military  organs  of  control. 

On  the  return  journey  from  Berlin  to  Vienna,  Prince 
Fürstenberg  told  me  that  the  help  conceded  to  Austria  in 
the  matter  of  food  supplies  was  only  vouchsafed  on  condition 
of  Austria-Hungary's  continuing  to  pursue  a  scrupulous 
and  loyal  policy  of  alliance.  It  is  remarkable  that  neither 
Kaiser  Wilhelm  nor  the  Imperial  Chancellor,  Count 
Hertling,  had  mentioned  this  to  me,  the  only  responsible 
statesman  of  the  mission. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  28th  June  I  was  received  in 
audience  by  His  Majesty  at  Eckartsau,  and  gave  a  detailed 
report  of  my  impressions.  I  said  that  Kaiser  Wilhelm  was 
the  most  in  sympathy  with  our  peace  policy ;  that,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  policy  of  the  German  military  authorities 
was  an  absolute  gamble,  which  it  could  not  be  in  the 
interest  of  the  Monarchy  to  support  any  further. 

On  this  occasion  I  had  an  opportunity  of  speaking  to 
the  deputies  Steinwender,  Pantz,  Paasche  and  Count  Silva 
Tarouca,  who  had  just  been  received  in  audience.  None 
of  them,  without  exception,  had  any  knowledge  at  all  of 
the  foreign  political  situation.  Just  as  the  franchise  question 
in  Hungary,  so  the  strife  between  Germans  and  Czechs  had 
engrossed  the  attention  of  the  individual  Parties  in  the 
Austrian  Reichstag  for  years  and  years,  to  the  exclusion 
of  all  other  interests. 

The  Socialists  Seitz,  Renner,  Tusar  and  Stanek  and  the 
South  Slav,  Korosec,  had  been  with  the  Emperor  the  day 
before.  His  Majesty  told  me  that  Stanek  and  Tusar  were 
absolutely  won  over  to  a  solution  of  the  Czech,  and  Korosec 
to  a  solution  of  the  South  Slav  question,  within  the  Habsburg 
Monarchy. 

I  discussed  the  modalities  of  the  Czech  solution  with 
Langenhan  and  a  few  other  German  deputies  in  Vienna, 
without  referring  to  the  Monarch's  programme.  They 
said  that  any  concession  to  Czech  constitutional  or  other 
particularist  aspirations  would  bring  about  a  revolution  in 
German  Austria. 

IS 


194  MY  MEMOIRS 

In  addition  to  this,  I  discovered  that  Count  Karolyi 
had  tried  to  get  into  touch  with  the  German  Socialists 
through  his  agents.  Dr.  Viktor  Adler,  with  whom  I  had 
quite  a  short  conversation,  told  me  that  Karolyi  wanted 
to  get  the  Vienna  Socialists  to  persuade  the  Emperor  of 
the  necessity  of  a  Radical-Socialist  Government  under 
his,  Karolyi's,  leadership. 

I  had  already  pointed  out  to  the  Emperor  that  Karolyi 
wanted  to  create  an  impression  in  Buda  Pesth  that  he  made 
the  King's  policy.  I  said  :  "  He  is  either  your  protege, 
your  Majesty — in  which  case,  say  so  frankly — or  he  is  not ; 
in  that  case,  you  must  put  a  stop  to  the  Karolyi  double- 
dealing."  The  Emperor  replied :  "  Wekerle  shall  put 
things  right."  Wekerle  sent  for  Karolyi's  lawyer  and  told 
him  that  I  had  insisted  on  Karolyi's  attitude  being  clearly 
defined.  On  this,  Karolyi  came  to  see  me  and  asked  what 
my  intentions  were.  I  answered  :  "I  want  peace  just  as 
you  do,  the  sooner  the  better,  but  I  want  it  in  another 
way."  Karolyi  said  :  "Do  you  take  me  for  a  traitor  ?  " 
I  replied :  "I  cannot  prove  anything  yet."  "  How  am 
I  to  come  to  an  understanding  with  the  King  about  the 
matter  ?  "  he  asked.  I  advised  him  to  write  a  letter  to 
the  King.  Now,  he  really  did  this.  Hunyadi  told  me  the 
purport  of  the  letter  shortly  afterwards.  In  it  Karolyi 
threw  himself  at  the  Monarch's  feet ;  he  protested  that  he 
was  ready  to  sacrifice  his  last  drop  of  blood  for  His  Majesty. 
He  swore  eternal  loyalty ;  he  was  incapable  of  doing  anything 
which  could  injure  the  interests  of  the  House  of  Habsburg, 
and  so  on. 

In  Buda  Pesth  I  made  fresh  attempts  to  induce  Andrassy 
to  take  the  initiative.  I  told  him  that  peace  must  come 
about  through  him  ;  he  alone  could  solve  the  Serbian  problem. 
He  did  not  fail  to  recognize  the  importance  of  the  moment, 
but  said  that  he  was  not  in  a  position  to  come  forward 
politically  on  his  own  account.  I  was  the  whip,  I  was  the 
whipper-in,  but  we  did  not  get  any  further. 

I  reported  what  I  had  learnt  at  the  German  Headquarters 
to  a  Ministerial  Council.  Wekerle's  opinion  was  Burian's 
opinion  :  there  was  no  immediate  danger  to  fear. 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  195 

At  the  beginning  of  July  I  began  to  deal  with  the 
question  of  commandeering  the  maize  harvest,  which  alone 
could  guarantee  Austria  and  the  army's  food  supply  for 
the  future.  As  a  result  of  frosts,  Hungary's  wheat  and  rye 
harvest  had  fallen  far  short  of  the  amount  expected  ;  this 
had  only  brought  the  risk  of  material  collapse  still  nearer. 
I  had  had  accurate  calculations  made  in  my  office  of  the 
quantities  of  maize  to  be  commandeered.  According  to 
my  estimates,  one-third  of  about  thirty  million  hundred- 
weight grown  would  be  taken  over  and  administered  by  the 
State,  in  which  case  Hungary  might  be  in  a  position  to 
transfer  five  million  hundredweight  to  Austria.  This  would 
secure  Austria's  food  supply  till  after  the  spring  of  1919. 
On  the  other  hand,  I  had  to  explain  at  a  food  conference 
at  the  Ministry  of  War  that  it  must  necessarily  become 
absolutely  impossible  to  supply  the  army  with  meat  in 
the  autumn  of  this  year. 

In  Vienna,  Seidler's  resignation  had  in  the  meantime 
been  tendered  for  the  twentieth  time  and  not  accepted. 
The  absolute  impossibility  of  bringing  the  different  political 
currents  into  harmony  had  resulted  in  no  one  being  wiillng 
to  attempt  the  difficult  task  of  bringing  order  into  the 
chaos. 

The  chief  mistake  there,  as  in  Buda  Pesth,  was  the 
entire  lack  of  sincerity.  Thus,  for  instance,  Wekerle  and 
Seidler  stated  on  the  17th  July  that  the  Polish  question 
was  approaching  a  solution  which  accorded  with  the  aims 
of  the  Monarchy's  policy— at  a  time  when  Germany's  policy 
in  Poland  was  working  tooth  and  nail  against  the  Austro- 
Polish  solution  we  supported. 

At  last,  on  the  21st  July,  the  Hungarian  Parliament 
accepted  the  Franchise  Reform  Bill.  But  a  hybrid  franchise 
had  been  produced,  which  did  not  satisfy  anyone,  and 
which  in  addition  was  not  calculated  to  bring  about  the 
changes  in  the  process  of  political  crystallization  which 
would  have  been  so  necessary  at  this  critical  time.  In 
reality  everything  remained  as  it  was.  The  Minister  of 
Commerce,  Szterenyi,  and  I  were  in  favour  of  a  programme 
being  fixed  and  steps  being  taken  at  once  to  carry  it  out  ; 
but  we  did  not  succeed  in  carrying  our  point,  and  conse- 


196  MY  MEMOIRS 

quently  aimless  experiments  and  aimless  politics  continued 
to  be  the  order  of  the  day.  Tisza,  in  particular,  took  every 
opportunity  of  making  difficulties  for  the  Government. 
For  instance,  he  made  critical  remarks  in  Parliament  on 
my  orders  for  commandeering  the  harvest,  which  naturally 
did  not  facilitate  my  measures  being  carried  out  satisfactorily. 

Tisza  had  let  me  know  in  the  morning  that  at  the  end 
of  the  sitting  he  would  have  a  few  words  to  say  to  me. 
This  was  very  annoying  to  me,  as  in  such  cases  I  had  to 
remain  in  the  House  and  listen  to  the  tedious,  useless 
speeches,  waiting  for  the  interpellation — and  I  had  an  enor- 
mous amount  to  do  at  my  office.  In  the  evening  Tisza  got 
up  and  flatly  demanded  that  the  individual  communes  should 
be  entitled  to  set  aside  the  quantities  they  required  for  a 
whole  year's  supply  out  of  the  first  results  of  the  harvest ; 
naturally,  an  extremely  popular  demand,  calculated  to 
glorify  Tisza  in  all  the  counties  as  the  people's  friend.  I 
answered  that  my  whole  system  was  based  on  the  early 
harvest  being  controlled  by  the  State.  Tisza  said  :  "  The 
Food  Minister  takes  a  great  responsibility.  If  the  transport 
service  Were  to  be  suspended  through  a  railway  strike, 
such  as  we  have  recently  experienced,  the  communes  could 
not  be  supplied  with  flour."  This  was  received  with 
enthusiasm  on  all  sides  of  the  House ;  even  on  the  extreme 
Left  Tisza  was  applauded.  Loud  cries  were  raised : 
"  Everything  must  not  be  sent  to  Vienna.  Hungary 
must  live.  The  working  men  must  live."  I  let  the 
cries  subside,  and  said  quietly :  "  My  experiences  in 
supplying  the  country,  the  army  and  Austria  with  food 
have  convinced  me  that  a  crisis  can  only  be  averted  if 
the  whole  yield  of  the  threshing  machines  is  commandeered 
at  harvest-time,  and  managed  by  the  State  without  regard 
to  the  wishes  of  the  communes  and  counties." 

The  next  morning  I  held  an  inquiry  at  my  office  ;  I 
called  all  my  heads  of  sections  together  and  asked  their 
advice.  They  declared  with  one  accord  that  State  manage- 
ment in  the  sense  I  intended  was  impracticable,  and  that 
confiscation  from  the  threshing  machines  would  produce 
a  revolution  in  the  country.  I  answered  :  "  Thank  you, 
gentlemen ;  it  will  nevertheless  take  place." 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         197 

There  was  a  Ministerial  Council  two  days  later.  All 
my  colleagues  shook  their  heads  and  warned  me.  But 
my  radical  order  was  carried  out  against  the  view  of  my 
Under  Secretaries,  against  the  opinion  of  all  the  Ministers 
and  all  the  officials  of  the  Ministry  of  Agriculture,  and  in 
spite  of  the  demand  made  by  Tisza  and  the  Majority  of 
the  House  of  Deputies. 

The  next  fortnight  was  the  most  anxious  time  of  my 
life.  Again  I  could  not  sleep.  I  lay  in  bed  and  heard  the 
threshing  machines  buzzing  and  whirring,  and  saw  the  sullen 
faces  of  the  peasants,  from  whom  their  property  was  being 
taken — saw  the  soldiers'  bayonets,  and  yet  knew  that  I 
had  chosen  the  only  right  way  of  saving  peasants,  citizens 
and  soldiers  from  hunger,  and  did  not  know  whether  at 
any  moment  the  blind,  demagogic  instinct  of  the  masses, 
which  had  been  stirred  up,  might  not  destroy  the  work. 
If  it  had  come  to  rioting  anywhere,  or  if  the  soldiers  had 
been  obliged  to  resort  to  armed  force  anywhere,  I  should 
have  been  hanged  or  killed  in  Buda  Pesth. 

Kind  Providence  helped  me  a  little  by  sending  fine 
weather. 

On  the  8th  August  I  had  a  serious  conversation  with 
the  new  Austrian  Prime  Minister,  Hussarek,  a  statesman 
whose  intentions  were  of  the  best,  but  who  was  aware  that 
he  would  hardly  succeed  in  bringing  order  into  Austria's 
chaotic  Party  affairs. 

About  that  time  Czernin  came  to  see  us  in  Buda  Pesth. 
He  had  made  up  his  mind  to  bring  about  a  consolidation 
of  the  German  Parties  in  Austria  without  actively  inter- 
fering himself,  and  would  not  hear  of  concessions  to  the 
Czechs.  He  was  convinced  that  the  German  offensive  in 
the  West  would  be  successful. 

On  the  12th  August  I  asked  His  Majesty  to  release  me 
from  office  at  once.  What  had  happened  was  as  follows  : 
Reports  had  come  to  me  from  my  functionaries  in  the 
province,  according  to  which  individual  military  command- 
ants were  requisitioning  the  harvest  supplies  on  their  own 
responsibility  for  the  benefit  of  their  troops.  I  protested 
strongly  against  this  interference  at  once,  but  for  all  that 


198  MY  MEMOIRS 

the  Supreme  Command  issued  a  decree  ordering  the  use  of 
arms  against  the  requisitioning  Government  officials  in  case 
of  need.  I  could  not  put  up  with  this  infamous  procedure 
on  the  part  of  the  military  administration,  and  I  telephoned 
to  the  King.  I  asked  him  either  to  set  things  right  at  once 
or  to  accept  my  resignation.  Within  twenty-four  hours 
the  military  order  was  revoked  and  the  former  regime 
re-established. 

His  Majesty  telephoned  the  result  of  his  intervention 
to  me  himself.  He  informed  me  at  the  same  time  that  the 
Entente  had  started  a  great  offensive  in  the  West ;  the 
position  of  the  Germans,  particularly  on  the  Marne,  was 
very  precarious,  and  the  German  military  authorities  had 
requested  us  to  hurry  our  divisions  forward.  The  Monarch 
said  that  in  view  of  the  altered  state  of  affairs  he  had  decided 
to  proceed  to  German  Headquarters  with  Burian  and  Arz, 
as  he  hoped  to  find  the  Germans  at  last  inclined  to  support 
the  peace  action  he  had  so  long  intended  taking. 

A  few  days  later  I  had  a  conference  in  Vienna  to  fix 
the  ration  of  fat. 

I  had  been  transacting  business  the  whole  day,  and  was 
just  getting  into  my  saloon  carriage  at  the  station  in  the 
evening,  to  return  to  Buda  Pesth,  when  the  police  officer  on 
duty  came  and  asked  me  to  come  to  the  station-master's 
telephone.  There  I  found  that  instructions  to  start  at 
once  to  meet  the  royal  train  had  been  telephoned  to  me 
from  Spa  in  the  morning,  but  I  was  nowhere  to  be  found. 
I  consulted  the  station-master  as  to  the  quickest  way  of 
meeting  the  Emperor  now,  but  it  was  not  possible  to  do 
so  before  the  next  morning,  and  I  had  to  take  the  passenger 
train  to  Linz.  Arrangements  were  made,  however,  to 
stop  the  royal  train  on  the  section  of  the  line  controlled 
by  the  nearest  signal-box  in  case  of  its  meeting   my  train. 

When  we  arrived  at  Linz — I  was  in  a  compartment 
with  some  officers  on  leave — it  chanced  that  the  royal 
train  was  drawn  up  exactly  opposite  my  carriage.  It  had 
arrived  a  few  minutes  earlier.  The  Emperor  was  walking 
up  and  down  the  platform  with  Burian  and  his  suite.  I 
saw  that  he  went  up  to  a  military  policeman,  who  was 
wearing  some  war  medals,  and  spoke  to  him.     The  station 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         199 

was  full  of  people,  who  waved  handkerchiefs  and  cheered 
the  Emperor  enthusiastically. 

I  got  out  at  once  and  made  my  way  to  the  Monarch, 
to  the  obvious  surprise  of  the  people,  who  were  curious  to 
know  why  the  young  Major  pressed  forward.  His  Majesty, 
surrounded  by  Burian,  who  looked  very  dejected,  Arz, 
Hussarek,  Seidler,  and  a  few  high  officials,  seemed  very 
pleased  to  see  me,  and  greeted  me  most  cordially.  He 
had  the  Caryatides  of  his  Empire  with  him,  but  he  had  sent 
for  me.     I  was  intensely  gratified. 

First  of  all  we  lunched  together  at  a  table  in  the  royal 
train,  the  King  and  his  whole  staff ;  a  very  modest  meal. 
His  Majesty  drank  a  glass  of  beer  and  smoked  his  cigar. 
Then  I  travelled  alone  with  him  in  the  compartment  in 
which  he  worked,  while  the  train  rolled  towards  Vienna. 

"  The  catastrophe  has  taken  place  in  the  West,"  said  the 
Monarch.  "  Ludendorff  and  Hindenburg,  who  could  never 
be  persuaded  hitherto  to  agree  to  any  kind  of  peace  action, 
have  given  way.  Wilhelm  and  Ludendorff  are  now  for 
taking  active  steps  in  the  interest  of  peace.  I  am  not  satis- 
fied with  Burian's  attitude,  and  even  now  the  German 
standpoint  in  political  questions  is  still  that  of  regarding 
our  wishes  as  quantite  negligeable.  They  still  seem  not  to 
understand  that,  even  now,  the  Austro-Hungarian  Monarchy 
is  in  a  position  to  go  its  own  way.  I  quite  see  that  Burian 
must  be  replaced  as  soon  as  possible,  and  that  the  programme 
must  be  carried  out.  I  am  also  determined  to  change  the 
Austrian  and  Hungarian  Governments."  (It  passed  through 
my  mind  that  all  the  high  officials  who  were  sitting  in  the 
adjoining  compartment  would  disappear,  and  to  wonder 
whether  they  already  had  a  suspicion  of  it.  .  .  .)  "I  had 
thought,"  continued  His  Majesty,  "  of  entrusting  you  with 
the  formation  of  a  Cabinet  in  Hungary,  but  should  like  to 
hear  your  opinion  of  the  present  constellation.  In  Vienna 
we  must  set  to  work  at  once  to  carry  out  the  measures 
with  the  utmost  speed — begin  the  new  order  of  things  at 
last." 

I  thanked  His  Majesty  for  the  confidence  he  showed 
in  me  ;  but  in  my  opinion  the  most  eminent  politicians  of 
both  States  ought  to  be  summoned,  and  the  main  lines  to 


200  MY  MEMOIRS 

be  followed  discussed  with  them,  before  taking  the  pro- 
gramme in  hand  and  making  personal  changes  ex  abrupto. 
His  Majesty  agreed,  and  commissioned  me  to  draw  up  at 
once  a  list  of  personages  with  whom  an  immediate  solution 
of  the  domestic  political  complications  would  have  to  be 
discussed.  His  Majesty  thought,  too,  that  with  regard  to 
the  Polish  question  it  would  be  necessary  to  confer  with 
the  Polish  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  Prince  Radziwill, 
who  was  expected  within  the  next  few  days.  He  had  also 
summoned  Tarnovsky,  who  appeared  to  be  the  man  of  all 
others  to  give  advice  on  Polish  questions.  On  no  account 
would  he  force  himself  personally  on  the  new  Polish  kingdom  ; 
but  equally  he  could  not  allow  a  Prince  of  his  House  to 
accept  the  position  of  King  in  Poland  if  Poland  were  to 
fall  to  the  share  of  the  Germans  as  a  Federal  State.  In 
foreign  policy  he  was  firmly  resolved  to  emancipate  himself 
from  Germany's  political  guidance ;  he  had  already  told 
Burian  this. 

I  said  to  His  Majesty  that  all  the  measures  we  contem- 
plated could  only  lead  to  a  favourable  result  if  the  right 
Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  were  found ;  this  was  of  the 
utmost  importance.  "  Your  Majesty  knows  that  I  am 
still  thinking  of  Andrassy." 

The  King  said  :  "  I  am  afraid  you  are  mistaken,  Windisch- 
graetz  ;  Andrassy  seems  to  me  to  be  even  more  under  German 
influence  than  Burian,  and  will  hardly  be  prepared  to  take 
over  office  at  the  present  moment,  when  the  first  step  would 
mean  breaking  with  Germany.  I  am  more  inclined  to  think 
Count  Szecsen,  who  has  been  ambassador  in  Paris,  would 
be  the  right  man.  I  will  tell  Hunyadi  to  summon  Szecsen 
to  Vienna  at  once." 

Our  conversation  lasted  till  we  reached  Hütteldorf. 
The  royal  train  pulled  up  ;  the  Empress  was  waiting  on 
the  platform.  She  got  in  and  travelled  with  His  Majesty 
to  Reichenau. 

The  next  day  was  the  Emperor's  birthday. 

All  the  Caryatides  were  invited  to  Reichenau.  All 
congratulated,  all  paid  homage  to  the  ruler.  Banners  and 
flags,    music   and   deputations.     The   royal    table   was   laid 


PRINCE  LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ         201 

for  the  Archdukes  ;  the  Knights  of  the  Order  of  Theresa 
(with  the  exception  of  Boroevic,  who  was  at  the  front) 
sat  at  the  Marshals'  table  in  an  adjoining  building.  Here 
they  were  all  assembled,  the  Field-Marshals,  Conrad,  Arz, 
Böhm-Ermolli,  Trollmann,  Wurm,  all  the  great  Generals, 
in  the  unpretentious  uniform  of  the  battlefield  they  had 
so  seldom  visited.  The  only  decoration  that  glittered  on 
their  breasts  was  the  order  of  Theresa — the  ill-starred 
cross  which  had  done  so  much  harm.  How  often  mere 
desire,  eager  longing  for  this  highest  of  all  orders  had  driven 
thousands  to  their  death.  Hunyadi  came  to  meet  me 
with  tears  in  his  eyes.  Conrad  was  just  making  a  brilliant 
speech,  in  which  he  extolled  the  young  Monarch's  personality 
and  his  qualities  as  a  sovereign.  The  seventeen  Knights 
of  Theresa  sprang  from  their  seats,  spurs  clanked,  swords 
flashed  from  their  scabbards,  as  they  enthusiastically  swore 
eternal  loyalty  to  their  Emperor  and  his  dynasty.  The 
orchestra  was  playing  ;  it  burst  into  "  God  save  "  and — 
"  Austria  will  stand  for  ever  !  " 

I  set  to  work.  I  had  put  the  line  of  march  decided  on 
in  the  railway  carriage  yesterday  into  writing,  and  handed 
His  Majesty  the  list  of  the  men  who  were  to  be  taken  into 
his  confidence.  These  were  :  for  Austria,  the  Social  Demo- 
crats Renner  and  Seitz,  Philipp  Langenhan  (German),  Nostiz, 
Trnka  (Bohemians),  Korosec  (Slovene),  General  Szepticky 
(Poles  and  Ruthenians),  and  finally  Tarnovsky  (Pole)  ; 
for  Hungary :  Andrassy,  Bethlen,  Navay,  Rakovsky  and 
the  leaders  of  the  Socialist  Party,  Garami  and  Kunfi.  As 
Parliament  was  not  sitting,  Tisza  was  serving  at  the  front 
as  a  Colonel,  so  that  his  co-operation  could  not  be  counted 
on.  On  the  Croatian  side  the  Minister  Unkelhäusser  and 
Baron  Rauch  were  to  be  asked  ;  it  was  also  agreed  that 
the  Governor  of  Bosnia,  Sarkotic,  should  be  approached. 

His  Majesty  now  commissioned  me  to  speak  to  all  the 
Hungarians  on  the  list  personally,  and  to  find  ways  and 
means  of  bringing  the  Austrians  together.  I  told  the 
King  that  it  really  would  not  do  for  me  to  carry  on 
negotiations  behind  the  back  of  my  chief,  the  Prime 
Minister,  on  which  His  Majesty  told  me  that,  apart  from 
this,  Wekerle  and  the  Hungarian  Government  must  resign 


202  MY  MEMOIRS 

within  the  next  few  days.     The  Imperial  and  Royal  Augean 
stable  was  to  be  thoroughly  cleaned  out. 

In  the  meantime  the  Poles,  Radziwill  and  Przedeczky, 
had  arrived  in  Vienna,  and  were  to  be  received  in  audience 
at  Reichenau  on  the  20th. 

The  search  for  a  suitable  Foreign  Minister  began,  and 
was  prolonged  for  several  weeks.  Count  Szecsen,  the  former 
ambassador  in  Paris,  was  weighed  and  found  wanting ; 
at  times  Tarnovsky  was  in  question  ;  Count  Mensdorff 
was  a  further  combination  ;  then  the  former  Minister  in 
Athens,  Szilassy,  and  finally,  always  back  to  Andrassy 
again.  There  were  difficulties  in  every  direction.  One 
could  not,  another  would  not,  a  third  would  not  have  been 
acceptable  to  the  Germans,  a  fourth  was  not  sufficiently 
familiar  with  the  domestic  politics  of  the  Monarchy. 
And  at  the  bottom  of  the  reservoir  there  was  always  Count 
Burian,  keeping  his  head  well  under  cover. 

A  letter  I  wrote  to  Hunyadi  at  that  time,  and  which 
was  intended  to  be  submitted  to  His  Majesty,  gives  an 
insight  into  the  situation  : 

Dear  Friend, 

I  have  taken  the  opportunity  during  the  last  few  days  of  con- 
ferring with  all  the  politicians  here  of  the  most  different  Parties.  In 
general,  it  may  be  taken  as  certain  that  they  all,  without  exception, 
strongly  approve  of  the  solution  of  the  Polish  question  in  the  Austrian 
sense.  As  far  as  a  solution  of  the  South  Slav  question  in  the  desired 
sense  is  concerned,  this  will  only  be  possible  if  a  strong  Hungarian 
Government  regulates  the  internal  conditions,  so  that  it  can  then 
approach  the  solution  desired  by  His  Majesty,  in  complete  agreement 
with  the  broad  masses  of  the  people.  I  should  like  to  remark  further 
that  it  would  be  an  immense  advantage  if  an  Austrian  (Szepticky) 
had  at  last  an  opportunity,  and  would  take  the  trouble,  of  conferring 
with  Hungarian  politicians  over  the  actual  conditions  in  Hungary. 
This  has  never  been  done,  but  it  is  an  absolute  necessity  if  questions 
in  common  aire  to  be  solved  in  common.  I  am  not  coming  to  Vienna 
myself  till  Sunday,  as  I  have  urgent  matters  to  attend  to  in  my  depart- 
ment. I  beg  you  to  inform  His  Majesty  that  I  shall  of  course  carry 
out  every  task  allotted  to  me  to  the  best  of  my  knowledge  and  ability, 
but  that  it  will  be  impossible  for  me  to  remain  in  the  Cabinet  just  now. 
In  the  event  of  His  Majesty  being  disposed  to  make  use  of  my  humble 
abilities  and  my  advice  in  the  policy  he  desires,  he  may  possibly  allow 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ         203 

me  to  resign  my  post  in  the  Cabinet  and  continue  to  work  in  some  other 
capacity.  If  I  were  to  remain  in  my  present  position,  I  should  deprive 
myself  of  power  for  the  future,  and  should  not  be  of  any  value  worth 
taking  into  consideration  as  a  factor  able  to  serve  my  King.  The  food 
questions  and  the  necessary  measures  for  provisioning  both  the  army 
and  Hungary  and  Austria  are  worked  out  down  to  the  smallest  details, 
so  that  any  strong  man  would  now  be  in  a  position  to  carry  on  the 
business  of  my  office  as  my  successor. 

Yours  truly, 

WINDISCHGRAETZ. 

In  Vienna  I  met  Michael  Karolyi  in  the  Hotel  Sacher. 
He  was  sitting  alone  in  the  long,  narrow  dining-room,  and 
I  sat  down  beside  him.  He  told  me  that  he  was  accurately 
informed  as  to  the  German  collapse,  and  that  he  considered 
further  protraction  of  the  war  and  of  the  solution  of  the 
Polish  question  a  crime.  I  entirely  agreed  with  him ; 
that  was  my  own  opinion.  But  I  told  him  that  the  King 
had  plans  on  a  large  scale;  he  was  preparing  sweeping 
changes,  which  might  satisfy  everyone,  and  I  begged  him 
not  to  embark  on  anything  without  letting  me  know.  He 
kept  his  promise  faithfully  for  eight  days. 

I  was  confident  that  the  King  was  in  earnest  this  time  ; 
every  day  was  of  importance,  the  change  must  come  now  ; 
and  if  the  programme  had  been  reduced  to  practical  politics 
at  once,  at  that  time,  the  wind  would  have  been  taken  out 
of  the  sails  of  Karolyi's  agitation  boat.  But  as  there  was 
no  sign  of  the  Monarch's  expected  initiative,  either  in 
foreign  or  domestic  policy,  he  went  into  the  country  and 
carried  on  his  defeatist  propaganda. 

Up  to  this  time,  however,  Karolyi's  doings  and  speeches 
had  appeared  to  me  matters  of  conscience. 

I  now  discovered,  through  my  confidential  agents,  that 
an  active  agitation  was  going  on  in  the  Buda  Pesth  barracks, 
aimed  at  the  conclusion  of  an  immediate  peace  and  recall 
of  the  troops  we  had  sent  to  the  West  Front.  For  the 
moment  Karolyi's  name  was  not  connected  with  this 
agitation.  Some  journalists  were  described  to  me  as  the 
instigators.  I  called  Wekerle  and  the  Minister  of  Defence 
Szurmay's  attention  to  these  symptoms  at  once.  Szurmay, 
however,  said  that  he  was  quite  sure  of  all  the  troops  in 
Pesth  and  the  neighbourhood. 


204  MY  MEMOIRS 

One  audience  after  another  took  place  in  Baden.  I 
was  told  that  His  Majesty  was  more  inclined  to  put  me 
at  the  head  of  the  Government  than  anyone  else.  I  knew 
this  was  his  wish,  but  had  always  refused,  my  reason  being 
that  I  did  not  want  to  accept  a  leading  position  in  Hungary 
until  a  Government  in  the  spirit  of  the  "  programme " 
had  been  formed  in  Austria  too. 

One  conference  after  another  was  held  in  Buda  Pesth — 
to  consider  the  formation  of  a  Cabinet,  fusion  of  the 
Parties,  appointment  and  possibilities  of  a  stable  Govern- 
ment, concessions,  radical  reforms,  a  national  programme, 
the  South  Slav  problem.  If  we  could  have  transformed 
the  talk  into  free  energy  we  should  have  been  able  to 
shift  the  world  fiom  its  hinges. 

On  the  4th  September  I  was  again  summoned  to 
Vienna.  Admiral  von  Hintze  had  arrived  there  to  negotiate 
with  Burian. 

I  saw  the  situation  slipping  out  of  my  hands,  and  my 
agitation  increased.  I  told  His  Majesty  of  the  chaotic 
state  of  affairs  in  Hungary,  and  again  asked  leave  to  resign. 
The  King  would  not  give  it.  I  told  him  that  Wekerle  and 
all  the  members  of  his  Cabinet  had  lost  the  confidence  of 
the  country  through  their  dilatory  policy.  After  Linz  I  had 
counted  on  a  prompt  solution  of  the  crisis,  but  now  it 
was  evident  that  Wekerle  and  Burian's  method  of  dealing 
leisurely  with  urgent  matters  had  regained  the  upper 
hand  ;  I  therefore  begged  permission  to  resign.  The  King 
would  not  give  it. 

I  asked  him  :  "  What  hopes  are  Burian  and  Wekerle 
holding  out  to  you  ?  Why,  the  German  collapse  has  already 
begun  ;  what  in  Heaven's  name  are  we  still  waiting  for  ? 
We  are  being  ruined — floundering  into  an  abyss  with  our 
eyes  open.  It  is  your  Majesty's  wish  that  I  should  work 
for  you  ;  I  can  do  nothing,  unless  you  appoint  the  right 
Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs." 

"I  cannot  take  Andrassy,"  the  King  replied;  "I 
cannot,  on  account  of  the  Germans,  and  also  on  account 
of  the  South  Slavs." 

"  Then  who  does  your  Majesty  want  ?  " 

"  Julius  Szilassy,"   said   the   King.     "  Szilassy  sent  me 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         205 

a  very  sensible  memorandum  a  year  ago.  Even  then  he 
explained  the  necessity  of  initiating  peace  negotiations. 
He  has  also  a  good  many  links  with  the  Entente." 

The  King  was  bent  on  Szilassy.  General  Dani,  who  was 
now  head  of  a  section  in  the  Ministry  of  War,  was  dispatched 
to  Constantinople  within  a  few  hours,  under  some  pretext, 
with  instructions  to  bring  Szilassy,  our  charge  d'affaires 
there,  to  Vienna  without  attracting  attention. 

Conferences  over  provisioning  the  army.  The  Supreme 
Command  made  demands  which  far  exceeded  the  amount 
set  apart  for  the  army  commissariat. 

Conferences  over  the  conditions  in  Croatia.  It  was 
now  quite  impossible  to  induce  this  part  of  the  country  to 
take  any  further  part  in  the  war. 

Conferences  with  Count  Silva  Tarouca  over  the  meat 
supply  and  delivery  of  cattle. 

Conferences  over  Bohemia  and  Galicia,  crown-lands 
which  were  in  a  state  of  open  rebellion  against  their 
provincial  Governments. 

Conferences  with  Arz  over  the  position  at  the  front. 

My  regular  business  at  the  office,  journeys  from  Buda 
Pesth  to  Vienna,  journeys  from  Vienna  to  Baden,  journeys 
from  Reichenau  to  Vienna,  hundreds  of  people  to  see  and 
interview,  from  one  Ministry  to  another,  questions  to  ask 
and  questions  to  answer,  information  to  obtain  and  to  give, 
advising  and  appeasing,  warning,  exhorting,  threatening, 
imploring,  demanding — this  is  how  my  days  and  nights 
were  spent. 

I  lived  in  a  state  of  constant  irritation  and  wrath, 
alternating  between  indignation  and  amazement ;  I  wanted 
to  lend  a  helping  hand  everywhere,  but  I  had  too  little  power, 
too  little  grit,  too  little  strength.  I  now  confess  that  I 
had  not  sufficient  self-confidence,  not  sufficient  politico- 
surgical  self-confidence,  to  turn  up  my  sleeves  and  say  : 
Now  I  will  venture  the  operation.  For  the  symptoms  of 
the  process  of  disintegration  were  increasing. 

The  Chief  of  the  Staff  was  giving  particulars  of  the  state 
of  affairs  at  the  front  at  a  meeting.  To  my  request  that 
the  exact   strength  of  the  establishment  should   be  given, 


206  MY  MEMOIRS 

Arz  and  Waldstätten  replied  that  this  was  impossible.  I 
looked  at  them  in  astonishment :  "A  military  administra- 
tion not  in  a  position  to  give  accurate  information  as  to 
the   number   of  effectives,   to   the   very   last   man,    at    any 

time  ?  " 

Waldstätten  replied  :  "No,  it  is  not  possible  ;  for  the 
simple  reason  that  a  great  many  of  the  men,  particularly 
of  the  South  Slav  troops,  have  left  the  front  without  leave, 
or  have  not  returned  from  leave." 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  I  knew  that  the  Ban  of  Croatia  did 
not  offer  any  opposition  to  the  Jugo-Slav  movement  or 
the  agitation  of  the  "  Green  Guards";  very  likely  he  was 
even  an  instigator  of  the  movement.  These  circumstances 
were  discussed  at  Ministerial  meetings,  but  no  definite 
resolutions  were  passed.  No  one  took  the  operation  in 
hand.  The  impression  I  had  gained  in  all  the  responsible 
quarters  was  deplorable  ;  anarchy  reigned  in  the  Supreme 
Command — Wallenstein's  camp — the  Generals,  Conrad  and 
Boroevic,  each  pursued  his  own  individual  policy. 

There  were  also  signs  of  disintegration  at  the  Foreign 
Ministry  and  the  Ministry  of  War. 

I  went  to  Reichenau  again.  The  Emperor  received  me 
at  once  ;  told  me  that,  after  weeks  of  the  most  irritating 
passivity,  Burian  had  suddenly  developed  feverish  activity. 
He  also  told  me  that  he  had  resolved  to  appoint  Szilassy 
Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  only  he  must  first  wait  for  the 
answer  from  Berlin  to  Burian's  fresh  proposal  as  to  Poland. 

I  went  to  Buda  Pesth.  Ministerial  Council;  discussion 
of  the  anarchy  in  Croatia.  Propose  sending  an  Archduke 
as  Royal  Commissioner.  Wekerle  is  against  it.  I  call 
attention  to  the  fact  that  there  will  be  the  greatest  difficulty 
in  supplying  the  Monarchy  with  fat  and  meat  in  October 
and  November.  Austria  was  on  the  verge  of  a  collapse, 
in  which  Hungary  must  be  involved.  W7ekerle  shook  his 
head  smilingly,  and  soothed  the  hot-headed  youth  with 
gentle  words  of  wisdom.  The  departmental  Ministers  also 
came  to  the  conclusion  that,  hitherto,  I  had  always  taken 
too  gloomy  a  view. 

Long  conversation  with  Wekerle  alone  ;  inform  him  of 
Szilassy's  summons. 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ         207 

Long  conversation  with  my  private  secretary,  Nagy, 
who  reports  that  the  Radicals  and  Socialists  are  entirely 
at  my  service  in  the  event  of  my  including  universal, 
secret  and  equal  franchise,  extending  to  women,  in  my 
programme.  Nagy  hands  me  a  scheme  he  has  worked  out 
himself,  in  conjunction  with  the  Socialist  Party,  and  which 
contains  the  necessary  reforms. 

On  the  ist  September  Szilassy  arrived  in  Buda  Pesth 
with  Dani.  Up  to  now  I  had  not  made  Szilassy's  acquaint- 
ance. He  stayed  with  me,  and  I  read  His  Majesty's  pro- 
gramme to  him.  At  the  same  time  I  telephoned  to  Hunyadi, 
so  that  he  might  arrange  the  audience  at  once.  Hunyadi 
informed  me  b}'  telephone  that  Tsar  Ferdinand  of  Bulgaria 
had  been  received  three  days  before  by  His  Majesty  and 
had  assured  him  of  his  loyalty — at  a  moment  when  both 
the  Foreign  Office  and  the  Supreme  Command  already  had 
definite  proof  that  Ferdinand  had  formed  a  connection 
with  the  Entente. 

I  conferred  with  Szilassy  for  two  days  and  two  nights. 
He  explained  his  ideas,  which  did  not  differ  so  very  much 
from  mine  fundamentally.  On  quite  broad  lines  his 
programme  comprised  the  following  points  : 

Foreign  policy  :  immediate  peace.  If  Germany  pursues 
annexationist  policy,  as  Brest  and  Bucharest  plainly  show, 
and  does  not  agree  with  our  view :  separate  peace. 

Domestic  policy :  farthest  reaching  autonomy :  (i) 
for  Bohemia ;  (2)  for  South  Slavonia ;  (3)  for  Trieste 
(commercial  capital). 

Renunciation  of  Galicia  (at  all  events  temporary). 

The  intelligent,  pithy  and,  from  a  diplomatic  point  of 
view,  masterly  formulation  of  these  propositions  delighted 
me  as  much  as  the  clear  insight  into  the  political,  military 
and  moral  strength  of  the  conflicting  world  complexes, 
and  the  forcible  logic  of  his  argumentation  and  demon- 
stration. 

We  went  to  Vienna  the  next  day.  There  should  not 
be  a  moment's  delay.  I  hastened  to  His  Majesty  :  "  Your 
Majesty,  I  have  brought  Szilassy  with  me."  I  was  full  oi 
hope,  joyfully  excited — the  King  was  reserved.  He  was 
sorry,   but   Szilassy  must   wait.     Burian   was  now  drawing 


208  MY  MEMOIRS 

up  a  note  to  the  Entente.  If  the  note  were  successful,  it 
would  be  necessary  for  Burian  to  remain  in  office  ;  if  it 
were  a  failure,  which  might  indeed  be  taken  for  granted, 
then  there  would  be  the  best  reason,  apart  from  that,  for 
making  a  change. 

I  took  no  pains  to  conceal  my  disappointment ;  on  the 
contrary,  1  pointed  out  to  His  Majesty  that  the  endless 
postponement  of  this  question  would  have  the  worst  possible 
consequences.  I  showed  him  a  newspaper,  in  which  an 
open  letter  from  Michael  Karolyi  to  his  constituents  was 
published.  The  King  read  it,  and  said  that  the  tenor  of 
the  letter  was  based  on  perfectly  correct  assumptions. 
"  Yes,"  I  said,  "  but  what  is  openly  stated  here  signifies, 
in  our  present  position,  a  weakening  of  our  internal  power 
of  resistance.  What  he  is  promoting  is  Defeatism  ;  what 
you,  your  Majesty,  should  promote  is  Pacifism.  You  must 
and  ought  to  urge  Pacifism,  but  you  ought  not  to  allow  an 
individual  statesman  to  discuss  it  with  the  enemy  and 
negotiate  with  him.  If  you  permit  this,  you  paralyse  your 
own  liberal  policy  and  part  with  the  only  power  you  have 
to  carry  it  out." 

He  saw  this.  I  advised  him  to  summon  both  Karolyi 
and  the  Socialists,  and  discuss  his  programme  with  them. 
In  my  opinion  the  advantage  of  this  would  be  that  Labour 
would  range  itself  on  the  side  of  the  Monarch's  policy  at 
once  ;  and  secondly,  that  Karolyi  would  be  morally  com- 
pelled to  give  up  his  agitation  among  the  troops.  I  advised, 
in  addition,  the  institution  of  a  Press  organization,  which 
would  initiate  the  public  into  the  details  of  his  programme 
and  support  its  being  carried  out.  I  would  provide  the 
means  out  of  the  funds  at  my  disposal,  if  the  Government 
would  take  over  responsibility  for  this  expenditure. 

The  King  approved  of  all  I  suggested,  and  asked  me 
to  take  all  the  necessary  steps  on  my  own  responsibility. 
I  asked  when  he  would  receive  Szilassy.  "  Within  the 
next  few  days,"  he  said  evasively.  "  But  he  must  ask 
for  an  audience  himself ;  I  cannot  summon  him  behind 
Burian's  back." 

From  this  statement,  and  the  way  in  which  it  was  made, 
I  saw  that  the  Emperor  was  incapable  of  carrying  out  the 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ         209 

principles  to  which  he  had  been  converted.  He  it  was  who 
had  spoken  of  and  proposed  Szilassy,  but  at  the  last  moment 
he  recoiled  from  his  own  decisions  ;  possibly  an  exaggerated 
feeling  of  delicacy  deterred  him  from  making  painful  dis- 
positions and  impelled  him  to  shirk,  to  yield.  In  this  he 
was  an  Austrian.  And  when  the  situation  forced  him  into 
a  decision,  he  fell  into  the  other  extreme.  There  was  a 
time  when  His  Majesty's  short,  ringing  "  I  command " 
was  feared,  but  he  had  long  since  given  up  that  tone.  And 
now  he  disliked  the  idea  of  opposing  Burian,  and  shirked 
telling  him  that  he  had  summoned  the  Constantinople 
charge  d'affaires  to  Vienna. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  Szilassy  had  to  wait  two  whole 
weeks  before  he  was  received  by  the  Monarch. 

A  number  of  German  newspaper  correspondents  had 
come  to  Vienna  for  propaganda  purposes,  chiefly  on  the 
initiative  of  the  German  ambassador,  Count  Wedel,  and 
were  received  by  Burian.  The  Foreign  Minister  delivered 
an  address  pour  la  galerie,  the  purport  of  which  hardly 
reflected  the  actual  foreign  political  situation  faithfully. 
As  the  speech  touched  on  the  Polish  question  in  a  way  which 
was  not  acceptable  to  Germany,  the  incident  gave  rise  to 
bad  feeling  at  the  German  Embassy. 

Since  Wedel  had  been  managing  affairs  in  a  very 
businesslike  way  in  Vienna,  I  had  not  set  foot  in  the  German 
Embassy,  but  the  necessary  information  reached  me  very 
quickly  from  reliable  sources. 

The  Entente  offensive  in  the  West  becomes  more  and 
more  pronounced  ;  Italian  preparations  on  our  Southern 
Front  also  point  to  an  intended  offensive  ;  an  American 
division  and  a  half  have  already  arrived  at  the  Tirol  Front. 
Waldstätten,  whom  I  interrogate,  assures  me  that  there  is 
no  danger  in  the  South-west. 

At  last  Szilassy's  audience  has  taken  place.  The 
Emperor  talked  to  him  for  over  an  hour,  but  without  holding 
out  any  prospect  of  his  appointment.  The  Monarch  seems 
to  have  been  strongly  influenced  by  Burian's  peace  note, 
and  he  hesitates  to  make  a  change. 

14 


210  MY  MEMOIRS 

Szilassy  went  to  Switzerland,  sadly  disappointed. 

On  the  16th  Burian's  note  urging  the  commencement  of 
peace  negotiations  was  published.  The  German  Parties  in 
Vienna,  which  had  no  idea  either  of  the  foreign  political 
situation  or  of  the  mentality  of  our  opponents,  were  satisfied 
with  the  note  ;  the  German  Government  showed  dissatisfac- 
tion on  account  of  its  deviations  from  the  Spa  programme, 
and  the  Entente  took  no  notice  of  it  at  all.  As  the  note 
really  suggested  no  new  ideas  acceptable  to  the  Entente, 
but,  instead,  put  forward  a  number  of  old,  well-worn  argu- 
ments which  had  already  been  repeatedly  rejected,  Wilson 
did  not  think  it  worth  the  trouble  of  answering. 

The  joint  Minister  of  Finance,  Dr.  von  Spitzmüller, 
came  to  see  me,  and  complained  that  the  arrangements  for 
a  solution  of  the  South  Slav  problem  had  been  made  without 
his  knowledge.  I  asked  :  "  What  arrangements  ?  "  "  Why, 
surely  Tisza  has  been  sent  to  Serajevo."  I  could  not  help 
smiling  inwardly  at  Spitzmüller's  speaking  of  this  expedition 
as  "  arrangements  for  a  solution."  A  few  days  before,  I 
had  told  His  Majesty  that  I  considered  Tisza's  being  sent 
to  Croatia,  Serbia  and  Bosnia  a  misfortune.  As  head  of 
a  military  mission  he  received  representatives  of  the  Serbian 
Parties  in  Bosnia,  and  was  so  rude  to  them  that  the 
deputation  withdrew  at  once  under  protest.  Jugo-Slavia 
gave  us  the  answer  to  this  later  on. 

Remarkable  things  were  going  on  in  my  office.  I  had 
just  made  all  the  necessary  arrangements  for  requisitioning 
the  maize  harvest  at  the  proper  time  ;  but  I  noticed  in 
conversation  with  my  officials,  and  the  way  in  which  orders 
were  reversed  in  practice,  or  delayed  and  obstructed,  that 
a  secret  opposition  was  being  organized,  and  that  my  own 
secretary,  Dr.  Nagy,  was  at  the  head  of  it.  I  discovered 
that  he  kept  a  separate  record  of  all  the  steps  I  took  to 
provide  for  Austria  and  all  the  food  supplies  reserved  for 
His  Majesty's  household  ;  there  was  no  doubt  that  he  was 
collecting  data  with  the  object  of  accumulating  material 
for  a  rope  with  which  to  hang  me  later  on.  He  had  long 
conversations  daily  with  the  editor,  Miklos,  behind  my  back, 
and  was  also  trying  to  get  into  touch  with  the  more  Radical 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         211 

Socialistic  elements  and  the  one  wing  of  the  Karolyi  Party 
which  had  already  openly  expressed  Bolshevist-Communist 
ideas.  Thinking  over  the  many  symptoms  of  disruption 
and  lack  of  discipline  which  were  beginning  to  make  them- 
selves felt  in  this  and  that  quarter,  I  saw  clearly  that  nothing 
but  the  swift  grasp  of  a  very  strong  hand  could  save  the 
country  from  shipwreck,  from  ruin.  And  when  I  reviewed 
the  qualities  and  temperaments  of  the  leading  men,  I 
gradually  became  convinced  that  I  must  be  the  one  to  hold 
the  reins  of  the  country.  I  was  determined  to  restore  order 
and  discipline  in  Buda  Pesth  within  twenty-four  hours ; 
I  knew  the  elements  with  which  I  should  have  to  deal, 
and  I  knew  by  what  means  I  could  bring  them  over  to  my 
side  within  a  short  time.  My  confidential  agents  kept  me 
informed  of  the  progressive  agitation  in  the  barracks,  which 
was  being  carried  on  under  the  Karolyi  catchword  and 
pretext,  "  Away  from  Austria,"  but  whose  subjective  ten- 
dencies were  of  a  pronounced  Bolshevist-Communist  nature. 
It  was  worked  by  distributing  manifestos  and  leaflets, 
also  by  dispensing  wine  and  money. 

Only  one  leading  man  belonging  to  the  working  class  held 
absolutely  aloof  from  this  propaganda  :  Garami,  the  editor 
of  the  Nepszava.  He  offered  the  most  strenuous  opposition 
to  the  disintegrating  activity  of  those  elements  which  were 
in  close  communication  with  Lenin  and  Trotski  and  received 
their  general  instructions  from  Russia  ;  these  were  chiefly 
Hock,  the  parson  "  with  the  golden  tongue,"  celebrated 
in  Buda  Pesth  for  his  funeral  sermons  ;  Landler,  who  had 
already  been  repeatedly  made  an  example  of  ;  and  Bela 
Kun,  a  journalist  who  had  returned  home  from  imprisonment 
in  Russia. 

There  were  simple  reasons  why  these  people  were  able 
to  find  political  support  in  a  purely  agrarian  country  ; 
the  agitation  was  based  on  the  nationalist  claptrap  of 
the  '48  Party.  Separation  from  Austria  was  always  popu- 
lar ;  fresh  supporters  of  this  idea  could  always  be  found 
among  the  masses  of  honest  but  strongly  nationalistic 
peasants  and  working  men.  Hungarian  independence, 
national  policy,  was  the  ideal  whose  attainment  was  ever 
present  to  their  minds  as  the  result  of  the  whole  war,  and 


212  MY  MEMOIRS 

never  had  the  possibility  of  its  realization  been  so  near  as 
now,  when  the  King  himself  had  given  unmistakable  proofs 
of  his  sanction.  The  pity  of  it  was  that  agitators  who 
were  absolute  strangers  to  the  people  should  have  made 
use  of  such  axioms  to  carry  on  a  policy  which  never 
had  anything  in  common  with  Hungarian  national 
ideals. 

I  did  not  fail  to  report  the  many  things  of  which  I  had 
become  aware  to  Wekerle,  and  I  also  discussed  them  with 
Tisza.  I  represented  to  him  how  easy  it  really  might  be  to 
secure  Hungary  the  supremacy  in  the  Monarchy.  Hungary 
had  made  an  enormous  contribution  to  the  war  ;  the  Hun- 
garian soldier  had  proved  himself  (apart  from  the  Tirolean) 
the  most  valuable  defender  of  his  country ;  Hungary  supplied 
Austria  with  food;  without  Hungary,  Austria  would  go 
under.  We  held  the  power  in  our  hands — all  we  needed  was 
unity,  co-operation  between  all  the  Parties.  Tisza  listened, 
and  was  enchanted  with  the  idea.  "  Yes,"  I  said,  "  but 
Hungary  must  form  a  contented  unit;  and  for  this  universal, 
secret  and  equal  franchise  is  essential." 

Tisza  fired  up.  "  That  would  be  the  ruin  of  Hungary," 
he  said.     "  I  will  never  tolerate  the  new  franchise." 

I  did  not  relax  my  efforts  :  I  saw  what  was  at  stake ; 
I  saw  the  disaster  with  which  we  were  threatened  ;  I  saw 
the  incompetency,  the  indolence,  the  aimlessness  of  our 
foreign  policy,  the  internal  instability,  the  antagonism 
between  the  Parties,  the  danger  of  a  military  collapse,  the 
menace  of  Bolshevism. 

A  few   days   later  I   went   over    to   see  Tisza  again    at 

his  villa. 

I  said  to  him  :  "  I  have  never  intrigued  against  you,  but 
I  have  fought  you.  I  come  to  you  to-day,  my  opponent, 
and  beg  you  to  work  hand  in  hand  with  me  for  the  sake 
of  our  common  national  ideals.  You  are  the  only  man  who 
can  save  Hungary  by  a  beau  geste  ;  rise  above  your  prejudices  ; 
you  hold  the  key  in  your  hand,  the  whole  of  Hungary  will 
follow  if  you  beckon  ;  but  in  order  to  conduct  a  policy 
that  is  not  merely  parochial  we  must  have  universal,  equal 
and  secret  franchise."  I  told  him  of  the  agitation  in  the 
barracks,  of  the  menace  from  Radical  elements.      I  made 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         213 

no  secret  of  the  fact  that  the  Government  was  not  strong 
enough  to  oppose  this  propaganda  ;  the  coalitions  within 
the  Party,  the  mutual  agreements  and  compacts,  had  gone 
too  far;  the  Government  had  not  been  elected  on  a  Liberal- 
Democratic  basis.  That  was  now  meeting  with  its  punish- 
ment. "  Unless  we  give  the  people  that  which  is  the 
people's,  it  will  take  what  it  is  entitled  to,  not  on  a 
Liberal-Democratic  but  on  a  Bolshevist-Communist  basis." 

I  gave  him  a  good  talking  to  for  two  hours  ;  I  saw  how 
the  lines  and  wrinkles  in  his  face  worked,  how  he  struggled 
with  himself,  weighed,  hesitated,  hardened  his  heart  again, 
and  rejected.  Still  I  did  not  give  in  ;  I  told  him  that,  in 
the  interest  of  Hungary,  I  would  rather  see  his  regime, 
which  I  had  so  fought,  restored  ;  I  would  rather  have  his 
hard,  firm  hand  on  the  reins  again  than  the  half-and-half 
rule  of  our  present  mild,  weak  Government ;  I  begged, 
and  begged,  and  begged  him,  till  I  was  exhausted. 

He  paced  heavily  up  and  down,  up  and  down,  on  the 
flagstones  of  the  hall,  which  extended  the  length  of  his 
drawing-room.  Then  he  came  to  me  with  tears  in  his  eyes 
and  said  :  "  I  cannot." 

(A  few  weeks  later  he  was  shot  by  the  Communists  in 
this  corridor.) 

Under  the  impression  of  my  negotiations  in  Buda  Pesth, 
I  wrote  a  long  letter  on  the  25th  September,  which  was 
intended  for  submission  to  His  Majesty.  I  said  in  it, 
among  other  things  : 

"  As  regards  supplying  the  army  in  the  field  and  Austria 
with  food,  it  is  a  melancholy  but  inevitable  fact  that  it 
will  not  be  possible  to  supply  the  army  satisfactorily  with 
meat  or  Austria  with  bread-stuffs  during  the  next  six  months. 
Under  the  existing  foreign  and  domestic  political  conditions 
it  will  be  impossible  to  procure  the  necessary  quantities  of 
flour  for  the  civil  population.  I  arranged,  for  my  part,  that 
the  five  million  hundredweight  demanded  by  the  Austrian 
Government  as  the  minimum  necessary  to  existence  should 
be  commandeered,  and  the  orders  relating  to  this  were 
agreed  to  by  the  Cabinet — at  the  same  time,  however,  I 
must  explain  that  the  actual  confiscation  of  these  quantities 


214  MY  MEMOIRS 

must   be   regarded   as  out    of   the   question   under   present 
circumstances. 

"We  must  understand  clearly  that  we  are  now  steering 
towards  absolute  ruin,  under  full  sail — a  ruin  which  will 
cost  us  all  our  country,  but  will  cost  the  dynasty  the  throne. 
Within  the  next  few  weeks  the  Parliaments  will  meet  in 
Hungary  and  Austria.  In  Hungary  we  are  on  the  verge 
of  the  most  bitter  Party  conflicts,  in  which  there  will  be 
Tisza's  majority  on  the  one  side,  and  on  the  other  again 
all  those  democratic  elements  which  have  already  succeeded 
once  in  overthrowing  Tisza's  regime.  The  part  our  present 
Government  will  play  in  this  conflict  is  of  no  account  what- 
ever ;  but  I  should  like  to  say  that,  even  with  the  best 
will  possible,  our  Government  is  not  in  a  position  to  carry 
out  executive  measures  of  any  kind — such,  for  instance, 
as  providing  the  five  million  hundredweight — either  in  the 
country  or  in  Parliament.  I  transact  business  daily  with 
the  authorities  of  the  individual  towns,  which  are  really 
the  only  authorities  in  a  position  to  carry  out  the  Govern- 
ment's orders.  All — without  exception — are  now  inclined 
to  shake  off  all  discipline,  as  they  know  that  the  expected 
political  reaction  is  sure  to  bring  quite  different  rulers 
to  the  top. 

"His  most  gracious  Majesty  has  deigned  to  honour  me 
with  his  confidence,  and  has  recently  asked  my  advice 
and  opinion  with  regard  to  a  possible  solution.  He  has 
condescended  to  explain  his  own  political  creed  to  me  on 
broad  lines,  and  on  this  occasion  announced  his  firm  inten- 
tion of  putting  these  political  principles  into  practice  under 
any  circumstances. 

"  I  have  taken  the  liberty  of  pointing  out  that  the  domestic 
political  affairs  of  the  Monarchy  can  only  be  settled  in  the 
closest  connection  with  a  broad-minded  foreign  policy. 
His  Majesty  was  himself  convinced  that  the  first  thing 
must  be  to  find  the  man  who  would  be  prepared  to 
take  the  necessary  steps  to  readjust  our  relations  to  our 
allies  conformably  with  the  Monarch's  policy.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  we  must  realize  that  in  the  coming  months  Germany 
will  not  be  in  a  position  to  give  us  material  help  ;  on  the 
other    hand,    the    Germans    adopt    an    attitude    which    is 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         215 

unfavourable  to  us  in  all  great  political  questions.  I  refer 
to  Germany's  attitude  in  the  Polish  question  ;  I  refer  to 
the  German  measures  which  injure  us  seriously  as  regards 
our  exchange  and  in  other  economic  spheres;  I  recall  the 
conditions  in  the  Ukraine. 

"  The  policy  of  delay  and  of  half-measures,  which  now 
appears  to  have  gained  the  upper  hand,  can  and  will  only 
serve  Germany's  personal  interests,  as  we  shall  be  driven 
from  day  to  day  into  more  absolute  dependence  on  her. 
To-day  we  are  still  in  a  position  to  insist  on  our  independent 
sovereignty  as  against  Germany  and  our  enemies,  whilst 
our  material  collapse,  which  must  inevitably  occur  in  the 
winter,  delivers  us  defenceless  into  the  hands  either  of  our 
allies  or  of  the  enemy.  Dear  friend  !  you  know  that, 
with  admirable  discernment,  His  Majesty  discovered  possibly 
the  only  diplomat  who  really  has  the  exact  programme 
for  carrying  His  Majesty's  political  views  into  effect.  You 
know  that  I  had  no  acquaintance  with  Szilassy,  and  that 
it  was  only  in  the  course  of  my  conversations  with  him  that 
I  recognized  the  correctness  of  His  Majesty's  estimate. 

"  Moreover,  the  individual  himself  plays  no  part.  One 
thing  only  is  certain — that  the  present  Foreign  Minister 
will  never  be  in  a  position  to  carry  out  even  the  smallest 
part  of  the  Monarch's  programme.  In  the  first  place,  he 
is  bound  to  Germany  in  many  ways ;  in  the  second  place, 
his  views  do  not  agree  in  any  way  with  the  policy  His 
Majesty  himself  wishes  to  pursue.  From  what  has  happened 
in  the  last  few  days  I  see  that  His  most  gracious  Majesty 
has  given  up  the  idea  of  taking  immediate  steps  to  carry 
out  his  programme.  All  that  comes  under  my  notice  daily 
proves  to  me  afresh  that  if  we  are  still  to  hope  for  a  happy 
solution  of  the  crisis,  not  a  day,  not  an  hour  indeed,  must 
be  lost  in  taking  the  work  of  salvation  in  hand.  The 
situation  will  grow  worse  from  day  to  day.  The  smallest 
incident  in  our  domestic  policy,  the  smallest  incident  at 
the  front,  may  bring  about  upheavals  to  which,  with  our 
rotten  machinery,  we  are  not  equal. 

"  Since  I  have  been  in  office  I  have  placed  myself 
unreservedly  at  the  service  of  His  Majesty's  policy.  I  am 
far  from  having  any  personal  ambition.     I  have  done  my 


216  MY  MEMOIRS 

duty  as  a  Minister,  and  believe  that  I  can  serve  his  most 
gracious  Majesty  in  no  matter  what  position.  I  must, 
nevertheless,  make  it  clear  that  it  is  quite  impossible  for 
me  to  represent  political  views  the  consequences  of  which 
— as  I  see  plainly — must  eventually  lead  to  the  overthrow 
of  the  Monarchy  and  to  the  downfall  of  the  dynasty. 

"  I  have  taken  too  great  and  fundamental  a  part  in 
the  work  of  the  last  few  months,  and  have  had  too 
much  experience  of  the  different  political  and  governing 
circles  to  have  any  illusions  as  to  the  future. 

"  His  most  gracious  Majesty  has  not  only  the  best 
intentions,  but  has  also  the  discernment  and  judgement 
necessary  to  save  the  Empire.  But  neither  can  lead  to 
any  result,  if  the  firm  resolve  to  carry  out  the  principles  recog- 
nized as  right  is  lacking.  My  office  places  me  in  a  most 
conspicuous  position,  and  it  is  my  department  whose  suc- 
cesses or  failures  exercise  the  most  decisive  influence  on 
the  possibility  of  further  existence.  I  cannot  and  will  not 
remain  in  office  unless  the  present  weak  Government  makes 
room  for  the  strong,  clear-sighted  administration  which 
His  Majesty  himself  considered  necessary. 

"  I  beg  you  to  submit  this  to  his  most  gracious  Majesty, 
and  to  inform  him  that  I  am  quite  unable  to  continue 
bearing  the  heavy  responsibility  which  is  inseparably  bound 
up  with  my  office.  I  believe  that  I  can  do  him  and  his 
policy  better  service  if  I  express  my  opinion  independently 
in  Parliament,  or  return  to  the  front  to  fill  the  modest 
position  I  accepted  before." 

I  had  lately  resumed  negotiations  and  intercourse  with 
the  friends  who  had  left  the  Government  Party  at  the  time 
of  the  split  on  the  franchise  question.  I  met  Vazsonyi, 
Hedervary,  Zlinsky,  Eitner,  Pethö,  Hody  and  many  others. 

My  secretary,  Captain  Racz,  who  had  known  all  about 
my  affairs,  and  my  correspondence  with  the  Monarch 
since  my  expedition  to  Udine,  was  a  loyal  fellow-worker, 
so  was  my  excellent  young  friend,  Lieutenant  Raba,  who 
saw  to  all  the  stenographical  work  and  was  absolutely 
reliable. 

My  great  object  now  was  to  find  men  among  the  Buda 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ         217 

Pesth  politicians  who  were  prepared  to  forget  Party  feuds, 
recognizing  the  critical  situation,  and  to  concentrate  on 
the  fundamental  interests  of  the  Monarchy.  Vazsonyi 
was  one  of  those  who  at  once  expressed  his  honest  wish 
to  forget  all  former  disputes  and  differences  of  opinion  on 
the  franchise  question  and  to  devote  himself  entirely  to 
the  service  of  the  Hungarian  people  ;  he  was  the  first  to 
grasp  the  hand  which  held  out  the  olive-branch,  for  he 
too  was  anxious  not  to  let  the  psychological  moment  for 
putting  the  nation  on  a  sound  basis  go  by  without  taking 
advantage  of  it.  Within  the  next  few  days  I  succeeded  in 
bringing  two  such  hard-headed  antagonists  as  Tisza  and 
Vazsonyi  together,  and  inducing  them  to  join  in  fighting 
Defeatism  and  Bolshevism.  No  one  could  doubt  that  we 
were  obliged  to  conclude  peace  ;  but  everything  possible 
had  to  be  done  to  prevent  this  peace  from  bringing  about 
a  domestic  collapse. 

At  this  period  I  was  very  often  in  Vienna.  I  had  started 
an  active  Press  campaign  there  to  open  the  eyes  of  the 
Austrian  people  to  the  value  of  Hungarian  help  in  the  matter 
of  food  supplies,  and  at  the  same  time  to  call  the  attention 
of  the  public  to  the  aims  of  Hungarian  national  policy 
and  arouse  sympathy  for  these  aspirations.  I  am  very 
grateful  to  the  Vienna  Press  ;  as  long  as  I  held  office  all 
the  Vienna  newspapers  most  willingly  recognized  the  trouble 
I  took  to  provision  Austria,  and  supported  me  in  my 
patriotic  intentions,  even  the  Arbeiter  Zeitung,  which,  so 
long  as  Viktor  Adler  lived  and  ran  it  in  opposition,  was 
not  only  interesting  as  a  public  organ,  but  also  showed 
character. 

During  my  stay  in  Vienna  I  exerted  all  my  influence 
to  induce  the  Monarch  to  make  the  proposed  personal 
changes,  both  in  foreign  policy  and  in  the  Governments 
of  the  two  States.  I  had  explained  my  point  of  view  quite 
honestly  to  Wekerle,  and  I  had  begged  His  Majesty  for 
the  moment,  and  so  long  as  no  efficient  organization  was 
formed  to  take  over  the  conduct  of  affairs,  not  to  accept 
Wekerle's  resignation,  which  had  become  operative  on 
account  of  differences  of  opinion  on  the  South  Slav  question. 

I  myself  negatived  all  the  Monarch's  suggestions  that 


218  MY  MEMOIRS 

I  should  at  last  take  control  of  Hungarian  policy.  I  con- 
sidered it  presumptuous  to  climb  so  quickly  to  the  highest 
position.  I  was  just  as  doubtful  and  critical  of  myself  and 
my  capabilities  as  I  was  outwardly  self-confident  and 
energetic.  I  thought  the  King  must  be  able  to  find  some 
one  with  more  experience,  more  statesmanlike  ability,  a 
personality  to  whom  I  should  be  willing  to  subordinate 
myself  :  a  patriot  who  would  have  resisted  all  temptations 
and  remained  true  to  himself  in  the  midst  of  the  changes 
that  were  taking  place  ;  who  would  have  thrown  himself 
into  the  breach  for  the  sake  of  the  sacred  cause,  regardless 
of  personal  ambition;  whose  wider  experience  and  tried 
powers  of  statesmanship  would  have  been  able  to  guide 
and  save  the  country  from  ruin.  ...  A  few  months 
later  I  knew  that  it  had  been  my  fate  to  stand  at  the 
cross-roads.  I  had  been  given  the  choice ;  the  King 
wished  to  have  me,  I  most  fervently  longed  to  save 
Hungary — and  looked  about  in  quest  of  the  man  to  do  it. 

His  name  was  not  Burian.  Burian  knew  that  he  could 
not  hold  on  ;  he  saw  that  the  Monarch  personally  disliked 
him  ;  he  could  also  hardly  have  been  unaware  that  move- 
ments aimed  at  his  downfall  had  been  going  on  all  round 
him.  The  wretched  peace  note  he  had  spent  so  long  hammer- 
ing into  shape  had  been  nothing  but  a  means  of  saving 
himself  personally,  of  hanging  on  to  office.  The  only  thing 
in  it  which  could  interest  the  Entente  was  what  it  did  not 
contain,  but  what  could  be  read  between  the  lines — the 
admission  of  our  collapse.  Germany  was  horrified  at  the 
miserable  lack  of  fixed  purpose  revealed  by  this  stillborn 
request  for  peace. 

Every  idea  that  was  suggested  at  this  period  by  those 
responsible  for  the  administration  of  the  State  was  stillborn. 
Tisza  had  no  programme  :  he  simply  stood  immovable  as 
a  rock,  and  opposed  ;  Andrassy  saw  that  any  attempt  to 
press  Hungarian  policy  on  the  South  Slav  bloc  would  be 
absurd  just  now  ;  Karolyi  was  one  of  those  who  do  harm, 
meaning  to  do  good  :  his  procedure  was  purely  destructive. 
And  the  King  was  too  much  engaged  in  trying  to  unravel 
the  tangle  of  the  Austrian  crisis. 

We   went   about   in   a  fog ;    sometimes   a   vague   hope 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         219 

flickered  up  that  far  away,  somewhere  in  the  West,  the 
Germans  would  gain  a  great  victory  ;  this  would  change 
everything — everything.  Like  consumptive  patients,  we 
did  not  believe  in  our  malady,  or  else  we  were  oppressed 
by  the  dull  recognition  that  all  hope  was  vain  ;  we  lived, 
breathed  and  went  our  way,  it  may  even  be  said  in  peace, 
our  way  to  catastrophe. 

The  people  knew  nothing,  dreamt  of  butter  and  a  bit 
of  meat,  and  talked  of  what  was  in  the  semi-official  news- 
papers, and  were  furious  with  our  enemies,  who  would  not 
conclude  peace,  which  Burian  had  so  strongly  recommended 
them  to  do.  But  the  dramatic  moment  was  bound  to  come, 
when  the  truth  as  to  the  chaos  would  be  revealed  to  the 
nation  at  one  fell  blow.  The  real  difficulties  in  the  way  of 
concluding  peace,  the  divergencies  between  the  German 
plans  and  ours  and  the  solution  of  the  national  questions, 
should  have  been  cautiously  explained  to  the  people,  but  in 
such  a  way  as  to  be  palatable  to  them,  before  the  meeting 
of  Parliament.  Public  attention  should  have  been  called 
to  an  entirely  fresh  policy,  to  the  existence  of  the  Imperial 
programme,  before  Parliament  met. 

This  was  neglected.  In  the  first  place  because  the 
Monarch  could  not  make  up  his  mind  to  publish  the  pro- 
gramme which  had  been  lying  on  his  writing-table  for  six 
months.  It  is  true  that  he  had  constitutional  reasons  for 
hesitating ;  the  programme  could  not  have  been  carried 
into  effect  in  haste,  just  now,  without  infringing  the  Constitu- 
tion ;  the  King  would  also  have  been  obliged  to  dismiss 
all  his  Ministers  at  once :  he  shrank  from  doing  this, 
although  he  had  read  my  letter.  It  is  also  true,  and  this 
is  the  most  important  point,  that  he  was  not  prepared  with 
the  men  who  would  have  been  able  to  set  up  the  new 
structure.  But  I  knew  that  his  throne  was  in  danger, 
that  the  bands  which  held  his  Empire  together  were  giving 
way,  that  they  were  very  quietly  falling  asunder.  Prague 
proved  an  excellent  barometer.  Was  not  the  calm  which 
reigned  in  the  Bohemian  capital  most  remarkable  ?  What 
had  been  said  in  joke  was  beginning  to  prove  true  there, 
as  had  often  happened  in  the  world's  history  :  a  "  Bohemian 
quarter "    was    coming    to    an     end ;    hitherto    this    had 


220  MY  MEMOIRS 

meant  that  a  thing  was  far  too  long  in  taking  shape  ;  and 
it  had  been  a  long  time,  but  now  something  had  taken 
shape  in  Prague.  The  Czechs  were  biding  their  time 
confidently.  Every  inch  that  the  Germans  had  to  fall 
back  in  the  West  brought  them  nearer  to  their  desired  goal 
— perhaps  the  formation  of  a  Czech  Ministry,  perhaps  the 
Emperor's  Coronation  in  Prague,  might  yet  have  saved 
the  situation.  Who  knows  ?  Be  that  as  it  may,  the  Czechs 
were  at  any  rate  prepared  for  their  hour  ;  they  were  only 
waiting  for  the  signal.  When  it  was  given,  when  we  proposed 
an  armistice  to  Italy  a  few  weeks  later,  their  constitution 
was  complete  down  to  the  smallest  detail ;  and  they  changed 
to  their  other  organization  without  a  coup  de  main,  without 
bloodshed. 

About  this  time  I  could  see  that  Michael  Karolyi's  friends 
and  his  Party  had  got  up  a  regular  intrigue  against  me. 
I  was  well  informed  of  all  these  machinations  by  my  friends, 
and  finally  I  went  to  Wekerle,  with  a  view  to  discussing 
the  matter  openly.  Wekerle  assured  me  of  his  confidence 
and  denied  there  being  any  intrigue.  I  told  him  frankly 
that  my  only  wish  was  to  withdraw  from  the  Cabinet  as 
soon  as  possible,  as  I  did  not  agree  with  his  policy. 

A  question  with  which  we  were  particularly  concerned 
at  that  time  was  the  attitude  of  the  Ban  of  Croatia.  Wekerle 
had  proposed  Skerlecz,  the  former  Labour  Party  Ban,  to 
His  Majesty  as  Mihalovic's  successor.  Skerlecz  had  told 
the  King  plainly  that  he  would  be  absolutely  frank  with 
him  in  matters  of  Croatian  policy,  but  that  he  would  not 
be  in  a  position  to  speak  equally  openly  to  the  Hungarian 
Government.  Of  course,  the  King  could  not  agree  to  this, 
and  Skerlecz  was  dismissed. 

During  this  time  there  were  increasing  signs  that 
Mihalovic  had  been  drawn  into  the  net  of  the  greater 
Serbian  movement.  His  Majesty  therefore  commissioned 
the  Hungarian  Prime  Minister  to  request  the  Ban  to  resign. 
Instead  of  asking  Mihalovic  to  resign  on  his  own  responsi- 
bility, Wekerle  chose  the  easier  way  of  telling  Mihalovic  that 
the  King  was  personally  dissatisfied  with  him.  On  this, 
Mihalovic  asked  for  an  audience,  and  succeeded  in  convincing 
His  Majesty  of  his  loyalty.     Wekerle's  conduct  made  the 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         221 

most  painful  impression  on  the  Monarch,  who  told  me  that, 
after  this,  it  would  be  absolutely  impossible  for  him  to 
continue  to  work  with  him.  Wekerle  was  instructed 
to  send  in  his  resignation  ;  the  Ministerial  crisis  was  acute. 
But  I  begged  the  King,  before  coming  to  any  decision,  to 
hear  what  Andrassy  and  Tisza  had  to  say,  for  under  pressure 
of  the  dangers  with  which  we  were  threatened  they  appeared 
at  last  willing  to  come  to  an  agreement  which  would  enable 
them  to  work  together. 

The  next  blow  that  fell  was  on  the  evening  of  the  24th 
September,  when  Szterenyi  received  news  that  Bulgaria 
had  applied  to  the  Entente  for  a  separate  peace. 

It  was  characteristic  of  the  conditions  that  prevailed, 
and  not  without  interest,  to  note  that  this  news  did 
not  reach  Austria-Hungary  through  perhaps  the  Supreme 
Command  or  the  Ministry  for  Foreign  Affairs,  but  through 
the  Hungarian  Ministry  of  Commerce,  which  received  the 
ominous  message  from  its  river-boat   officials  at   Rustchuk. 

The  news  from  the  German  Front  also  grew  worse  and 
worse  just  at  this  time.  Day  after  day  reports  were  tele- 
phoned to  me  from  German  Headquarters  which  made  it 
perfectly  clear  that  the  German  military  power  was  slowly 
but  surely  breaking  down. 

This,  however,  did  not  prevent  the  German  Government 
from  informing  our  Foreign  Office  officially  that  it  rejected 
the  solution  of  the  Polish  question  in  the  Austrian  sense. 

In  view  of  these  events,  which  added  one  after  another 
to  the  load  on  one's  heart  and  took  away  one's  breath, 
the  final  publication  of  the  new  franchise  law,  which  had 
received  the  royal  sanction,  seemed  little  more  than  a 
bitter  mockery.  I  was  entirely  opposed  to  it.  I  wanted 
to  see  the  original  Vazsonyi  Bill  come  into  force,  and  I  had 
only  fought  so  energetically  for  its  postponement  in  order 
to  avoid  the  inevitable  serious  conflicts  in  Parliament,  and 
particularly  in  the  country.  But  now  I  felt  myself 
implicated:  I  was  responsible,  for  I  was  in  the  very  Cabinet 
which  proposed  to  present  the  country  with  this  watered- 
down  abortion. 

The  leaders  of  the  Socialists,  whom  I  met  at  my  secretary, 
Captain   Racz's  house,   told  me  repeatedly  that  they  were 


222  MY  MEMOIRS 

willing  to  work  with  me  and  to  support  me,  but  the  only 
means  of  keeping  their  people  under  control  would  be  by 
bringing  in  universal,  equal  and  secret  franchise.  As  a 
departmental  Minister  I  was  not  entitled  to  make  definite 
agreements  with  them,  but  I  saw  that  I  had  to  do  with 
sensible  people,  who  certainly  would  not  throw  any  difficulties 
in  my  way  in  case  of  my  taking  over  the  Government. 
They  saw  the  folly  of  the  "  separation  of  Hungary  from 
Austria  "  catchword ;  they  were  not  by  any  means  enraptured 
with  Karolyi's  agitation,  which  aimed  at  revolution ;  but 
they  were  proportionately  distrustful  of  Wekerle's  irresolution 
and  .  the  unreliability  he  had  often  shown.  They  seemed 
to  me  like  goaded,  perplexed,  good-natured  creatures, 
driven  wild  and  not  knowing  which  way  to  turn  ;  a  kindly, 
strong  grasp  would  have  brought  them  into  the  right  camp. 
I  should  certainly  have  succeeded  in  coming  to  terms  with 
these  Labour  leaders,  who  were  eligible  from  an  economic 
point  of  view,  but  I  could  make  no  promises — I  was  not 
the  head  of  the  Government. 

At  that  time  a  painful  scene  took  place  between  me 
and  Karolyi.  A  hitherto  unknown  journalist,  Pogany, 
had  started  a  military  Socialist  agitation,  which  attained 
dangerous  dimensions.  I  met  Karolyi  at  the  Ritz  Hotel, 
and  as  I  looked  on  him  as  the  originator  of  this  seditious 
movement,  I  took  him  to  task.  It  came  to  high  words, 
and  I  told  him  that  I  would  take  the  first  opportunity  of 
having  him  arrested  for  his  defeatist  propaganda.  I  gave 
him  a  piece  of  my  mind  which  he  did  not  like  at  all.  The 
scene  took  place  before  several  politicians,  and  Karolyi  has 
never  forgiven  or  forgotten  this  ;  his  hatred  of  me  dates 
from  that  time.  He  told  me,  indeed,  that  he  would  do  his 
best  to  prevent  the  Bolshevist  movement  from  spreading; 
none  the  less,  I  learnt  through  my  Press  section,  which  was 
in  touch  with  the  Az  Est,  that  inflammatory  leaflets  were 
being  distributed  to  the  troops  destined  for  the  front,  with 
the  knowledge  and  co-operation  of  Count  Karolyi. 

Karolyi's  many,  and  by  no  means  unobjectionable, 
efforts  to  bring  about  peace  had  come  to  my  knowledge 
already  through  documents  at  the  Ministry  of  Justice, 
which  might  have  given  me  a  handle  for  putting  him  in 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         223 

prison  then.  But  at  that  time  I  still  believed  that  he  was 
really  pursuing  Hungarian  national  policy,  and  in  this  sense 
would  support  any  Government  which  did  essential  justice 
to  the  demands  he  put  forward  as  crucial  for  himself  and 
his  school  of  thought.  My  "  programme  "  really  included 
the  whole  of  the  Karolyi  domestic  and  foreign  political 
demands  ;  any  other  policy  than  that  laid  down  in  it  had 
indeed  become  out  of  the  question  in  Austria  and  Hungary, 
owing  to  the  change  in  the  military  and  political  situation. 
The  trouble  was  that  he  threw  away  every  opportunity 
of  making  a  definite  statement  as  to  his  attitude  and  future 
plans.  The  only  motive  which  became  more  and  more 
evident  was  his  anxiety  to  get  into  power  himself. 

After  Bulgaria's  surrender  I  reckoned  that  it  could 
only  be  a  question  of  weeks  before  the  Monarchy  would 
have  to  follow  the  Bulgarian  example.  Szilassy's  idea  of 
presenting  Germany  with  an  ultimatum,  in  agreement 
with  Bulgaria  and  Turkey,  had  been  our  last  chance. 

At  this  time  I  had  a  third  letter  handed  to  the  Monarch, 
which  pointed  out  the  situation  still  more  clearly  and 
demanded  still  stronger  remedies.  On  the  29th  a  Privy 
Council  was  held.  At  this  Privy  Council  the  military 
situation  and  the  advance  of  the  Entente  army  under 
Franchet  d'Esperey  were  discussed.  There  was  a  fresh 
disturbing  element  in  our  Hungarian  life,  the  possibility 
of  a  Rumanian  invasion  of  Transylvania.  According  to 
what  we  were  told  by  Wekerle  and  Szurmay,  the  first 
military  precaution  proposed  was  to  send  home  the  five 
Austro-Hungarian  divisions  in  the  Ukraine  as  quickly  as 
possible,  although  the  Supreme  Command  still  hesitated, 
for  it  was  infatuated  with  the  idea  of  being  able  to  pursue 
black  and  yellow  administrative  policy  even  as  far  as  the 
Black  Sea.  These  divisions,  with  the  Austro-Hungarian 
and  German  forces  ordered  back  from  Albania,  Montenegro 
and  Macedonia,  would  have  sufficed  to  hold  the  Morava- 
Danube  line  under  any  circumstances,  all  the  more  as  it 
was  known  that  the  Entente  had  no  proper  technical  means 
of  crossing  the  Danube  available.  Consequently  neither 
Transylvania  nor  the  Hungarian  frontier  was  in  immediate 


224  MY  MEMOIRS 

danger.  It  was  only  a  question  of  safeguarding  our  own 
frontiers. 

At  this  moment,  well  chosen  from  a  psychological  point 
of  view,  Count  Karolyi  planted  anxiety  as  to  Transylvania 
in  the  Magyar  heart.  With  the  most  cunning  ingenuity 
he  promoted  daily  discussion  of  a  danger  which  did  not 
exist  as  yet  in  the  newspapers  at  his  service,  Az  Est,  Vilag 
and  Magyarorszag,  which  carefully  depicted  and  magnified 
the  danger.  Parliament  was  not  sitting,  and  therefore  he 
employed  other  means  of  stirring  up  the  country  and 
throwing  it  into  a  state  of  alarm  and  panic.  At  the  open- 
ing of  Parliament  he  called  on  the  Prime  Minister  himself, 
posing  as  a  patriot  anxious  to  discuss  the  threatened  invasion 
of  Hungarian  territory  by  the  enemy  with  the  highest 
authority  in  the  land,  and  inquire  what  defensive  measures 
the  Government  had  taken.  What  he  demanded  was  that 
we  should  weaken  our  South-west  Front  for  the  benefit 
of  Hungary. 

At  the  Ministerial  Council  held  on  the  30th  September 
I  explained  my  view,  supported  by  statistical  data,  that 
the  ultimate  collapse  would  not  take  place  on  the  South- 
east Front,  which  was  not  the  most  dangerous  point,  and 
that  the  result  of  weakening  our  Italian  Front  was  the  only 
real  danger  to  be  feared.  The  Italian  preparations  had 
been  going  on  for  weeks  past ;  an  Italian  offensive  might 
be  expected  at  any  moment.  A  break-through  on  the 
Piave  Front  must  be  a  death-blow  to  Austria-Hungary. 

Of  course,  the  demands  Karolyi  made  for  the  protection 
of  Transylvania  were  justified,  but  he  did  not  take  into 
account  that,  without  heavy  guns,  the  Rumanian  Army 
was  not  in  a  position  to  embark  on  an  offensive  campaign 
against  Transylvania,  which,  even  if  it  were  only  defended 
by  a  few  regiments,  had  always  the  advantage  of  knowing 
that  the  divisions  returning  from  the  Ukraine  were  behind 
the  enemy.  That  my  calculations  were  correct  was  proved 
only  too  clearly  later  on.  The  Rumanians  could  not  even 
march  in  when  all  the  Hungarian  troops  had  thrown 
down  their  arms  at  the  bidding  of  the  so-called  Hungarian 
National  Government. 

Simultaneously   with   the   Bulgarian   collapse   the   state 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         225 

of  affairs  in  Croatia  naturally  became  more  critical.  I 
had  frequently  discussed  the  matter  with  Andrassy,  but 
we  could  come  to  no  other  conclusion  than  that  Croatia 
and  Slavonia  must  be  considered  lost  to  Hungary  unless 
some  way  could  be  found  of  saving  the  Pan-Slav  idea,  as 
such,  for  the  Monarchy.  This,  of  course,  could  only  be 
done  if  Croatia  gave  the  word  of  command.  But  the 
reconstruction  of  Serbia,  which  might  have  secured  us  the 
sympathy  of  the  Serbians,  and  perhaps  even  of  the  Entente, 
had  been  omitted.  It  had  been  omitted  through  the 
hesitation  of  Wekerle,  who  had  clung  to  the  idea  of  Bosnia 
and  Herzegovina  forming  a  corpus  separatum  the  whole 
time,  and  long  since  obstructed  by  Tisza,  who  had  foolishly 
shown  a  Serbian  deputation,  even  quite  recently  at  Serajevo, 
what  sort  of  treatment  the  South  Slavs  might  expect 
at  the  hands  of  the  spokesman  of  the  most  powerful  Party 
in  Hungary. 

On  the  30th  His  Majesty  informed  me  by  telephone 
that  he  had  taken  cognizance  of  my  letter.  He  saw  the 
necessity  for  immediate  action,  and  wished  me  and  Szterenyi 
to  come  to  Vienna  that  very  night.  Now,  after  the  Bul- 
garian collapse,  the  King  saw  that  disaster  was  imminent, 
and  realized  the  necessity  for  immediate  action. 

On  the  evening  of  this  day  Tisza  called  me  up,  and 
now,  as  even  he  saw  that  disaster  was  imminent,  he  informed 
me  that  he  had  decided  to  drop  a  political  feud  which 
had  lasted  for  fifteen  years,  that  he  placed  himself  absolutely 
at  Andrassy's  disposal,  and  that  he  would  himself  beg  His 
Majesty  to  appoint  Andrassy  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs. 

I  was  so  delighted  at  this  that  I  put  myself  in  communi- 
cation with  Reichenau  at  once  from  my  office.  The  King 
was  equally  excited,  and  asked  me  to  come  straight  to 
Vienna  with  Tisza  and  Andrassy. 

I  wanted  to  tell  Wekerle  of  the  King's  command,  but 
he  was  nowhere  to  be  found.  This  frequently  happened  ; 
if  one  asked  for  him  at  the  Home  Office,  they  said  he  was 
at  the  Prime  Minister's  office,  and  if  one  rang  up  this  office 
the  answer  was  that  he  was  at  the  Home  Office.  As  a  rule, 
he  shut  himself  up  in  his  office  in  the  evening  and  was 
denied  to  everyone.     There  he  worked  diligently  for  hours, 

15 


226  MY  MEMOIRS 

worried  out  some  difficult  financial  problem  or  other,  and 
drafted  a  new  taxation  law  or  some  new  financial  programme, 
in  themselves  most  valuable  efforts,  but  at  the  present 
time  purely  the  indulgence  of  a  private  mania.  He  was 
placidly  content  to  work  conscientiously  at  a  detail  of 
his  post-diluvian  taxation  policy,  though  the  world,  the 
nation,  might  come  to  an  end.  As  his  whereabouts 
consequently  could  not  be  ascertained,  I  left  a  few  lines 
for  him,  and  went  to  Vienna  the  same  night  with  Tisza 
and  Andrassy.  My  special  carriage  was  coupled  to  a 
passenger  train,  which  reached  Vienna  in  the  morning. 
In  the  train  I  first  of  all  explained  His  Majesty's  programme 
to  Tisza  and  Andrassy  on  quite  broad  lines,  and  told  them 
of  the  King's  interview  with  Szepticky  and  Szilassy.  Both 
appeared  annoyed  ;  the  more  I  told  them,  the  more  they 
took  it  to  heart.  They  were  looked  on  as  the  most  important 
political  personalities  in  the  country;  they  were  aware  of 
their  paramount  influence  on  the  nation,  but  they  were 
not  in  the  confidence  of  the  responsible  leaders ;  they 
had  never  been  vouchsafed  the  insight  into  foreign  policy 
I  had  now  given  them ;  they  had  had  no  idea  of  the 
magnitude,  the  extent  and  the  immediate  proximity  of 
the  danger.  They  discovered  for  the  first  time  that 
night  that  we  were  vis-ä-vis  de  rien. 

On  this,  Tisza  declared  that  the  essential  at  the  moment 
was  to  appoint  a  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  who  possessed 
Hungary's  confidence,  and  he,  Tisza,  considered  Andrassy 
the  one  and  only  man.  He  was  prepared  to  accept  his 
political  programme  and  to  support  it  with  his  whole 
Party.  Andrassy  broached  the  subject  of  the  domestic 
crisis,  and  pointed  out  that  a  solution  and  a  new  political 
situation  would  only  be  possible  if  universal,  equal  and 
secret  franchise  were  brought  in  at  once,  for  otherwise  the 
elements  outside  the  Party,  the  much-sought-after  Socialists 
and  Radicals,  who  constituted  a  power  not  to  be  despised, 
would  all  go  over  to  Karolyi's  camp  with  flying  colours, 
and  would  associate  themselves  with  him  in  all  his  revolu- 
tionary tendencies.  Tisza  did  not  agree  with  these 
arguments  ;  he  replied  that  control  of  the  masses  was  a 
question     of    strict     and    effective     administration,    which 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ         227 

any  strong  Government  could  exercise — and  that  in  spite 
of  all  the  arguments  adduced  in  favour  of  it,  and  in  spite 
of  the  insight  he  had  been  given  into  the  foreign  political 
situation,  he  must  characterize  an  extension  of  the  franchise, 
beyond  what  had  already  been  conceded,  as  so  serious  a 
misfortune  for  the  country  that  he  could  not  agree 
to  it. 

From  ten  o'clock  at  night  till  two  o'clock  in  the  morning 
Andrassy  and  I  tried  to  persuade  him  to  yield.  The  two 
men,  who  had  only  just  been  reconciled,  drifted  deeper  and 
deeper  into  differences  of  opinion,  into  heated  discussion, 
and  finally  into  a  quarrel.  They  fell  on  one  another  as 
in  the  old  days  ;  the  same  game  began  once  more. 

I  was  tired  and  exhausted,  but  I  went  on  trying  to 
point  out  to  Tisza  the  disastrous  results  to  which  his 
obstinacy  must  lead ;  I  assured  him  that  the  Monarch  would 
be  absolutely  guided  by  his  advice  in  all  domestic  questions, 
but  he  had  to  remember  that  this  was  the  very  last  opportu- 
nity of  effecting  internal  consolidation.  It  was  quite  useless. 
All  Tisza  would  concede  was  that  he  would  support  Andrassy 
as  Foreign  Minister.  He  went  to  sleep,  and  we  two  were 
alone,  exhausted,  pumped  out,  at  an  end  of  our  resources. 
Andrassy  was  in  despair  over  this  perverse  nature  which 
was  impervious  to  any  arguments. 

When  we  reached  Vienna  early  in  the  morning,  to  our 
astonishment  we  saw  Wekerle  in  person  smiling  pleasantly 
on  the  platform.  The  retiring  Minister  had  found  my 
explanation  of  the  evening  before,  and  had  simultaneously 
been  informed  by  telephone  that  the  King  had  accepted 
his  resignation  ;  he  was  not  going  to  be  done  out  of  escort- 
ing Tisza,  Andrassy  and  Windischgraetz  to  the  Monarch,  so 
he  had  taken  a  second  train,  which  arrived  at  the  same 
time  as  ours. 

Szterenyi  also  appeared  on  the  platform,  and  informed 
me  that  in  the  course  of  yesterday  evening  he  had  heard 
that  His  Majesty  thought  of  appointing  him  Prime  Minister. 

At  my  rooms,  where  Andrassy,  Tisza  and  I  were  break- 
fasting together  before  starting  for  Reichenau,  I  told 
the  two  gentlemen  that  Karolyi  had  asked  for  an  audience 
of  His  Majesty  the  day  before.     In  answer  to  His  Majesty, 


228  MY  MEMOIRS 

I  had  advised  his  making  a  point  of  receiving  Karolyi, 
but  suggested  that  he  should  also  summon  at  any  rate  one 
or  two  Socialists  and  possibly  a  leader  of  the  Radicals. 
Tisza  and  Andrassy  were  both  of  opinion  that  it  would 
not  have  been  advisable  to  refuse  the  audience  at  the 
present  moment.  Certainly,  however,  care  must  be  taken 
that  His  Majesty  should  be  informed  of  the  Karolyi 
agitation  and  of  his  plans  from  an  unprejudiced  quarter, 
before  or  after  the  audience. 

We  met  Wekerle  again  at  Reichenau.  While  Tisza  and 
Andrassy  were  having  a  joint  audience  of  the  Monarch, 
Wekerle  took  me  and  Szterenyi  to  task  ;  he  was  very 
angry,  and  declared  that  this  was  all  a  deep-laid  scheme  to 
get  rid  of  him  personally.  I  told  him  that  from  the  very 
beginning  I  had  always  been  sincere  with  him  and  had 
honestly  told  him  of  the  objections  His  Majesty  had  made 
to  his  policy.  The  chief  reason  for  His  Majesty's  not  wishing 
to  work  with  him  any  longer  was,  for  that  matter,  his 
behaviour  in  the  question  of  the  Ban  of  Croatia. 

I  was  the  last  to  be  received  by  His  Majesty.  He  was 
very  much  agitated.  "  I  am  in  despair,"  he  cried.  "  These 
two  men  actually  come  to  me  together,  are  said  to  be  recon- 
ciled, and  are  still  of  different  opinions.  What  is  to  be 
done  ?  Tisza  will  not  give  in.  I  thought  we  should  be 
able  to  form  a  Hungarian  Cabinet  to-day ;  I  thought  Andrassy 
and  Tisza  would  come  prepared  with  proposals:  now  Tisza 
advises  me  to  leave  Wekerle  in  office.  I  cannot  do  that ; 
it  is  impossible  for  me  to  go  on  working  with  Wekerle." 

I  explained  why  Tisza  would  rather  Wekerle  remained. 
They  were  much  of  the  same  opinion  as  to  the  franchise. 
But  I  agreed  that  there  could  be  no  question  of  Wekerle's 
remaining  in  office,  as  all  the  Franchise  Parties,  even 
Andrassy  and  Apponyi's  supporters,  looked  on  our  Cabinet 
as  nothing  but  a  mouthpiece  of  the  National  Work  Party. 

"  Well,  what  is  to  be  done  ?  Won't  you  undertake  to 
form  a  Cabinet  at  last  ?  "     I  shook  my  head. 

"  Well,  give  me  your  advice  :  who  is  to  form  a  Government  ? 
Szterenyi  ?  "  I  agreed  that  Szterenyi  was  one  of  our 
strongest  and  most  able  politicians ;  but  it  would  be  a 
mistake   to   appoint  the  Minister  of   Commerce  just   now, 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         229 

chiefly  because  the  Socialists  were  against  him,  remem- 
bering his  drastic  suppression  of  the  last  railway  strike. 

"  Then  there  is  no  one  left  but  you." 

"  No,  your  Majesty,"  I  said  ;  "the  Prime  Minister  ought 
to  be  a  man  who  is  not  compromised,  as  I  am,  by  having 
been  a  member  of  Wekerle's  Cabinet.  A  man  should  be 
chosen  who  could  reckon  on  Tisza's  Work  Party,  but  who 
would,  on  the  other  hand,  be  recognized  by  the  Parties  on 
the  Left  as  a  sincere  supporter  of  the  franchise.  The  only 
one  who  appears  to  me  to  fulfil  these  requirements  is  Ludwig 
Navay,  the  President  of  the  House  of  Deputies." 

"  Then  let  us  send  for  Navay,"  said  the  King. 

I  motored  back  to  Vienna  from  Reichenau.  I  had 
invited  Count  Tisza  to  come  with  me.  During  the  whole 
drive  I  used  my  powers  of  persuasion  with  him,  and  tried 
to  induce  him  to  give  us  a  free  hand  in  the  franchise 
question  ;  I  told  him  that  this  was  the  only  means  of 
restraining  the  Radical  elements  from  a  revolution.  Tisza 
thought  he  knew  how  order  could  be  maintained  in  the 
country  at  present.  I  replied  that  I  knew  too  ;  but  our 
present  Government  under  Wekerle  ought  not  to  venture 
on  taking  any  strong  measures.  Tisza  said  he  would 
support  Wekerle,  or  any  politician  who  pursued  a  strong 
policy,  but  he  would  adhere  to  his  standpoint  as  regards 
the  franchise. 

Arrived  in  Vienna,  I  went  to  the  "Ungarische  Haus"  in 
the  Bankgasse,  where  Wekerle  and  Szterenyi  had  already 
arrived.  I  told  Wekerle  that  His  Majesty  intended  to 
send  for  Ludwig  Navay,  and  also  told  him  all  that  Tisza 
had  said.  I  pointed  out  that  our  Cabinet  was  not  in  a 
position  to  bring  about  a  fusion  of  Parties.  "  I  am  pre- 
pared to  go  at  any  moment."  Again  I  tried  to  convince 
him  that  it  was  not  a  personal  matter,  but  a  question  of 
unravelling  the  tangle. 

After  a  further  long  talk  with  Szterenyi  I  went  to  dine 
at  the  Hotel  Sacher,  feeling  tired  and  worried. 

It  was  dinner-time,  and  all  the  rooms  were  full.  I  had 
arranged  to  meet  a  General  and  a  mutual  relation,  and 
was  looking  for  both.  I  met  Frau  Sacher  in  the  small 
room    between    the    two    dining-rooms.     "  It   is   dreadful," 


230  MY  MEMOIRS 

she  said,  with  a  flushed  face.  My  mind  was  full  of  anxiety 
about  the  Hungarian  crisis,  and  I  said  :  "  Yes,  yes,  it  is 
dreadful."  "  Even  the  waiters  won't  obey  any  longer,"  she 
continued.     "  I  have  just  boxed  the  ears  of  one  of  them." 

I  met  my  friends  at  supper  in  one  of  the  little  private 
rooms.  "  People  here  are  saying  that  you  are  to  be  Prime 
Minister,"  were  the  words  with  which  one  of  them  greeted  me. 

"  Foolish  rumours,"  I  said. 

"  As  you  don't  give  the  Viennese  enough  to  eat,  they 
must  live  on  rumours,"  said  my  guest,  with  dry  humour. 

"  What  did  the  War  Office  want  with  you  ?  "  I  asked. 

"  I  am  to  go  to  Poland  to  obtain  information  as  to 
the  conditions  there  ;    the  people  are  getting  out  of  hand." 

"  Everything  is  getting  out  of  hand,"  said  I.  "  Only 
ask  Frau  Sacher.  Even  the  waiters  refuse  to  obey  any 
longer  ;  perhaps  the  head-waiters  will  also  refuse  to  obey 
soon,"  I  said,  and  looked  at  old  Wagner,  the  head-waiter, 
who  was  just  filling  my  glass. 

"  Your  Highness,  how  will  all  this  end  ?  "  said  the  old 
man,  bowing ;  "  how  will  it  end  ?  " 

"  Who  is  here  ?  " 

"  Excellency  Tarnovsky  is  dining  close  by,"  replied 
Wagner.  "  I  will  speak  to  him,"  I  said,  and  went  out. 
I  found  Tarnovsky  with  a  few  Polish  gentlemen.  He  told 
me  that  he  had  been  recalled  from  Warsaw  not  long  ago, 
and  that  His  Majesty  thought  of  appointing  him  Minister 
for  Foreign  Affairs  (which  I  already  knew).  Between  our- 
selves he  told  me  that,  owing  to  the  perpetual  postponement 
of  the  Polish  solution  and  our  passivity,  the  Poles  had 
become  distrustful  of  the  Monarchy  and  the  dynasty,  and 
that  naturally  the  Radical  elements  were  gaining  the 
upper  hand. 

D.  and  fat  K.  were  just  passing  down  the  corridor  arm 
in  arm.  When  they  saw  me,  they  made  me  come  with  them 
and  took  me  into  the  large  tapestry  room,  where  I  found 
a  number  of  old  comrades  from  the  front.  Here  things  were 
going  merrily  ;  women  were  present,  and  Kutschera,  the 
Vienna  star,  was  at  the  piano  playing  "  Einmal  nur 
möcht  ich  in  Grinzing  sein,  beim  Wein,  beim  Wein,  beim 
Wein  ..."     The  women  were  singing  and  wine  and  cham- 


PRINCE  LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ         231 

pagne  were  flowing.  I  think  no  one  was  sober  but  Kutschera. 
I  only  stayed  here  a  few  minutes,  to  take  leave  of  my 
comrades  who  had  to  go  back  to  the  front.  As  I  was  going 
along  the  corridor  a  waiter  was  just  opening  the  door  of 
a  room.  I  saw  my  friend  Michael  Karolyi  sitting  inside 
with  the  Hungarian  journalist  Diner-Denes  and  a  few  men 
who  were  unknown  to  me. 

I  asked  old  Wagner  whether  Count  Karolyi  often  dined 
here  with  these  gentlemen.    "  Oh  yes,  your  Highness,  often." 

Vienna  society  was  at  supper  in  the  public  dining-rooms  ; 
great  financiers,  bankers,  successful  profiteers,  military 
men,  the  Chief  of  the  Police,  the  oldest  families  of  the 
Empire  and  the  newest  Barons  side  by  side  with  a  few 
ladies  of  universal  notoriety.  Here  a  Polish  Minister  con- 
ferred with  fellow-countrymen  as  to  how  best  to  increase 
and  uphold  the  power  of  the  throne ;  there  a  Hungarian 
magnate  conspired  with  leaders  of  the  most  Radical  section 
of  Labour  to  overthrow  throne  and  dynasty ;  here  the 
jeunesse  doree  feasted  and  made  merry  before  going  back 
to  the  war ;  there  Ministerial  posts  were  being  told  off 
or  the  rate  of  exchange  discussed.  News  and  history  were 
verbally  made  in  these  public  and  private  rooms,  these 
corridors  and  halls  ;  here  Austrian  policy  took  birth  and 
shape  day  after  day,  dished  up  in  characteristic  Austrian 
fashion  between  the  beef  and  the  apple-fool. 

Truly  it  might  be  said  of  Frau  Sacher  :  In  deinem  Lager 
isst  Osterreich  I 

I  had  perpetual  negotiations  at  the  Ministry  of  War 
over  questions  of  provisioning  the  army.  The  absolute 
dearth  of  cattle  for  slaughter  and  the  loss  of  the  share  claimed 
by  Austria  caused  more  and  more  serious  difficulties  at 
the  fronts.  It  was  hardly  possible  to  remedy  this,  under 
the  existing  circumstances,  as  all  the  factors  and  quarters, 
both  in  Austria  and  Hungary,  who  would  have  been  quali- 
fied to  take  decisive  measures  had  actually  sent  in  their 
resignations. 

From  the  Ministry  of  War  I  drove  to  the  Premier's 
office  to  see  Hussarek,  who  discussed  the  desperate  position 
of  Austria  in  the  next  few  months.     He  told  me  that  he 


232  MY  MEMOIRS 

considered  his  mission  as  Prime  Minister  at  an  end,  and  that 
he  did  not  intend  remaining  in  office  for  more  than  a  few 
days  longer.  He  did  not  expect  any  improvement  in  the 
domestic  political  conditions  from  the  reopening  of  Par- 
liament, which  was  fixed  for  the  next  day  (2nd  October). 
The  hopeless  military  position  created  by  Bulgaria's  collapse 
must  certainly  have  the  effect  of  putting  heart  into  the  North 
and  South  Slavs,  so  that  there  could  be  no  likelihood  of 
a  German-Slav  agreement  being  reached. 

I  drove  to  the  beautiful  old  Prinz  Eugen  palace  in  the 
Weihburggasse  and  looked  up  the  joint  Minister  of  Finance, 
Dr.  von  Spitzmüller,  in  his  office.  He  thought  the  only 
possible  solution  of  the  South  Slav  question  now  would  be 
a  union  of  all  Hungarian  and  Austrian  South  Slavs.  So 
long  as  Bulgaria  held  out  and  our  hold  on  the  occupied 
Serbian  territories  was  firm,  a  union  of  Bosnia,  Dalmatia, 
Croatia  and  Slavonia  within  the  framework  of  Hungary 
would  have  been  feasible.  To-day  the  Serbians'  self- 
confidence  had  very  much  increased.  They  knew  that 
Serbia  must  shortly  be  evacuated.  Nothing  but  union  of 
the  South  Slav  elements  in  the  Monarchy  could  counter- 
balance the  Greater  Serbian  propaganda.  I  replied  that 
this  was  His  Majesty's  own  particular  programme,  which 
he  had  advocated  for  months,  but  to  which  neither  Burian 
nor  Wekerle  and  his  partisans  would  agree  ;  but  as  I  had 
received  a  letter  from  Sarkotic  that  very  day,  taking  exactly 
the  same  standpoint,  I  would  petition  His  Majesty  again 
to  take  the  solution  of  this  question  in  hand  without  loss 
of  time. 

Arrived  back  at  my  own  abode,  I  found  a  telegram  from 
Captain  Racz,  telling  me  that  he  had  succeeded  in  finding 
Navay  at  his  country  house  ;  they  might  both  arrive  in 
Vienna  the  day  after  to-morrow. 

Interview  in  the  course  of  the  evening  with  Langenhan, 
a  non-extremist  member  of  the  German  National  Party; 
met  his  colleagues  Pacher,  Wolf,  Waldner,  and  also  Haupt- 
Stummer  and  Prince  Max  Fürstenberg  at  his  house. 

We  first  of  all  discussed  the  possibility  of  providing 
German  Austria  with  food  supplies.  I  again  pointed  out 
that  this  question  was  of  a  political  nature,  and  that  just 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ  233 

at  the  present  moment  it  was  absolutely  necessary  for 
the  German-Hungarian  elements  in  the  Monarchy  to  act 
together.  Nothing  but  entire  agreement  between  the  two 
Governments  on  all  questions  relating  to  war  and  peace 
would  make  it  possible  to  carry  out  the  measures  which 
were  essential  for  commandeering  the  whole  maize  harvest 
in  Hungary.  Austria  could  not  count  on  help  unless  the 
whole  maize  harvest  were  commandeered.  Consequently, 
ordered  political  conditions  must  be  created  in  Austria 
itself,  and  this  could  only  be  done  if  all  the  German  Parties 
united.  Everyone  must  recognize  that  a  settlement  with 
the  Czechs  and  South  Slavs  was  necessary,  now  that 
the  success  of  the  Czech  policy  in  the  war  had  become 
unmistakable.  Depressing  as  this  might  be  for  the  Germans 
and  Hungarians,  there  was  nothing  to  be  gained  by  shutting 
one's  eyes  to  the  actual  facts.  The  Vice-President  of  the 
House  of  Lords  and  President  of  the  German  Party  in  the 
House  of  Lords,  Prince  Max  Fürstenberg,  is  of  the  same 
opinion.  Wolf,  who  is  sympathetic,  but  has  fads,  declares 
that  German  Bohemia  is  the  great  difficulty,  and  that  until 
this  difficulty  is  solved  in  the  German  sense  there  can  be 
no  question  of  a  settlement  with  the  Czechs. 

In  the  course  of  the  evening  I  ring  up  Wekerle  to  report 
all  my  negotiations  to  him  and  inform  him  of  the  standpoint 
adopted  by  the  German  deputies. 

On  the  2nd  October  Michael  Karolyi  was  received 
in  audience.  I  went  to  Reichenau  too  ;  for  Tisza  and 
Andrassy  had  begged  me  to  find  out  at  once  whether  the 
King  had  allowed  himself  to  be  influenced. 

Karolyi's  audience  lasted  four  hours  and  a  quarter. 
When  he  came  out  he  seemed  very  dejected.  He  only  said 
shortly  that  the  Monarch  had  absolutely  negatived  all  his 
proposals.  I  had  my  motor  and  invited  him  to  drive  to 
Vienna  with  me.  But  His  Majesty  wished  to  speak  to  me 
first.  Karolyi  was  given  some  lunch,  and  waited  at  the 
villa.  The  Emperor  was  going  to  shoot  at  Miirzsteg,  and 
I  was  to  drive  part  of  the  way  with  him. 

He  said  :  "  Karolyi  is  quite  mad  ;  he  wants  to  be  Prime 
Minister.  Is  that  possible  ?  Has  he  a  majority  in  the 
country  ?  " 


234  MY  MEMOIRS 

"  Your  Majesty,  he  has  twenty  deputies  behind  him 
and  a  number  of  very  clever  journalists,  who  want  to  get 
into  power.  These  people  are  pushing  Karolyi  forward, 
and  writing  every  day  in  their  papers  that  he  is  the  only 
man  to  bring  peace." 

"  So  I  am  to  appoint  him  Dictator  in  Hungary,  while 
on  the  other  hand  I  am  advised  to  have  him  arraigned 
for  high  treason?"  His  Majesty  then  turned  to  Austrian 
domestic  political  matters,  and  I  tried  to  persuade  him  to 
make  it  up  with  Czernin,  particularly  as  Czernin  seemed 
to  have  influence  with  the  Socialists. 

The  King  said  :  "  No,  I  will  have  nothing  more  to  do 
with  Czernin.  The  Czechs  hate  him,  and  he  cannot  have 
very  much  influence." 

As  he  spoke  he  drew  a  folded  typewritten  paper  from 
the  breast  pocket  of  his  uniform  and  handed  it  to  me. 
"  You  shall  be  the  first  to  see  it." 

I  read  it  and  was  horrified.  "  When  did  your  Majesty 
receive  this  ?  " 

"  Silva  Tarouca  brought  it  to  me  to-day." 

It  was  a  manifesto,  in  which  the  liquidation  of  the  old 
Austria  was  proclaimed,  and  its  conversion  into  a  Federal 
State.  I  said  :  "  After  all,  your  Majesty,  this  manifesto 
does  not  aim  at  anything  very  different  to  your  own 
programme.  If  you  could  not  find  three  men  in  a  position 
to  form  Governments  strong  enough  to  secure  the  points 
of  this  programme  by  Parliamentary  methods,  neither  will 
the  conditions  essential  for  carrying  out  the  reform  pro- 
claimed in  this  manifesto  be  forthcoming.  I  consider  that 
it  would  be  dangerous  to  publish  the  manifesto  without 
previous  consultation  with  the  Hungarian  Government, 
and  I  beg  your  Majesty  to  postpone  its  publication  till 
first  of  all  a  new  Foreign  Minister  is  appointed  and,  secondly, 
the  two  Governments  are  formed  which  shall  have  agreed 
to  adopt  its  purport." 

His  Majesty  promised  not  to  take  any  step  until  these 
two  matters  had  been  dealt  with.  As  far  as  the  Minister 
for  Foreign  Affairs  was  concerned,  however,  he  did  not 
think  the  moment  had  come  to  choose  Andrassy,  for  just 
now  a  statesman  absolutely  friendly  to  the  Entente  must 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ         235 

be  considered.  He  had  Count  Mensdorff  in  mind,  his  idea 
being  that  I  should  work  with  him  as  Hungarian  head  of 
a  section.  He  spoke  of  Karolyi  again,  and  thought  it  would 
be  advisable  to  make  sure  of  him,  as  his  apparently 
excellent  French  connections  might  be  useful  at  the  peace 
negotiations.  But  to  make  over  the  Government  in  Hun- 
gary to  him  would  be  impossible,  if  only  because  none 
of  the  bourgeois  Parties  would  support  him.  He  was  of 
opinion  that  in  Hungary  nothing  but  an  ultra-national 
policy  could  succeed  in  bringing  the  war  to  an  end  under 
ordered  conditions.  He  was  determined  to  fulfil  far-reaching 
national  wishes  in  Hungary,  and  would  only  wait  for  Navay's 
arrival  to  discuss  further  details  with  him. 

The  Empress  was  driving  in  a  second  motor  behind  ours. 
The  Emperor  now  got  into  it,  and  I  turned  back  to  Wartholz, 
picked  up  Karolyi,  and  we  drove  to  Vienna. 

Karolyi  was  very  taciturn ;  he  spoke  with  difficulty  and 
was  hoarse.  It  was  only  at  my  instance  that  he  told 
me  he  had  suggested  the  appointment  of  a  Government 
under  his  leadership  to  the  Monarch  ;  a  Radical  policy  was 
the  only  hope.  This  policy  could  only  be  carried  into  effect 
in  a  sense  friendly  to  the  Entente,  and  by  a  man  who,  like 
himself,  had  excellent  relations  with  France.  I  pointed 
out  to  Karolyi  the  difficulties  of  a  Government  under  his 
leadership,  which  proposed  to  pursue  a  franchise  policy 
without  the  consent  of  the  majority  ;  this  could  not  be 
done  without  a  revolution.  I  told  him  that  I  should  have 
been  prepared  to  carry  out  the  most  radical  franchise  myself, 
as  Prime  Minister,  if  I  had  not  seen  the  absolute  impossi- 
bility of  it  under  the  existing  conditions.  To  provoke  a 
revolution  at  the  present  time  would  mean  provoking 
Hungary's  downfall.  To  this  Karolyi  replied  very  decidedly  : 
"  I  am  going  to  set  to  work  with  a  will  now." 

I  put  Karolyi  down  at  the  "  Bristol,"  and  drove  to 
the  Hotel  Sacher,  where  Czernin  was  staying. 

I  put  the  difficult  position  quite  frankly  before  Czernin, 
and  begged  him  to  devote  himself  resolutely  to  the 
restoration  of  ordered  conditions  in  Austria  ;  if  not  actively, 
then  at  least  behind  the  scenes  of  the  German  Parties. 
Czernin    maintained    an    attitude   of    reserve,    and   merely 


236  MY  MEMOIRS 

asserted  that  his  relations  to  the  Emperor  made  it  out  of 
the  question  for  him  to  give  advice.  I  spoke  of  the 
Monarch's  proposal  to  appoint  Mensdorff  Foreign  Minister, 
on  which  Czernin  said  he  thought  I  should  be  the  most 
suitable  man  at  the  present  moment,  for  what  I  had  done 
to  supply  the  country  with  food,  without  troubling  about 
the  loss  of  my  popularity  in  Hungary,  was  very  much 
appreciated  in  Austria.  The  accidental  fact  of  the  im- 
portance of  my  department  had  in  reality  made  me 
the  most  powerful  man  in  Austria.  Under  the  old  regime 
it  would  have  been  quite  inconceivable  that  the  Foreign 
Ministry  should  negotiate  with  a  Hungarian  departmental 
Minister  over  foreign  political  questions,  should  justify 
itself  or  give  reasons  for  any  measure. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  all  the  administrative  authorities 
in  the  Monarchy  were  dependent  for  the  necessaries  of  life 
on  the  efficiency  of  my  office  ;  the  Ministry  of  War,  the 
Supreme  Command,  the  Austrian  Prime  Minister,  the  joint 
Minister  of  Finance  (for  Hungary  had  undertaken  to  supply 
Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  as  well),  the  Home  Office,  the 
Governors  of  Dalmatia,  Poland,  Tirol,  and  finally  the  Burgo- 
master of  Vienna,  had  all  subsisted,  either  wholly  or  in  part, 
on  what  I  had  allotted  to  them.  And,  as  many  of  them 
applied  direct  to  the  Court,  to  the  Crown,  even  the  Crown 
was  automatically  compelled  to  put  itself  in  touch  with 
me.  I  had  to  take  a  general  survey  of  all  the  departments 
from  my  department  ;  by  this  means  I  was  able  to  form 
a  definite  opinion  ;  no  one  else  would  have  been  in  a  position 
to  draw  up  the  "  programme,"  for  even  the  Minister 
for  Foreign  Affairs  himself  had  not  the  knowledge  of  the 
tortuous  paths  of  domestic  policy  that  I  had  acquired  in 
the  exercise  of  my  office.  It  was  only  my  exceptional 
position  at  an  exceptional  time  which  had  driven  me  to 
the  conclusion  that  I  must  work  with  might  and  main  for 
peace,  for  the  fulfilment  of  a  programme,  for  the  creation 
of  a  centralized  sovereign  power.  I  had  the  knowledge  ; 
but  act  I  could  not.  I  lacked  the  authority  and  the  right, 
the  title  and  the  power.  I  was  only  the  whip,  and  tried 
to  whip  up.  Czernin  recognized  this,  when  he  kindly  spoke 
of  me   as   the   most  suitable   Minister  for   Foreign   Affairs. 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ  237 

I  thanked  him,  but  insisted  that,  now  as  ever,  I  considered 
Andrassy  the  only  statesman  with  the  qualifications  which 
would  enable  him  to  adjust  our  foreign  political  position. 

The  next  day  Navay  arrived  in  Vienna  with  Captain 
Racz,  and  put  up  at  the  Hotel  Sacher.  Long  conversation, 
in  the  course  of  which  I  explain  every  detail  of  His  Majesty's 
programme  to  him.  My  chief  anxiety  in  all  my  efforts  to 
solve  the  political  crisis  was  to  see  that  any  Government 
formed  should  only  be  based  on  the  existing  Parliament. 
Everyone  knew  that  a  House  of  Deputies  elected  eight 
years  ago  could  not  represent  the  real  opinion  of  the  people  ; 
at  the  same  time  it  was  the  only  basis  of  the  legal  continuity 
which  it  was  more  than  ever  important  not  to  infringe  at 
present.  Any  alteration  in  the  existing  order  would  have 
held  the  germs  of  a  revolution  ;  I  wanted  to  prevent  this, 
so  that  in  the  future  there  should  be  no  doubt  as  to  the 
legitimacy  of  the  point  of  view  from  which  essential  national 
questions  had  been  decided.  Of  course,  I  emphasized  this 
to  Navay. 

In  the  evening  I  met  Silva  Tarouca  in  a  private  room 
at  the  Hotel  Sacher.  He  is  so  extraordinarily  optimistic  as 
to  believe  that  he  might  yet  succeed  in  forming  a  Coalition 
Ministry  of  Czechs  and  Germans;  he  would  not  be  at  all 
averse  to  taking  over  the  Ministry  for  Foreign  Affairs. 

In  the  night  I  hear  by  telephone  that  Germany, 
Austria-Hungary  and  Turkey  are  going  to  propose  an 
armistice  to  Wilson  to-morrow.  After  long  hesitation, 
Burian  has  at  last  pulled  himself  together  again  for  action. 
It  is  true  that  the  King  was  very  urgent,  and  that  he  foresaw 
the  prospect  of  a  successor.  That  decided  the  matter. 
I  replied  that  I  looked  on  this  joint  proposal  of  an  armistice 
as  a  serious  mistake,  as  it  again  wrested  the  peace  initiative 
out  of  the  hands  of  the  Monarchy,  and  with  it  all  the 
political  advantages.  A  separate  peace  offer,  which  would 
not  have  been  made  without  consideration  for  Germany 
— for  I  had  always  insisted  that  our  obligations  and  our 
attitude  towards  Germany  and  her  war  aims  should  be  clearly 
defined,  and  had  made  this  a  first  point  in  my  programme — 
would  have  been  a  political  success,  and  a  proof  to  the  world 
that  we  are  still  capable  of  pursuing  a  policy  of  our  own. 


238  MY  MEMOIRS 

Hussarek  made  a  statement  on  behalf  of  the  Government, 
at  the  opening  of  the  Austrian  House  of  Deputies  to-day, 
which  gave  a  purely  fanciful  picture  of  the  state  of  affairs. 
It  met  with  very  little  response.  The  Czechs  maintained 
absolute  silence  ;  they  were  meditating  ;  what  would  have 
been  the  good  of  exciting  themselves  ? 

The  next  afternoon  I  drove  out  to  Reichenau.  Very 
long  audience.  Mensdorff  has  refused  the  offer  of  office 
made  him,  on  the  ground  that  he  is  not  sufficiently  conver- 
sant with  the  domestic  political  conditions  in  the  Monarchy. 
Moreover,  he  thinks  he  will  be  able  to  turn  his  many  connec- 
tions with  England  and  France  to  better  account  as  an 
unofficial  statesman  when  peace  is  being  concluded.  His 
Majesty  is  of  opinion  that  the  change  of  Ministers  cannot 
now  be  made  until  Wilson's  answer  comes  to  the  note  sent 
to-day  by  the  Central  Powers.  I  sigh,  and  again  propose 
Andrassy.  Again  I  preach  that  it  will  make  the  greatest 
impression  in  Germany  if  even  such  a  man  as  Andrassy, 
who  was  absolutely  in  favour  of  maintaining  the  alliance, 
recommends  its  being  broken  off  ;  that  would  open  the 
eyes  of  the  Germans  to  the  fact  that  we  are  only  acting 
under  the  most  extreme  pressure,  that  it  is  our  last  hope 
of  escaping  absolute  ruin. 

Then  it  came  to  Navay's  turn.  He  spent  an  hour 
explaining  his  political  creed  to  His  Majesty,  but  finally 
it  only  appeared  that  Tisza's  attitude  in  the  franchise 
question  must  put  out  his  light  too.  Consequently  he 
refused  to  take  office,  and  was  of  opinion  that  possibly 
Apponyi  might  be  the  man  to  reconcile  all  the  conflicting 
Parties  in  Hungary.  He  proposed  that  His  Majesty 
should  send  him  as  homo  regius  to  Buda  Pesth  and 
authorize  him  to  try  to  induce  Apponyi  to  form  a 
Cabinet. 

I  supported  this  proposal.  Apponyi  is  a  great  idealist, 
the  beau  ideal  in  Hungarian  politics,  the  poet  of  the 
Magyar  idea,  a  marvellous  orator  in  all  the  languages. 
Possibly  one  of  the  delightful  odes  from  the  pen  of  this 
standard-bearer  of  national  policy  might  yet  succeed  in 
uniting  all  the  Parties  under  his  colours.  I  went  to  Buda 
Pesth  in  the  evening  with  Navay. 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         289 

A  Cabinet  Council  on  the  5th.  South  Slav  question, 
Unkelhäusser  sent  to  Agram  as  Ban. 

In  the  morning  I  accompany  Navay  to  call  on  Wekerle 
and  Tisza.  I  notice  a  very  remarkable,  if  only  slight, 
change  in  Tisza's  attitude  ;  he  is  prepared  to  make  conces- 
sions. Even  this  block  of  granite  now  seems  to  feel  the 
pressure  of  events.  It  is  true  that  he  is  far  from  paying 
any  attention  to  our  siren  strains,  he  is  against  any 
proclamation  of  equal  and  secret  franchise  to  be  exercised 
on  communal  lines,  but  to  our  unbounded  astonishment 
he  says  that  he  is  prepared  to  concede  the  franchise  to  the 
holders  of  the  Karl  military  cross  without  reference  to  age. 
A  small  breach  had  been  made  in  the  Tisza  wall,  and  I 
resolved  to  drive  a  wedge  into  it. 

But  first  of  all  Navay  and  I  paid  Michael  Karolyi  a 
visit  at  his  magnificent  old  palace.  He  received  us  with 
the  most  sedulous  affability,  which  he  could  always  show 
when  he  was  really  pleased,  or  when  he  wished  to  conceal 
his  real  intentions  and  feelings.  He  was  in  the  uniform 
of  a  Honved  Lieutenant,  for  he  had  just  come  back  from 
attending  a  Court  of  honour  which  had  taken  proceedings 
against  him  on  a  charge  of  high  treason. 

In  the  meantime  Navay  had  spoken  to  Apponyi,  who 
said  that  he  would  be  willing  to  undertake  the  formation 
of  a  Cabinet,  if  Karolyi  would  adopt  at  the  very  least 
a  tolerant  standpoint  towards  him. 

We  propounded  the  basis  of  the  new  Government  pro- 
gramme to  Karolyi :  (1)  the  external  signs  of  national  policy, 
(2)  declaration  of  universal,  equal  and  secret  franchise 
(Navay  and  I  still  hoped  to  obtain  Tisza's  consent),  (3)  social 
reforms,  agrarian  reform,  nationalization  of  schools,  etc. 

Karolyi  thought  he  had  no  objection  to  make  to  the 
individual  points  ;  but  he  must  adhere  to  a  strict  peace 
policy.  Navay  and  I  assured  him  that,  in  any  case,  the 
intention  was  to  clear  up  our  position  towards  Germany. 
He  made  the  most  violent  attacks  on  Apponyi,  and  said 
it  would  be  the  worst  possible  mistake  to  pursue  a  Hun- 
garian national  policy  at  the  present  moment  ;  the  first 
thing  to  be  done  was  to  come  to  an  agreement  with  all  the 
nationalities  and  try  to  get  them  to  accept  peace  conditions 


240  MY  MEMOIRS 

in  Wilson's  sense.  He  thought  it  absurd  to  put  Apponyi 
at  the  head  of  the  Government  now,  seeing  that  he  had 
always  spoken  in  favour  of  the  war.  "  The  only  politician 
in  the  Monarchy  whose  views  are  absolutely  Radical  is  the 
Monarch,"  he  said.  "  The  King  agrees  with  my  ideas. 
I  am  the  only  man  who  supports  his  policy,  and  I  shall 
prove  to  him  that  I  am  the  only  one  to  save  his  throne." 

My  impression  was  that  Karolyi  was  bent  on  the  worst, 
and  at  the  same  time  it  seemed  to  me  that,  although  it 
looked  otherwise,  he  meant  honestly  by  those  above  and 
was  deceiving  those  beneath  him.  I  thought  it  evident, 
from  several  things  he  said,  that  what  he  really  wanted 
at  that  time  was  to  climb,  in  some  way  or  other,  with  the 
help  of  his  Communist  friends,  to  power  which  would  also 
have  been  to  the  advantage  of  the  Crown.  He  would  then 
have  pushed  aside  the  lower  classes,  on  whose  shoulders  he 
had  reached  the  top  of  the  ladder.  But  I  could  not  look 
into  his  multifid  mind. 

That  was  the  last  time  I  entered  Karolyi's  house. 

When  I  returned  to  my  office  in  the  evening,  I  again 
found,  as  on  previous  occasions,  through  my  confidential 
agents,  that  conferences  had  recently  taken  place  at  Karolyi's 
house,  in  the  course  of  which  the  plans  for  organizing 
Workmen  and  Soldiers'  Councils  had  been  drawn  up. 

Just  as  I  was  aware  of  the  agitation  which  was  being 
carried  on  by  Karolyi's  Party,  so  I  also  knew  who  sup- 
ported the  policy  he  was  pursuing  in  the  present  critical 
situation  ;  even  the  Pesti  Naplo,  which  was  at  that  time 
kept  up  by  Baron  Ludwig  Hatvany's  millions,  went  over 
to  the  Karolyi  camp.  Hatvany  was  one  of  the  ambitious 
men,  of  whom  there  were  not  a  few  in  Buda  Pesth,  who 
wanted  to  play  a  part  at  any  price.  In  bygone  years  he 
had  been  closely  connected  with  a  "  Brotherhood  in 
Arms "  league,  which  gravitated  towards  Berlin  and,  of 
course,  propagated  rigid  Prussian  ideas  and  aims  ;  latterly 
he  had  placed  his  newspaper  and  his  money  at  the  service 
of  Karolyi's  policy  and  had  gone  over  to  the  Entente  camp. 
(In  the  meantime,  as  far  as  I  know,  he  has  turned  his  coat 
again  at  least  once.)  I  knew,  too,  what  part  Paul  Keri, 
Ladislaus  F^nyes,  and  on  the  other  hand  Bela  Vag6  had 


PRINCE  LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ         241 

played,  and  who  the  authors  of  the  special  leaflets  intended 
for  distribution  at  the  front  were.  I  was  also  perfectly 
aware  that  my  own  private  secretary,  Dr.  Ferencz  Nagy, 
took  part  in  the  conclaves  of  the  Karolyi  Party,  and  was 
in  active  communication  with  the  agitator  Landler.  And 
finally  I  was  already  aware  that  even  the  editor  of  the 
Deli  Hirlap,  Miklos  Lazar,  who  knew  the  "  programme  " 
and  had  placed  himself  body  and  soul  at  my  service,  and 
whom  I  had  singled  out  for  the  post  of  Chief  of  the  Press, 
in  case  of  my  taking  over  the  Government — that  even  Miklos 
Lazar  was  associated  with  the  agitation  being  carried  on 
in  all  the  barracks  in  those  early  October  days.  All  these 
gentlemen  of  the  Buda  Pesth  Press  thought  it  just  as  well 
to  have  two  irons  in  the  fire.  They  dipped  their  pens  in 
black,  red  and  gold,  in  red,  white  and  green  and  in  red 
colours  according  to  circumstances,  and  I  knew  that  from 
being  enthusiastic  revolutionaries  they  would  very  soon 
have  returned  to  being  enthusiastic  officials. 

I  was  not  idle  in  the  face  of  these  machinations.  I, 
too,  had  worked  out  a  complete  programme,  according  to 
which  order  would  have  been  maintained  in  the  capital,  in 
case  any  Party  made  the  smallest  attempt  to  rouse  the  mob. 

After  our  visit  to  Karolyi,  Navay  was  very  depressed 
at  the  failure  of  all  his  efforts,  and  decided  to  take  the  next 
train  to  Vienna  to  inform  the  King  that  under  these  circum- 
stances he  was  not  in  a  position  to  take  over  the  Government. 
In  the  course  of  the  afternoon  I  had  a  conference  with 
Tisza  at  the  National  Casino.  Tisza  urged  Navay  to  form 
a  Cabinet ;  Navay  said  he  was  unable  to  do  so.  I  tele- 
phoned to  Hunyadi  at  Reichenau.  His  Majesty  summoned 
Tisza  to  the  telephone,  and  told  him  that  he  was  bent  on 
a  solution  of  the  South  Slav  question,  i.e.  on  a  union  of 
all  the  South  Slavs  under  the  Hungarian  crown. 

Navay  left  for  Vienna  in  the  evening. 

I  had  worked  at  the  office  for  a  few  hours  in  the  meantime, 
and  it  was  now  8.30.  The  conferences  which  had  been 
going  on  all  day  had  exhausted  me,  my  mind  was  filled  with 
a  thousand  thoughts  and  anxieties ;  I  was  hungry,  and  went 
to  the  National  Casino. 

Tisza  was  sitting  in  the  dining-room  there,  having  supper 

16 


242  MY  MEMOIRS 

at  a  table  alone.      He  saw  me  come  in  and  beckoned  to 
me.     I  sat  down  beside  him  and  ordered  my  supper. 

He  began  in  his  dry  way :  "  So  Navay  has  failed,  and  does 
not  want  to  do  it  either.    What  is  to  be  done  now  ?  " 

I  said  :  "  I  am  at  my  wits'  end.  I  shall  not  remain  in 
office  ;  this  life  is  madness.  Any  further  combination  is  out 
of  the  question.  I  cannot  find  any  way  out.  No  one  can 
find  it,  no  one  can  undertake,  or  produce,  or  work  anything. 
And  only  on  your  account — it  is  your  fault." 

On  this  Tisza  said  slowly  and  deliberately  :  "If  you 
were  now  prepared  to  undertake  the  formation  of  a  Cabinet 
at  once,  I  would  give  in,  in  spite  of  my  belief  that  it  means 
the  ruin  of  the  country." 

I  stared  at  him;    what  I  heard  was  incredible. 
"  If   you   set   to   work   at   once,  I  will  accept  your  pro- 
gramme, although  only  to  the  extent  of  leaving  my  Party 
on  your  side  and  tolerating  it  personally." 

I  jumped  up;  the  waiter  was  just  bringing  my  meal; 
I  did  not  touch  it,  I  no  longer  felt  hungry.  I  rushed  to 
the  telephone-box,  had  myself  put  on  to  the  King  at  once 
and  told  him  what  had  happened. 

"  Ah  !  At  last,  at  last !  Are  you  prepared  ?  " 
"  Everything  is  in  order,"  I  called  back,  and  rang  off. 
I  left  Tisza  alone,  jumped  into  a  taxi  and  tore  off  to 
Hedervary  ;  I  shouted  orders ;  worked  the  telephone  :  called 
up  Vazsonyi— all  my  friends  must  come  to  me,  all  Apponyi's 
and  Andrassy's  followers;  Count  Sigray  must  go  to  Purjesz, 
the  editor  of  Vilag,  and  to  the  bourgeois  Radicals,  with  whom 
he  was  in  touch.  I  lived  ten  lives — talked,  called,  ordered, 
directed  ;  it  was  the  most  important  day  of  my  life,  the 
most  important  night.  I  myself  jumped  into  the  taxi 
again  and  drove  round  to  collect  my  Ministers. 

The  list  had  long  since  been  thought  over  and  worked 
out.  Szmrecsanyi  was  to  have  been  Minister  of  the 
Interior,  Sigray  Minister  to  His  Majesty's  Court,  Dani 
Minister  of  Defence,  Huszar  Minister  of  Education,  the 
peasant  Szabo  Minister  of  Agriculture,  Vazsonyi  Minister 
of  Justice.  My  intention  was  to  take  a  Socialist  elected 
independently  by  the  Party  into  the  Cabinet,  and  to  offer 
Michael  Karolyi  a  Ministry  without  portfolio,  so  that  he 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         243 

might  be  available  for  the  peace  negotiations.  After  I 
had  spoken  to  some  of  the  people  I  was  able  to  find,  and 
had  done  everything  that  was  absolutely  necessary  in 
flying  haste — meanwhile  it  was  one  o'clock  in  the  morning 
— I  hurried  back  to  the  National  Casino  ;  perhaps  I  might 
be  able  to  find  out  where  Tisza  was.  I  was  told  that  Tisza 
was  still  there.  "  Where  ?  " — "  In  a  private  room." — 
"  Alone  ?  "— "  Yes,  alone." 

I  knocked  at  the  door  ;  I  opened  it.  Tisza  was  pacing 
up  and  down  alone  in  his  private  room.  He  was  not 
smoking  or  drinking  ;  he  was  walking  up  and  down,  absorbed 
in  thought  and  reviewing  his  life,  whose  bronze  basis  he 
had  shattered  to-day  with  his  own  hands. 

I  said  :  "  My  Cabinet  is  complete."  He  looked  at  me 
strangely  through  his  large  spectacles,  took  my  hand,  pressed 
it  hard,  and  did  not  utter  a  word. 

I  left  him  alone  and  drove  home. 

On  the  morning  of  the  ioth  I  was  informed  that  Wekerle 
was  returning.  I  did  not  know  the  reason,  but  I  was  firmly 
convinced  that  he  would  come  back  from  Vienna  having 
definitely  retired  from  office.  To  make  quite  sure,  I  rang 
up  Hunyadi  to  find  out  what  had  been  agreed  on  between 
Wekerle  and  the  Monarch.  Hunyadi  replied  that  in 
view  of  the  proposal  of  an  armistice  the  solution  of  the 
crisis  must  be  postponed  for  a  few  days,  and  both  Wekerle 
and  Burian  were  remaining  in  office  until  the  answer 
arrived. 

This  news,  coming  after  a  night  of  strenuous  activity 
and  hope,  was  a  crushing  blow.  All  my  work  was  in  vain  ; 
the  King  had  got  out  of  my  hands  again ;  Burian  had  got 
hold  of  him  again.     But  I  said  nothing. 

In  the  afternoon  there  was  a  Ministerial  Council,  at 
which  the  foreign  and  domestic  political  position  was 
the  main  subject  of  discussion.  Wekerle,  who  had  already 
arrived  back  from  Vienna,  spoke  very  optimistically,  and 
informed  us  that  Burian  was  confident  of  receiving  the  most 
favourable  terms  at  the  earliest  possible  date,  conjointly 
with  Germany  and  Turkey. 

Unkelhäusser  had  in  the  meantime  returned  from  his 


244  MY  MEMOIRS 

mission  in  Agram,  and  he  told  the  Ministerial  Council  that 
both  the  Serbo-Croat  Coalition  and  the  Ban  himself  had 
simply  announced  that  they  would  not  fall  in  with  the 
wish  of  the  Hungarian  Government  as  regards  a  change  of 
Ban  and  his  (Unkelhäusser's)  appointment.  I  said  :  "  That 
is  open  anarchy,  it  is  revolution ;  what  more  are  we  waiting 
for  ?  "  I  proposed  our  putting  an  end  to  the  conditions 
prevailing  in  Agram  by  radical  methods,  but  my  proposal 
was  not  complied  with  ;  the  ultimate  solution  was  simply 
postponed,  as  at  all  the  Privy  Councils.  Wekerle  was 
imperturbable. 

Szurmay  then  reported  on  the  military  situation  in  Tran- 
sylvania and  Serbia.  It  appeared  that  the  Supreme  Com- 
mand had  taken  every  step  to  ensure  sufficient  Hungarian 
troops  being  sent  to  Transylvania  and  the  Danube  to  protect 
the  frontier.  On  this  I  brought  the  conversation  round  to 
Karolyi  and  the  Buda  Pesth  garrison,  whereupon  Szurmay 
said  he  took  full  responsibility  for  the  reliability  of  the 
Buda  Pesth  troops.  Even  to  replace  the  regiments  in 
Buda  Pesth  by  cadres  from  the  country,  he  said,  would 
be  superfluous. 

I  thought  it  necessary  to  communicate  with  His 
Majesty  the  same  day  and  again  point  out  to  him  the  great 
risk  of  postponing  the  Hungarian  crisis  till  after  the  15th 
October,  on  which  day  Parliament  was  to  meet.  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  comments  on  an  Austrian  Federal  State 
manifesto,  said  to  be  in  the  hands  of  the  Monarch,  had 
already  appeared  in  the  Buda  Pesth  daily  papers,  and 
this  had  instantly  been  made  the  subject  of  an  agita- 
tion by  all  the  Hungarian  Parties.  Political  circles 
unaware  of  the  real  situation  argued  with  reason  that 
at  a  moment  when  Czechs,  South  Slavs  and  German 
Austrians  were  preparing  to  reorganize  their  national  in- 
dependence, Hungary  must  also  take  steps  to  safeguard 
her  aspirations.  Of  course,  no  one  could  know  that  for 
months  past  His  Majesty  had  been  fully  resolved  to  carry 
out  a  democratic  national  programme,  which  remodelled 
and  transformed  our  constitution,  for  the  publication  of  this 
programme  would  involve  a  change  of  Government. 

At   this   period    I    constantly   discussed   domestic   and 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WlNDISCHGRAETZ         245 

foreign  questions,  important  guiding  lines  and  their  smallest 
details,  personal  problems,  and  finally  my  own  person,  with 
friends  and  opponents,  for  I  wanted  my  political  position 
to  be  made  clear  at  last,  both  to  me  and  to  the  country. 
I  again  informed  His  Majesty  of  my  final  intention  of 
resigning,  but  again  I  was  told  that  a  solution  of  every 
question  might  be  expected  in  a  few  days. 

I  went  to  Vienna,  where  I  had  to  hold  a  conference  at 
the  Ministry  of  War  with  regard  to  provisioning  the  army. 
His  Majesty  summoned  me  by  telephone  and  showed  me 
Wilson's  answer  to  Germany.  He  said  Burian  had  trust- 
worthy information  that  Austria-Hungary  would  also 
receive  a  favourable  answer  within  the  next  few  days. 
I  was  already  certain  that,  with  a  view  to  retaining  his 
post,  Burian  put  the  Monarch  off  from  month  to  month 
and  day  to  day  with  reports,  expectations  and  hopes  of 
favourable  turns  in  foreign  political  conditions.  In  this 
particular  case  I  was  soon  able  to  ascertain  the  fact  that 
no  news  had  been  received  from  any  of  our  Ministries  in 
neutral  countries  of  a  favourable  reply  from  Wilson. 

Under  the  impression  created  by  rumours  and  statements 
as  to  the  manifesto,  centres  of  smouldering  dissatisfaction 
in  the  Austrian  Parliament  broke  into  open  rebellion. 
The  German  Parties,  actively  influenced  by  Berlin  political 
circles,  were  determined  to  do  their  utmost  to  prevent  any 
kind  of  compromise  being  reached  with  regard  to  the 
German  Bohemian  districts.  On  the  other  hand,  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  Czech  Society,  Messrs.  Fiedler,  Gruban, 
Tusar  and  Stanek,  had  assured  the  Monarch  of  their  loyalty 
on  repeated  occasions  of  being  received  in  audience,  and 
had  promised  to  oppose  all  separatist  tendencies  if  the 
Monarch  would  proclaim  and  sanction  a  Bohemian  national 
policy  and  the  maintenance  of  Bohemia's  historic  frontiers. 
Any  real  agreement  between  the  Bohemian  and  German 
Parties  was  of  course  out  of  the  question.  Count  Silva 
Tarouca,  the  optimist,  who  made  many  efforts  in  that 
direction,  had  been  severely  rebuffed  both  by  the  Czechs 
and  the  Germans. 

It  now  occurred  to  the  late  Prime  Minister,  Seidler, 
who  had  in  the  meantime  become  Chief  of  the  Emperor's 


246  MY  MEMOIRS 

Cabinet,  to  persuade  the  Monarch  to  receive  all  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  Austrian  Parties  in  audience.  When  I 
heard  of  this  plan  I  immediately  advised  His  Majesty  that 
I  had  grave  doubts  as  to  the  wisdom  of  his  trying  to  effect 
a  solution  of  the  Austrian  crisis  by  personal  influence,  and 
told  him  that  a  monarch  ought  not  to  mix  himself  up  in 
Party  politics. 

In  the  afternoon  I  had  a  long  conference  with  the 
Austrian  Food  Minister,  Paul,  and  General  Landwehr. 
I  was  obliged,  for  the  first  time  since  my  appointment 
as  Food  Minister,  to  inform  them  both  that  it  was 
absolutely  impossible  for  me  to  send  food  supplies  of  any 
kind  to  Austria  while  the  political  conditions  in  Austria 
remained  unsettled.  I  asked  them  who  really  constituted 
the  Government  with  which  I  was  to  transact  business 
in  connection  with  the  compensation  owing  to  us,  and 
remarked  incidentally  that,  properly  speaking,  I  was  not 
competent  to  act  either,  as  I  had  sent  in  my  resignation. 
I  had  my  statements  taken  down,  and  I  also  notified  His 
Majesty  of  what  I  had  said.  I  really  should  not  have  been 
in  a  position  to  be  responsible  to  the  Hungarian  Parliament 
for  sending  food  to  Austria  at  a  moment  when  the  King's 
manifesto  was  agitating  the  minds  of  the  Hungarians,  for 
every  food  measure  was  represented  as  being  of  a  political 
character. 

Meanwhile  an  incident  had  occurred  which  throws  the 
strongest  light  on  Burian's  irresponsible  methods.  Even 
before  he  had  produced  and  sent  off  his  proposal  of 
an  armistice,  at  Germany's  bidding,  a  possibility  had 
arisen  in  Switzerland  of  bringing  English  circles  into  touch 
with  Andrassy,  the  object  being  to  prepare  the  way  for 
peace  conversations  at  once.  This  proposal  came  to  the 
Foreign  Minister  through  the  official  channel,  the  Berne 
Legation  ;  Burian  left  it  on  his  writing-table  unanswered. 
Andrassy  heard  of  the  mission  intended  for  him  through 
a  private  letter  he  received  from  a  friend  in  Switzerland. 
He  went  to  Vienna  at  once  and  interrogated  Burian. 
"  Yes,"  said  Burian,  "  it  is  true,  a  proposal  has  come  to 
hand,  but  I  attached  no  importance  to  it."  He  now  found 
himself  obliged  to  report  the  matter  to  His  Majesty. 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ         247 

As  on  every  occasion  which  arose  promising  to  expedite 
peace,  the  King  was  perfectly  delighted,  and  urged  Andrassy 
to  start  for  Switzerland  at  once  to  commence  the  negotiations. 

Andrassy  and  I  spent  the  evening  before  his  departure 
with  my  friend  Langenhan,  who  had  invited  quite  a  number 
of  German  deputies  and  Party  friends  (Baerenreiter,  Urban, 
Pacher,  Stelzer,  Steinwender,  Wolf  and  others)  to  his  house. 
Very  great  bitterness  was  felt  in  these  circles  against  the 
Chief  of  the  Cabinet,  Seidler,  and  the  group  of  independent 
German  deputies,  who  carried  on  a  backstairs  policy  with 
His  Majesty  ;  the  audiences  with  the  Emperor,  or  rather 
the  arbitrary  composition  of  the  deputations,  also  came 
in  for  criticism. 

Andrassy  explained  the  difficulties  of  the  present 
political  situation  in  the  marvellously  clear  way  of  expressing 
himself  which  is  peculiar  to  him.  He  laid  stress  on  the 
fact  that  he  was  an  unconditional  supporter  of  the  union 
between  Austria  and  Hungary.  In  the  present  desperate 
position  the  first  consideration  was  to  obtain  a  possibility 
of  peace  ;  all  other  questions  were  matters  for  the  future. 
He  pledged  his  word  that  Hungary  would  provide  Austria 
with  food  in  proportion  to  the  supplies  available,  but  said 
he  must,  in  return,  be  guaranteed  corresponding  support 
from  the  German  Parties  in  his  Hungarian  policy.  "  I 
am  now  going  to  Switzerland,  and  if  at  all  possible  I  shall 
bring  back  peace.  If  I  succeed  in  this,  I  have  decided  to 
be  responsible  for  the  Monarchy's  foreign  policy.  Every- 
thing now  depends  on  the  South-west  Front  doing  its  duty 
till  the  last  moment,  for  unless  demobilization  proceeds 
methodically,  peace  negotiations  cannot  be  discussed  without 
being  influenced  by  the  enemy."  The  German  deputies 
said  they  entirely  agreed. 

Andrassy  went  to  Switzerland  ;  I  went  back  to  Buda 
Pesth  on  the  evening  of  14th  October. 


THE    LAST    DAYS 

The  Hungarian  Parliament  was  opened  on  the  15th,  on  which 
day  there  was  only  a  formal  sitting. 

But  there  was  the  greatest  excitement,  the  utmost 
tension  and  expectation  behind  the  scenes,  in  the  lobbies, 
and  among  friends  and  acquaintances  in  the  House.  The 
text  of  the  Austrian  manifesto  had  become  widely  known 
and  had  electrified  the  country.  An  open  agitation  broke 
out  which  aimed  at  nothing  less  than  complete  separation 
from  Austria.  National  passions  were  once  more  let  loose 
and  set  ablaze.  Talk  of  the  necessity  of  immediately  separa- 
ting all  the  joint  institutions  might  be  heard  from  any  of 
the  groups  scattered  about  the  House.  Such  was  the  influ- 
ence of  the  agitation  that  even  so  ultra-orthodox  a  '67 
politician  as  Tisza  took  the  question  of  creating  an  inde- 
pendent Foreign  Office  for  Hungary  into  consideration. 
It  was  a  fatality  that  Julius  Andrassy,  the  one  statesman 
who  would  have  had  the  mental  capacity  and  strength  to 
control  and  keep  an  eye  on  the  streams  of  fire  which  were 
hissing,  but  all  flowing  in  different  directions,  and  to  turn 
them  to  beneficent  and  national  ends,  was  not  in  the  country 
at  this  critical  time.  Month  after  month  he  had  to  pass  by 
on  the  other  side  of  the  official  street  and  had  been  debarred 
from  the  sphere  of  action  best  suited  to  his  abilities ; 
now  he  might  have  acted  as  the  guardian  angel  of  the 
country,  and  it  was  decreed  that  he  should  not  be  on 
the  spot. 

I  was  in  despair.  I  urged  a  solution  of  the  crisis  in  Vienna. 
I  was  an  inopportune  monitor  :  I  received  no  answer  from 
the  Monarch.  Wekerle  thought  even  now  that  trifling 
measures  would  avail.  Ministerial  conferences  took  place 
every  day.     The  Croatian  question  seemed  insoluble  ;    the 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         249 

Ban  had  simply  broken  off  relations  with  our  Government ; 
Wekerle  himself  looked  grave. 

And  the  whole  nation  looked  anxiously  to  the  arbiters 
of  its  fate ;  the  whole  Empire  waited  for  a  sound,  a  voice,  a 
hand,  which  should  lead  it  out  of  the  desert  into  the  promised 
land.  But  neither  Burian  nor  Wekerle  understood  the 
importance  of  the  moment  :  the  people  demanded  bread 
and  they  offered  stones. 

I  heard  nothing  from  the  King. 

In  Buda  Pesth  we  held  one  conference  after  another. 
Hedervary's  house  was  the  rendezvous;  Vazsonyi,  Zlinsky, 
Tot,  I  and  others  racked  our  brains.  Vazsonyi  saw  quite 
clearly.  He  said  :  "  At  present,  control  of  the  mob  is  the 
only  important  consideration  ;  the  process  of  disintegration 
has  gone  too  far  ;  a  peace  which  is  in  a  fair  way  to  settle- 
ment cannot  be  concluded  and  the  war  brought  to  an  end 
unless  the  strongest  and  most  drastic  measures  are  applied. 
The  Government  which  is  to  carry  them  into  effect  must 
possess  the  confidence  of  the  masses  of  the  people.  Our 
Government  does  not  possess  it  :  there  will  be  bad  times.  I 
am  not  a  monarchist,  but,  Windischgraetz,"  he  said,  turning 
to  me,  "  tell  the  King  that  I,  the  Jew  Vazsonyi,  will  keep 
the  oath  I  swore  to  him  as  Privy  Councillor.  He  should 
realize  in  good  time  that  he  will  find  few  who  act  as  I  do." 

That  was  Vazsonyi  all  over,  an  idealist,  a  character, 
a  gentleman.  He  might  have  been  the  idol  of  the  revolu- 
tionary school  of  thought — he  was  a  democrat  at  heart ; 
but  he  said  frankly  :  "  I  have  sworn  to  a  King,  and  I  cannot 
swear  one  oath  to-day  and  another  to-morrow."  The 
greatest  mistake  I  made,  one  I  can  never  forgive  myself, 
was  that  a  few  months  before,  when  the  Cabinet  was  being 
reconstructed  on  account  of  the  franchise  crisis,  I  agreed 
to  Vazsonyi's  breaking  away  from  the  Government.  As  a 
former  Minister  he,  now  only  a  simple  deputy,  would  not 
enter  the  arena  in  these  times.  The  arena,  it  should  be  said, 
was  now  the  street.  The  mob  would  have  hailed  him, 
but  he  was  too  noble  to  wish  for  such  a  triumph.  So  long 
as  he  was  in  the  Cabinet,  Karolyi's  upward  flight  could  only 
have  led  to  his  probable  headlong  downfall,  for  the  proofs 
of  his  treachery  were  already  at  the  Ministry  of  Justice. 


250  MY  MEMOIRS 

Vazsonyi  hated  everything  unreal,  everything  that  glittered, 
everything  underhand,  and  Karolyi  and  his  accomplices 
among  the  bourgeois  Radicals,  Jaszi,  Szendi  and  Co.,  were  to 
him  the  embodiment  of  all  that  was  hateful. 

I,  too,  like  Vazsonyi,  foresaw,  feared  that  the  great 
dramatic  moral  collapse  must  take  place  the  moment  the 
general  public  discovered  in  Parliament  what  frightful 
chaos  reigned,  without  having  been  prepared  for  the  revela- 
tion. Truly,  there  could  hardly  have  been  a  more  unfavour- 
able moment  for  the  opening  of  Parliament.  The  Monarch 
had  had  a  programme  in  his  pocket  for  six  months  and  had 
not  published  it.  All  these  months  he  had  hesitated,  loyally, 
for  he  might  only  too  easily  have  chanced  to  act  unconstitu- 
tionally. He  needed  three  men  and  strong  majorities,  and 
could  not  find  them.  Even  now  he  had  not  got  three  men 
who  were  agreed,  and  he  had  no  majority,  yet  he  launched 
the  manifesto  which  must  bring  about  the  most  far-reaching 
changes  in  the  constitutional  life  and  internal  organization 
of  the  old  Monarchy.  Just  as  he  shirked  telling  Burian 
unpleasant  truths  a  short  time  ago  and  left  essentials  un- 
settled at  the  eleventh  hour,  so  he  apparently  shrank  from 
admitting  to  my  face  that  he  had  changed  his  attitude. 
He  kept  me  at  arm's-length. 

We  discussed  the  possible  combinations  in  the  new 
Cabinet.  Karolyi's  Party  was  firmly  determined  not  to 
agree  to  any  compromise,  and  was  working  hard  for  the  whole 
power,  in  accordance  with  a  Party  resolution.  A  conserva- 
tive wing  had  been  formed  within  the  Karolyi  Party  at  that 
time,  under  the  leadership  of  Batthyanyi  and  Lovaszy. 
Batthyanyi,  the  opportunist,  had  already  made  efforts  to 
secure  followers.  He  was  one  of  those  who  wanted  to  be 
insured  against  all  eventualities,  and  never  published  his 
real  views,  probably  because  he  had  none.  Lovaszy,  on 
the  other  hand,  who  had  always  been  more  of  a  democrat 
than  a  Socialist,  had  concentrated  his  policy  on  two  points  : 
turning  away  from  Germany  and  towards  the  Entente. 
Both  were  alarmed  at  the  rapid  increase  of  the  Bolshevist- 
Communist  elements  within  the  Karolyi  Party.  I  had 
satisfied  myself  more  than  once  in  conversations  with  his 
friends  and  partisans,  whom  I  met  in  the  office  or  in  Parlia- 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         251 

ment,  that  Karolyi  left  his  Party  in  the  dark  as  to  his  objects. 
He  assured  the  Monarch  that  he  would  adopt  a  conservative 
course,  and  represented  his  standing  up  for  franchise  and 
social  reform  as  being  merely  to  pacify  the  masses,  while 
to  his  Party  he  posed  as  a  red  republican.  His  Party  knew 
nothing  of  the  list  of  Ministers  he  had  submitted  to  the 
Monarch  on  the  occasion  of  his  audience  at  Reichenau.  In 
this  way  he  played  a  double  game,  hoping  to  carry  the  day 
under  any  circumstances. 

Solidarity  against  revolutionary  movements  was  not, 
however,  the  only  object  of  discussion  at  the  Hungarian 
Ministerial  Councils  ;  we  now  had  to  consider  the  statements 
Wekerle  was  to  make  in  the  Hungarian  House  of  Deputies, 
on  the  proclamation  of  an  independent  Hungarian  army 
and  on  general  national  policy.  I  thought  it  would  be  right 
to  take  this  opportunity  of  acquainting  the  public  with  the 
parts  of  His  Majesty's  programme  relating  to  Hungary ; 
but  this  could  not  very  well  be  done,  because  no  agreement 
had  yet  been  reached  between  Wekerle  and  the  Monarch 
as  regards  most  of  the  points  in  the  programme. 

As  far  as  the  national  policy  was  concerned,  our  position 
was  not  at  all  bad.  Although  our  external  position  looked 
black  and  our  domestic  policy  hopelessly  tangled,  Hungary, 
as  compared  with  her  sister-State,  presented  the  appear- 
ance of  unity,  and  was  far  the  most  powerful  portion  of 
the  Dual  Monarchy.  In  spite  of  the  agitation  within 
the  army,  in  spite  of  the  forces  of  disintegration  which 
had  assailed  our  troops,  the  Hungarian  soldiers  had 
fought  and  held  out  splendidly  hitherto.  Thanks  to  the 
measures  I  had  taken — I  had  provided  abundantly  for  my 
country,  so  help  me  God,  though  the  jackals  in  Parliament 
might  abuse  me — Hungary's  food  supply  was  assured  for 
a  whole  year,  and  there  were  now  such  quantities  of  maize 
available  in  Hungary  that  we  should  have  been  in  a  position 
to  give  Austria  very  considerable  help.  In  view  of  the 
impending  early  demobilization,  all  the  supplies  would  have 
sufficed  to  amply  provide  for  Austria  till  the  end  of  the 
economic  year  1919.  This  factor  alone  gave  us  the  supremacy 
within  the  Monarchy.  A  prompt  and  rational  solution  of  the 
South  Slav  question  would  have  secured  Hungary  an  outlet 


252  MY  MEMOIRS 

to  the  sea  for  all  time.  As  Vazsonyi  had  truly  remarked  : 
everything  depended  on  order  being  maintained  in  the 
country  and  on  the  South-west  Front  proving  capable  of 
resistance.  The  possibility  of  its  collapse  had  always 
appeared  to  me  the  chief  danger.  If  a  defeated  army  surged 
into  the  interior  of  the  country  as  a  vast  disorganized  military 
rabble,  the  bitterness  of  those  defeated  must  turn  with  all 
its  might  against  those  who  had  brought  them  into  such  a 
position.  Then  no  efforts  would  have  availed  to  maintain 
order  in  Vienna  and  Buda  Pesth.  The  South-west  Front, 
the  South-west  Front — that  was  our  danger,  our  anxiety, 
our  protection  and  our  salvation. 

On  the  16th  October  the  deputies  of  the  Frank  Party, 
Dr.  Ivo  Frank  with  two  of  his  friends,  came  to  look  for  me 
in  Parliament,  and  asked  me  to  facilitate  their  having  an 
audience  of  the  Monarch.  We  had  a  long  talk,  in  which 
they  explained  the  conditions  in  Croatia.  They  said  that 
the  great  majority  of  the  Croatian  population  would  gather 
round  the  Monarch's  throne  even  now,  if  he  were  minded  to 
pursue  an  avowed  Greater  Croatian  policy.  If  a  union  of 
all  the  parts  of  the  Monarchy  inhabited  by  Croatians  could 
be  reckoned  on,  it  would  still  be  possible  to  try  conclusions 
with  the  Greater  Serbian  elements.  But  there  was  no  time 
to  be  lost,  for  since  the  Bulgarian  collapse  they  had  been 
working  at  high  pressure  to  separate  all  the  South  Slav 
parts.  The  Ban  himself  was  already  in  direct  touch  with 
the  Entente  and  with  the  Greater  Serbian  Committee  in 
Corfu.  A  military  commissioner  armed  with  full  powers 
might  restore  order.  The  chief  difficulty  was  the  settlement 
with  Hungary. 

I  replied  that,  at  the  moment,  there  could  only  be  an 
absolutely  honest  understanding,  and  that  in  future, 
according  to  His  Majesty's  programme,  with  which  Dr. 
Frank  was  acquainted,  Croatia  and  Hungary  must  pursue 
a  common  policy. 

I  got  into  communication  with  Reichenau  from  the 
House,  and  was  informed  that  His  Majesty  could  receive 
the  Croatian  deputation  in  audience  at  once.  Meanwhile, 
I  was  told  that  the  Ban  Mihalovic  and  several  other  gentle- 
men,  among  them   Count   Kulmer   and   Duschan   Popovic, 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ         253 

had  been  received  in  audience  and  had  assured  His  Majesty 
of  their  absolute  loyalty.  His  Majesty  answered  them  clearly 
and  decidedly  that  he  adhered  to  a  union  of  all  the  Croatians 
under  the  sovereignty  of  the  sacred  crown  of  St.  Stephen. 
The  question  whether  the  Austrian  Slavs  should  throw  in 
their  lot  with  this  new  Croatian  State  must  be  decided  by  the 
South  Slavs  of  Austria  themselves,  on  the  principle  of  the 
right  of  self-determination.  He  did  not  propose  to  abandon 
Hungary's  sovereign  rights  in  any  case. 

On  the  16th  Wekerle  announced  at  a  Ministerial  Council 
that  he  would  not  carry  on  any  policy  at  all  with  the  Frank 
Party.  He  was  of  opinion  that  the  Serbo-Croat  Coalition 
would  place  itself  at  the  disposal  of  the  Government  un- 
conditionally ;  Kulmer  and  Popovic  and  their  colleagues 
had  been  with  the  Monarch  and  had  given  assurances  of 
loyalty  ;  the  solution  of  the  Ban  crisis  was  only  a  question 
of  days,  and  all  the  reports  from  Croatia  were  very  much 
exaggerated. 

Wekerle's  optimism  was  adamantine — even  in  this 
instance  (although  the  revolution  broke  out  a  few  days  later 
in  Croatia). 

I  heard  that  day  that  Andrassy  was  thinking  of  coming 
back  from  Switzerland.  He  had  had  no  opportunity  of 
negotiating  with  anyone.  The  whole  business  had  been 
taken  in  hand  too  late,  through  Burian's  negligence,  or  rather 
his  having  intentionally  ignored  the  suggestion.  The  English 
feeler  had  been  thrown  out  to  ascertain  whether  Austria- 
Hungary  would  be  prepared  to  conclude  a  separate  peace  ; 
but  as  Austria  had  in  the  meantime  taken  steps  openly  in 
the  direction  of  peace,  simultaneously  with  Germany,  the 
feeler  had  long  since  been  withdrawn. 

On  the  occasion  of  the  opening  of  the  Foreign  Affairs 
Committee  (16th  October)  Karolyi  made  violent  attacks  in 
the  Hungarian  Delegation  in  Vienna  on  the  joint  conduct 
of  foreign  affairs.  Of  course  he  was  accurately  informed 
as  to  the  King's  peace  policy,  but  he  raised  an  out- 
cry which  gave  him  a  chance  of  talking  in  Vienna  of  his 
excellent  relations  with  France.  The  object  was  apparently 
to  gain  popularity  in  certain  Communistic  circles  in  Vienna. 
Anyhow,  it  very  soon  appeared  that  his  relations  were  only 


254  MY  MEMOIRS 

with  elements  which  belonged  to  defeatist  French  circles, 
and  were  consequently  absolutely  at  variance  with  the 
official  policy  of  their  country.  I  was  informed  by  Vienna 
friends  that,  some  time  before  this,  Karolyi  had  tried  to  join 
the  Radical  Communist  wing  of  Austrian  Social  Democracy. 
He  had  promised  the  Socialists  (perhaps  when  I  saw  him 
in  the  private  room  at  Sacher's)  that  in  the  event  of  joint 
action  and  a  joint  organization  being  agreed  on,  he  would  do 
his  utmost  to  support  an  Austrian  Socialist  Government 
from  Hungary,  even  to  sending  ample  food  supplies.  It 
was  just  at  this  time  that  Karolyi  sent  a  message  to  Switzer- 
land by  one  of  his  confidential  agents,  the  journalist,  Leo 
Szemere  (who  was  at  the  same  time  employed  by  the  Foreign 
Office).  In  it  he  promised  the  Entente  that  he  would 
carry  out  a  policy  friendly  to  the  nationalities  in  Hungary. 
This  message  was  to  have  been  sent  via  Berne  to  Wilson, 
but  it  was  soon  hung  up  somewhere  on  the  way,  for  Karolyi's 
relations  were  limited  to  circles — such,  for  instance,  as  the 
intellectuals  round  the  editor  of  Demain,  Henri  Guilbeaux — 
which,  of  course,  had  no  access  to  the  leading  factors  of  the 
Entente. 

On  the  17th  the  Monarch's  manifesto  regarding  the 
Austrian  Federal  State  appeared  in  the  official  Wiener 
Zeitung.  I  had  prevented  the  publication  of  this  document 
for  a  fortnight.  But  I  had  now  had  no  communication 
with  His  Majesty  or  tidings  from  him  since  the  14th.  My 
influence  was  set  aside.  I  could  only  assume  that  an 
intrigue  had  been  hatched  against  me  personally. 

Wekerle  had  concluded  agreements  with  the  Austrian 
Prime  Minister  of  which  neither  I  nor  the  Hungarian  Cabinet 
had  any  knowledge.  Logically,  the  manifesto  could  only 
have  been  published  with  a  simultaneous  message  to  Hun- 
gary ;  for  it  was  impossible,  from  a  constitutional  point  of 
view,  to  effect  radical  constitutional  changes,  in  fact,  an 
absolute  transformation  of  the  Austrian  constitutional 
status,  without  making  a  simultaneous  declaration  to 
Hungary. 

I  put  myself  in  communication  with  Vienna  the  very 
same  day,  with  a  view  to  tendering  my  resignation  again 
and  irrevocably. 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         255 

I  was  confronted  with  a  riddle.  Hitherto  I  had  found 
that  one  of  the  axioms  of  the  "  system  "  was  a  vague  adher- 
ence to  principles  long  since  abandoned  (paradoxical  as  this 
may  sound)  ;  now  I  found  the  opposite  :  categorical  renun- 
ciation of  fixed  principles.  In  the  recent  period  of  most 
trying  complications  and  serious  depression  I  had  been 
the  King's  confidant  and  counsellor.  He  had  given  me 
every  proof  that  he  really  valued  my  advice.  I  alone  was 
familiar  with  all  the  main  points  of  our  domestic  and 
foreign  policy ;  I  alone  had  carried  on  negotiations 
for  him  in  every  direction.  Sic  transit  gloria  mundi  did 
not  apply  to  me  in  any  way  ;  I  had  never  been  ambi- 
tious ;  I  had  persistently  declined  all  civil  distinctions  and 
orders  ;  I  had  even  refused  the  Privy  Councillorship  to  which 
I  was  entitled  as  a  Minister  ;  I  had  had  innumerable  oppor- 
tunities of  becoming  Prime  Minister  ;  I  need  only  have  taken 
what  had  been  offered,  urged  on  me  times  out  of  number. 
But  something  far  worse  than  personal  mortification  had 
befallen  me :  I  had  united  and  mobilized  my  political  friends  ; 
I  had  succeeded  in  securing  an  agreement  between  Tisza 
and  the  Moderates  of  the  Left  Parties,  which  no  one  had 
ever  been  able  to  do  before  ;  I  had  it  in  my  power  to  muster 
Socialists  and  Radicals  in  support  of  a  programme  of  reform — 
and  now  I  could  not  give  any  of  these  men  and  leaders,  who 
had  at  last  been  won  over  in  a  body,  at  the  eleventh  hour, 
to  national  Hungarian  policy,  to  the  State  and  the  dynasty, 
any  explanation  of  a  new  and  epochal  manifesto  which  had 
been  decided  on  without  reference  to  me. 

My  position  towards  the  Press  became  most  difficult. 
I  had  carried  on  negotiations  with  various  representatives 
of  the  influential  Hungarian  newspapers,  and  my  diplomacy 
had  succeeded  in  restraining  the  most  dangerous  section 
of  the  Press  and  subordinating  it  to  my  purposes.  Now 
these  threads  must  slip  through  my  fingers.  I  was  assailed 
on  all  sides.  I  had  paved  the  way  ;  these  people  wanted  to 
know  where  the  way  led.  I  did  not  know.  To  nothing. 
They  all  called  on  me  ;  I  was  questioned,  attacked,  inter- 
pellated in  my  office,  in  Parliament,  in  the  street.  I  had 
promised  solutions— what  solutions  ?  In  what  direction  ? 
With  what  object  ?     I  could  not  give  any  answer.     Tisza 


256  MY  MEMOIRS 

questioned  me,  Kuno  Klebelsberg  placed  himself  at  my 
command  on  behalf  of  the  National  Work  Party — I  had  no 
further  commands.  The  Press  took  me  for  a  swindler, 
for  a  liar  who  was  making  game  of  it  ;  and  I  must  admit 
that,  from  their  point  of  view,  they  had  a  right  to  assume 
this.  People  forced  their  way  to  me,  demanded  an  explana- 
tion, and  I  could  not  give  any. 

I  was  confronted  with  a  riddle. 

I  was  face  to  face  with  the  "  system."  I  had  long  since 
arrived  at  what  constituted  its  mental  philosophy,  its  points 
d'appui  and  its  maxims,  from  the  rich  store  of  my  experiences. 

In  domestic  affairs :  policy  of  working  against  one 
another. 

In  foreign  affairs  :    policy  of  "  bamboozling." 

Foreign  Minister,  Supreme  Command  of  the  Army,  Aus- 
trian and  Hungarian  Governments  always  pursuing  different 
courses. 

Therefore  necessary  :    the  compromise   courtier. 

Postponement  of  every  important  decision. 

The  Hungarians  to  have  a  free  hand,  even  for  the  most 
injurious  measures,  so  long  as  the  budget  for  army  and  joint 
expenses  was  guaranteed. 

Vague  adherence  to  principles  long  since   abandoned. 

Spanish  etiquette  of  the  spirit. 

Incompetence  in  organizing. 

Nonsense !  it  will  be  all  right. 

The  Janus-faced  banner  :  in  front,  Viribus  unitis ;  at 
the  back,  Divide  et  impera. 

And  the  most  important  consideration  :  the  political 
pedant,  always  prepared  to  prove  that  any  change  in  the 
system  is  a  constitutional  impossibility. 

On  the  18th  October  the  autumn  session  was  to  be  opened 
by  the  first  notable  public  meeting  of  the  House  of  Deputies. 
Everyone  felt  the  importance  of  the  historic  event.  The 
political  attributes  for  which  Hungary  had  struggled  for 
centuries  past  were  to  be  pronounced  from  the  chief  platform 
in  the  country.  And  what  gave  special  pathos  to  the  moment 
was  the  fact  that  it  was  the  crowned  King,  a  Habsburg, 
who  was  sanctioning  the  national  policy. 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         257 

The  House  was  full ;  the  benches  packed.  The  only 
deputies  missing  were  the  Croatians,  who  stayed  away  to 
show  that  they  no  longer  felt  at  home  in  this  House.  The 
wives  of  members  were  almost  all  present  ;  Karolyi  ogled 
their  gallery  as  usual.  Deputies  came  and  went ;  the  buzz 
of  voices  rose  and  fell ;  there  was  much  the  same  feeling  of 
eager  curiosity  and  expectation  in  the  air  as  at  a  theatre. 
Then  Wekerle  rose  and  opened  the  meeting.  He  spoke 
in  an  everyday  tone,  mechanically,  without  raising  his  voice 
or  showing  any  sign  of  emotion,  so  that  members  very  soon 
became  restive.  He  made  announcements  of  the  most 
momentous  nature,  whose  inherent  pathos  alone  might  have 
sent  a  thrill  through  the  House,  in  his  usual  conciliatory 
manner  ;  statements  of  historic  importance  simply  fell  flat. 
He  let  the  ripe  fruit  of  the  tree  of  national  life,  as  it  were, 
fall  to  the  ground  and  held  the  rind  aloft.  What  he  said 
on  this  occasion  was  commonplace,  or  rather  the  way  in 
which  he  said  it.  There  were  angry  interruptions.  The 
parliamentarian  in  him  was  roused  ;  turning  right  and  left, 
he  answered  all  the  questions  with  automatic  skill,  purely  in 
technical  form.  The  Slovak  Father  Juriga  made  ironical 
remarks  ;  the  Government  supporters  called  him  to  order. 
The  Rumanians  in  the  House  expressed  incredulity; 
the  Work  Party  shouted  them  down.  Karolyi's  partisans 
seemed  in  a  good  humour  and  also  interrupted  without  inter- 
mission. Wekerle,  unmoved,  quoted  statistics  to  prove 
that  there  was  no  oppression  in  Transylvania.  The  dis- 
satisfaction increased.  Most  of  those  present  thought  to 
themselves  :  "  The  old  Wekerle.  Leading  us  by  the  nose 
again.  Not  a  word  of  truth  in  what  he  says  :  setting  up  a 
separate  department  for  foreign  affairs — a  national  army — 
decidedly  all  untrue."  Wekerle  was  so  thoroughly  dis- 
credited in  the  country  that  the  announcement  of  epochal 
changes  in  Hungary's  national  life  was  received  without 
credence,  without  the  smallest  emotion.  The  impatience 
grew,  for  he  spoke  at  great  length,  and  when  he  sat 
down  not  a  hand  was  raised  to  applaud. 

Karolyi  rose  at  once.  He  began  quietly,  in  his  usual 
blase"  manner,  but  the  applause  of  his  partisans  roused  him 
to  greater   vehemence.      He   attacked   Wekerle   and   found 

17 


258  MY  MEMOIRS 

one  fault  after  another  with  his  policy,  which  alone  was 
responsible  for  Hungary's  present  desperate  position.  Then 
came  the  real  sensation  of  the  day,  the  first  open  announce- 
ment of  the  revolution.  "  The  Prime  Minister  has  done 
nothing,"  he  explained  to  the  now  silent  House,  "  to  bring 
about  a  solution  of  the  national  crisis.  He  has  not  told  us 
whether  our  troops  are  to  be  brought  back  from  the  West 
Front.  I  now  declare  that  I  shall  proceed  to  action  !  " 
As  far  as  it  was  possible  for  a  trumpet-call  to  ring  from 
Karolyi's  mouth,  this  was  a  battle-cry.  The  whole  House 
listened,  for  every  one  knew  what  he  meant. 

The  250  members  of  the  Work  Party,  who  were  grouped 
round  Tisza  in  a  large  semicircle,  looked  at  their  leader, 
who  sat  in  the  front  row  on  the  right,  next  to  the  Prime 
Minister.  He  was  sitting  bent  forward,  looking  anxiously 
at  Karolyi.  Wekerle's  Government  supporters,  numbering 
100,  were  utterly  perplexed  and  undecided — seemed 
rather  inclined  to  agree  with  Karolyi ;  cries  came 
from  every  direction  ;  Karotyi  made  his  speech  to  a  run- 
ning accompaniment  of  interruptions.  Tisza's  partisans 
howled  him  down  furiously.  The  whole  House  was  laden 
with  electricity. 

Then  Tisza  got  up.  Calm  was  restored  at  once,  and 
peace  of  mind.  The  old  leader  was  speaking  now,  the  lion 
who  had  held  the  country  together  for  so  many  years  with 
his  claws  and  stubbornly  persisted  in  driving  it  his  own 
way.  He  leant  quietly  on  his  seat  and  spoke  in  his  usual 
calm,  disciplined,  Parliamentary  manner.  Everyone  ex- 
pected that  he  would  crush  Karolyi  contemptuously  under 
his  heel  like  a  worm.  But  he  did  nothing  of  the  kind.  Un- 
usual silence  reigned  in  the  House.  Turning  to  Karolyi, 
Tisza  spoke  coolly  and  objectively,  more  gravely  than  ever 
before.  What  he  said  amounted  to  self-castigation,  hari- 
kari.  A  dumbfounded  House  realized  that  some  extra- 
ordinary change  had  taken  place  in  the  man's  heart.  What 
it  heard  was  an  absolute  disavowal  of  Wekerle's  speech, 
frank  capitulation  to  Karolyi ;  what  Tisza  said  in  so  many 
words,  what  must  be  telegraphed  the  next  minute  to  the 
whole  world,  was  :    "  We  are  beaten." 

Never  before  had  such  an  admission  fallen  from  his  lips. 


PRINCE  LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ         259 

In  the  days  of  our  worst  defeats,  Tisza  only  talked  of  victory  ; 
he  bent  the  most  stubborn  truth  in  the  pliers  of  his  patriotism 
and  made  it  serve  his  purposes — now,  when  our  front  was 
still  intact,  still  unbroken,  he  admitted  that  we  were  beaten. 
In  reality,  Hungary  was  a  heap  of  ruins  from  that  moment. 
The  excitement  that  ensued  was  tremendous.     Some  of  the 
people   rushed   into   the   corridor   in   dismay  ;     the   twenty 
Karolyites  were  jubilant :  they  had  carried  the  day.     The 
whole  anger  of  the  House  was  now  turned  against  them. 
Tisza  went  on  speaking  ;    he,  too,  was  under  an  evil  influ- 
ence which   aimed  at   destruction  of  all  the  joint  institu- 
tions of  the  Monarchy.     I  listened  in  horror.     There  was  no 
one  present  to  oppose  this  madness,  no  one  had  a  sense  of 
the   real   necessities    of   the    moment.     Inwardly    I    longed 
for  Andrassy  ;   he,  whose  whole  life-work  had  been  for  Hun- 
gary's benefit,  would  assuredly  have  opposed  the  madness, 
would  have  appealed  to  reason  and  prevented  the  deluded 
people  from  breaking  up  what  ought,  at  least  at  this  juncture, 
to  form  one  organic  body  in  the  interest  of  the  two  halves* 
But  Andrassy  was  far  away  ;    and  at  this  historic  moment, 
when  the  sovereignty  of  the  country  was  proclaimed  in  the 
name  of  the  crowned  King  of  Hungary,  the  debate  in  the 
representative  assembly  sank  to  the  level  of  personal  attacks, 
of  Party  insinuations.     It  was  pitiable.     Tisza  continued  : 
"lam  well  aware  that  we  must  negotiate  with  the  Entente, 
but   not   in   the   treacherous    way    Karolyi   contemplates." 
On   this   Fenyes   Laszlo  exclaimed  :     "  Our  troops  are  not 
fighting  any  longer  ;    they  won't  fight ;    the  war  is  over  !  " 
The  excitement  in  the  air  had  long  since  taken  possession 
of  me  ;   my  back  was  up,  the  President  was  weak  and  help- 
less.    Curly-headed  Lovaszy  cut  Tisza  short  in  the  middle 
of  a  sentence,  struck  the  bench  with  his  powerful  fist,  and 
exclaimed  impetuously  :     "  Yes,  indeed,   we  are  friends  of 
the  Entente  !     We  were  always  on  the  side  of  the  Entente  !  " 
A  tumult  instantly  arose.     Members  flew  from  their  seats 
and  made  a  rush  at  him  and  Karolyi.     The  President  was 
impotent,  useless.     I  sprang  from  my  seat,  jumped  on  to 
the  great  table  of  the  House  on  which  the  statute  books 
are  kept,  and,  boiling  with  rage,  poured  forth  all  my  wrath 
and  contempt   for   Karolyi.     I   hardly   know   now  what   I 


260  MY  MEMOIRS 

said.  I  spoke  of  Hungary's  hour  of  fate  :  the  most  disgrace- 
ful thing  a  Hungarian  could  do  was  to  act  treasonably, 
talk  treason  and  preach  treason  at  such  a  moment  ! 
I  saw  excited,  glowing  faces  cheering  me ;  I  saw  Tisza 
sitting  apathetically  on  his  bench,  I  saw  how  Karolyi's 
friends  sneaked  out  one  after  another  as  the  torrent  of  in- 
vective fell  from  my  lips  ;  they  felt  that  they  had  gone 
too  far,  that  for  to-day,  at  all  events,  they  had  lost  the  game 
through  my  intervention,  and  with  a  feeling  of  exultation 
which  swelled  my  heart  I  knew  that  all  I  had  shouted  down 
from  the  high  table  to  the  men  before  me,  in  the  raging 
tumult,  was  from  the  bottom  of  my  heart. 

The  memorable  sitting  ended  tragi-comically.  The  curi- 
ous atmosphere  which  had  predominated  in  the  House 
from  the  beginning  had  evaporated ;  disillusionment  quickly 
succeeded  it.  The  groups  poured  out  of  the  Chamber.  No 
further  incident  occurred,  and  Wekerle  was  of  opinion  that 
all  would  yet  turn  out  for  the  best. 

As  I  left  the  House  I  asked  myself  what  I  really  ought 
to  have  done,  and  what  would  happen  now.    Being  quite 
unaware  of  what  steps  the  King  had  taken,  I  was  obliged 
to  let    things   take  their  course,  and   my  thoughts  turned 
incessantly   to   Tisza.     What   had   happened  ?     The   giant, 
who  had  ruled  Parliament  as  no  one  else  had  ever  done, 
who  had   almost  always  come  off   victorious,  year  in  year 
out,  had  given  in.     Michael  Karolyi  threatened  revolution, 
anarchy  and  Bolshevism,  and  Tisza  climbed  down.     It  was 
incomprehensible.     Turning   unconsciously  towards  the  ex- 
treme Right  in  the  excitement  of  my  speech,  I  had  seen 
Tisza,  and  I  now  remembered  how  he  lay  rather  than  sat 
on  his  bench,  quite  apathetic — a  huge  stag  which  had  received 
its  death-blow.     Within  the  last  few  days  and  weeks  it  must 
have  dawned  on  the  strong,   honest  man  that  to  govern 
anti-socially  is  impossible,  to  govern  in  opposition  to  the 
people  is  a  crime  ;    the  masses,  bleeding   from  war-wounds, 
clamour  for  their  social  rights,  and   they   are  justified  in 
doing  so.     The  backbone  of  his  policy  was  broken  ;  Tisza's 
day  was  done,  and  he  knew  it  at  last.     Then  he  confessed 
that   we   were   beaten.      He   ought   perhaps   to   have   had 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         261 

sufficient  pride  to  go  even  farther  and  say  :  "I  myself  am 
beaten." 

I  had  fought  many  a  battle  with  Tisza  in  the  course  of 
the  last  few  years.  I  was  very  much  down  on  him  when 
he  was  at  the  height  of  his  power  and  I  was  in  the  Opposi- 
tion. Now  I  came  to  the  conclusion  that  he  had  unquestion- 
ably been  the  strongest  Hungarian  politician,  and  that  his 
ultimate  failure  was  a  result  of  the  unhappy  conflict 
between  the  Hungarians  themselves. 

Had  Tisza  retained  his  power  in  the  State,  much  might 
have  turned  out  differently.  It  is  true  that  it  was  a  ruthless 
despotism,  but  no  outward  force  could  have  broken  it  down. 

I  had  become  more  intimate  with  Tisza  in  the  course  of 
the  last  year,  and  I  had  learnt  to  understand  much,  in  a 
responsible  position,  which  had  roused  me  to  resistance 
when  I  sat  on  the  Opposition  benches.  No  human  being 
can  do  more  than  his  best ;  those  alone  are  to  blame  who 
have  benefited  personally  by  the  lack  of  co-operation 
between  the  factors  which  uphold  the  State. 

I  had  arrived  at  the  National  Casino,  where  I  intended 
to  dine.  I  sat  down  absent-mindedly  at  the  long  club  table, 
looked  up,  and  saw  opposite  me — Michael  Karolyi.  I  set 
upon  him  at  once.     The  members  present  gathered  round  us. 

Karolyi  apologized  to  us,  and  stated  emphatically  that 
he  did  not  identify  himself  with  Lovaszy.  He  regretted 
his  colleague's  interruption.  We  were  dumbfounded.  But 
I  knew  that  Karolyi  was  playing  a  double  game.  He  had 
no  hesitation  in  denying  here  what  he  had  tolerated  and 
underlined  when  surrounded  by  his  partisans  in  Parliament. 
He  wanted  to  appear  to  them  a  hero  and  to  us  a  mediator 
and  bridge-builder.  He  is  Janus-faced — can  say  yes  or  no, 
according  to  the  side  to  which  he  happens  to  be  required  to 
render  an  account. 

For  days  past  I  had  heard  nothing  from  the  King — no 
news,  no  call  to  the  telephone.  Perhaps  my  last  letter, 
which  really  conveyed  my  definite  resignation,  had  offended 
him  ;  but  more  probably  he  was  entirely  under  Burian's 
influence.     On  the  evening  of  this  day,  however,   I  heard 


262  MY  MEMOIRS 

that  the  Croat  deputies  belonging  to  Frank's  Party  were 
coming  to  see  me,  and  that  I  was  to  negotiate  with  them  on 
behalf  of  the  Monarch  ;  the  King  also  sent  me  word  that  I 
was  to  influence  Tisza  to  adopt  a  conciliatory  attitude  in 
the  South  Slav  question  in  the  sense  of  the  "  programme." 

The  King  communicated  with  me  again  .  .  .  the  King 
sent  me  word  .  .  .  besides  this,  I  learnt  that  the  King 
proposed  coming  to  Buda  Pesth  within  the  next  few  days. 

And  Wilson's  answer  to  Austria-Hungary  had  arrived 
from  America.  Wilson  was  no  longer  willing  to  negotiate 
with  the  Monarchy. 

Dr.  Frank  and  his  friends  returned  from  Vienna  the  next 
day.  They  looked  me  up  again  in  the  House,  while  a  secret 
sitting  was  going  on.  They  said  that  the  Emperor  had  re- 
ferred them  to  me.  "  Talk  everything  over  with  Windisch- 
graetz,"  he  had  said  ;  "he  knows  the  programme,  is  familiar 
with  all  the  details."  I  sent  for  Tisza  ;  he  had  been  the  great 
opponent  of  the  Croatian  claims  ;  but  I  had  already  used 
my  powers  of  persuasion  and  induced  him  to  take  a  more 
conciliatory  view.  He  was  quite  tame,  and  promised  to 
support  my  policy  (a  loud  clamour  was  heard  in  the  distance  ; 
the  Karolyites  were  making  a  disturbance).  The  Croats 
thanked  me  for  having  arranged  an  interview  between  them 
and  Tisza. 

When  they  had  gone,  Tisza  asked  me  whether  I  was  going 
to  take  over  the  Government.  I  said  :  "I  have  not  been 
in  touch  with  the  King  for  some  days  past."  He  shook  his 
head.  "  Do  take  some  step.  Tell  him  he  must  appoint 
Andrassy  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs."  I  was  then  per- 
suaded by  my  friend  Raba  to  ring  up  Reichenau.  I  told 
the  King  that  the  thing  of  most  importance  now  was  to 
appoint  Andrassy. 

And  that  was  my  last  talk  with  Tisza  in  this  world. 

At  the  secret  sitting  which  was  just  going  on  Ugron  made 
a  speech  in  which  he  described  the  danger  in  Transylvania, 
the  threatened  Rumanian  invasion.  Karolyi's  Party  gave 
him  a  tremendous  ovation,  which  surprised  me  very  much, 
and  made  me  suspect  that  Ugron  was  trying  to  get  into  touch 
with  Karolyi.  For  in  reality  there  was  nothing  to  fear  in 
Transylvania — Mackensen  was  still  in  Rumania.     The  ques- 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ         263 

tion  had  merely  been  raised  as  a  means  of  agitation  :   it  was 
nothing  more  than  a  stage  trick. 

Wekerle  was  interpellated,  I  was  interpellated.  I 
answered  all  the  questions  addressed  to  me,  but  I  was 
violently  attacked,  and  interrupted  by  loud  cries  :  "  You 
are  black  and  yellow  !  You  give  away  everything  to  Austria  ! 
What  has  become  of  our  food  supplies  ?  The  fellow  dares 
to  speak  of  his  colleagues  as  traitors  !  "  etc.  I  endured  all 
this  calmly. 

At  the  following  Ministerial  Conference  I  informed 
Szurmay  of  my  confidential  agents'  latest  reports,  but  the 
Minister  of  Defence  made  light  of  my  fears.  Wekerle 
smiled  too.  "  Nothing  will  happen,"  he  said,  "  nothing  can 
happen  ;    the  time  has  not  come  yet  to  intervene." 

I  knew  from  this  source  that  frequent  meetings  took 
place  between  Lenin's  Buda  Pesth  representatives  (Landler, 
Kun)  and  that  the  priest,  Hock,  acted  as  intermediary 
between  Karolyi  and  the  Bolshevists.  I  had  also  learnt 
that  the  murder  of  three  men  had  been  planned  in  these 
circles  :    "  Tisza,  Vazsonyi  and  Ludwig  Windischgraetz." 

Wekerle  knew  nothing  of  my  having  been  condemned 
to  death  ;  but  when  he  heard  of  my  negotiations  with  the 
Croats,  that  the  King  had  referred  them  to  me,  that  Tisza 
intended  to  support  me,  and  that  he  looked  on  me  as  the 
coming  man,  he  said  sharply  :  "  I  don't  need  any  sub- 
sidiary Government."  And  as  a  matter  of  fact,  when 
I  went  to  the  Foreign  Office  a  few  days  later,  after 
Andrassy's  appointment,  Wekerle  thought  I  had  done 
this  because  I  was  annoyed  at  not  having  succeeded  in 
becoming  Hungarian  Prime  Minister. 

That  was  the  general  opinion  in  Buda  Pesth.  Politicians 
and  journalists  said  :  "  Windischgraetz  has  had  to  be  satis- 
fied with  being  made  head  of  a  section." 

I  went  by  train  to  Debreczin  in  the  evening  with 
Szterenyi,  feeling  very  depressed.  There  were  to  be  great 
doings  there  the  next  day.  The  King  was  coming,  the  new 
university  was  to  be  opened,  there  would  be  music,  speeches, 
addresses,  banquets — and  in  Buda  Pesth  the  barracks  were 
being  undermined  by  Russian  emissaries,     I  told  Szterenyi 


264  MY  MEMOIRS 

that  I  had  forebodings  that  something  dreadful  would  happen, 
that  the  Emperor  was  in  bad  hands.  Burian  and  Wekerle 
were  keeping  him  in  the  dark  as  to  the  serious  state  of 
affairs  ;  we  were  on  the  verge  of  collapse,  and  they  were 
arranging  festivities  to  keep  up  his  spirits,  instead  of  turning 
every  second  to  account  for  vigorous  action. 

A  Czech  guard  of  honour  had  been  posted  at  the  railway 
station,  and  because  it  had  always  been  done  on  such  occa- 
sions, it  played  the  "  God  save  "  this  time  as  well.  His 
Majesty  remarked  on  it,  and  was  very  much  annoyed.  He 
was  pacified,  however,  on  hearing  that  no  one  in  the  station 
had  noticed  the  mistake  or  said  anything  about  it.  (It 
turned  out  that  a  journalist  was  told  of  the  blunder  and 
reported  it  to  his  paper  in  Buda  Pesth,  so  the  matter  became 
generally  known.) 

The  King  drove  into  the  town  surrounded  and  cheered 
by  the  inhabitants  on  all  sides.  In  the  main  square  he  sang 
the  Hungarian  hymn,  and  cried  :  "  Long  live  the  inde- 
pendent Hungary  !  "  The  crowd,  which  stood  shoulder  to 
shoulder,  thanked  him  with  ringing  cheers.  He  stood  in 
their  midst  blissfully  happy  and  fired  with  enthusiasm. 
The  sun  shone  ;  it  was  a  glorious  day.  Corps  de  pages 
were  in  attendance  and  gipsy  music.  The  gay  colouring  of 
the  national  costumes,  the  brilliant  uniforms,  the  glittering 
orders  and  arms,  the  fiery  rhythms  which  drove  the  blood 
faster  through  the  veins  of  every  Hungarian,  the  radiant 
faces  of  the  royal  couple — all  combined  to  form  a  splendid 
picture:  a  gorgeous  picture  of  seeming  prosperity,  the 
reverse  side  of  which  perhaps  I  alone  of  all  those  assembled 
in  the  square  felt  in  all  its  gloomy  contrast  at  this  moment. 

At  the  banquet  one  might  have  supposed  that  the  country, 
the  people,  and  the  sovereign  were  celebrating  the  happiest 
day  of  their  lives.  The  assembly-room  of  the  town  hall 
had  been  turned  into  a  throne-room  ;  the  King  and  Queen 
sat  surrounded  by  Ministers,  high  officials,  Generals  and 
functionaries,  and  received  the  homage  of  the  town.  The 
Minister  of  Education,  Janos  Zichy,  made  a  brilliant  speech. 
Twenty-seven  other  speeches  followed.  Carried  away  by  the 
charms  of  the  young  couple,  the  speakers  poured  out 
professions  and  assurances  of  loyalty,   devotion,   affection, 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         265 

esteem  and  readiness  to  make  sacrifices.  Cheers,  cheers  ! 
I  felt  as  though  a  stone  were  weighing  me  down.  I  saw 
that  the  King  was  systematically  kept  in  the  dark.  Officers, 
clergy,  public  officials  defiled  before  the  throne,  and  we  were 
in  full  dress.  One  flourish  of  trumpets  after  another,  cheer 
after  cheer  was  raised  !  I  changed  my  place  unobserved, 
and  managed  to  get  near  Hunyadi,  to  whom  I  whispered 
that  I  must  absolutely  speak  to  the  King  that  very  night. 
He  promised  to  arrange  it  for  me.  Then  came  the  most 
affecting  moment  of  the  whole  ceremony — a  truly  memorable 
historic  scene.  Bishop  Balthasar  addressed  Karl  and  Zita 
of  Habsburg  in  the  Calvinist  Cathedral,  where  in  the  year 
1849  the  rebel  Kossuth  had  declared  that  the  Habsburgs 
had  forfeited  the  throne,  and  blessed  them  as  the  founders 
of  a  new  Hungary.     Cheers,  cheers,  cheers  ! 

Truly  the  King  had  reason  to  be  satisfied  with  Wekerle. 

I  left  all  my  fellow-Ministers  to  go  back  to  Buda  Pesth, 
and  got  into  the  royal  train,  which  was  to  take  the  royal 
couple  to  Gödöllö.  I  was  sorry  to  have  to  say  hard  and 
dreadful  things  to  the  Monarch — I  had  seen  how  radiantly 
happy  he  had  been,  how  exalted  his  frame  of  mind  was  ; 
no  human  being  could  have  resisted  the  intoxication  of  the 
day — yet,  there  was  nothing  else  for  it,  I  had  to  tear  away 
the  curtain  which  hid  the  real  picture  from  him. 

The  King  sent  for  me  at  once,  and  I  had  an  interview 
with  him  which  lasted  three-quarters  of  an  hour.  We  were 
alone. 

"  Why  so  gloomy  ?  "  was  his  greeting.  "  It  will  all 
come  right." 

"  No,"  said  I.  "  Your  Majesty,  nothing  will  come  right. 
The  whole  festival  to-day  was  a  mistake.  It  is  too  late 
for  festivities  ;    all  is  over." 

"  You  are  a  pessimist.     Everyone  says  so." 

"  Your  Majesty,  you  are  gambling  with  your  throne. 
We  are  on  the  brink  of  an  abyss." 

"  What  am  I  to  do  ?  " 

"  The  first  thing  is  to  get  rid  of  Burian.  The  whole 
Parliament  will  support  Andrassy.  We  must  conclude  a 
separate  peace  at   once.    We  have  omitted   to  settle  up 


266  MY  MEMOIRS 

accounts  frankly  and  honestly  with  Germany  ;  nothing  can 
save  us  now  but  breaking  with  her.  We  must  form  a  new 
Government  at  once — at  once." 

"  Will  you  form  the  Cabinet  ?  "  asked  the  King. 

"  I  think  it  would  be  better  to  leave  these  personal 
questions  to  Andrassy,  your  Majesty.  It  will  be  necessary 
for  me  to  assist  Andrassy  in  the  Foreign  Office,  as  I  alone 
am  informed  of  all  the  events  of  the  last  few  months." 

The  King  agreed.     "  Within  the  next  few  days  I  will " 

"  No,"  I  interrupted,  "  not  within  the  next  few  days, 
not  to-morrow  ;  your  Majesty  must  decide  now — here." 
He  saw  that  I  remained  firm,  and  gave  in.  Andrassy  was 
to  be  Foreign  Minister,  and  I  was  to  be  political  head  of  a 
section  as  a  connecting-link  between  him  and  Andrassy. 

At  the  next  station  telephone  wires  were  connected. 
I  had  myself  put  on  to  Buda  Pesth,  spoke  to  Andrassy, 
and  only  told  him  shortly  that  I  was  coming  to  his  house 
that  night  on  behalf  of  His  Majesty.  We  then  spoke 
to  the  Supreme  Command  in  Baden  and  found  that  the 
Italian  offensive  had  begun.  We  had  expected  that,  and 
were  not  anxious.  According  to  our  information,  the  forces 
the  Italians  were  able  to  put  into  the  field  were  none  too 
strong,  and  the  South-west  Front  had  held  out  up  to  now. 

We  travelled  on  further  into  the  night,  and  I  reproached 
the  King  for  having  so  long  postponed  carrying  out  the 
programme. 

"  Yes,  yes,"  he  admitted ;  "  but  what  was  I  to  do  ?  I 
must  govern  constitutionally,  even  with  the  best  intentions." 
I  said  :  "  Exceptional  measures  must  be  taken  in  excep- 
tional cases.  Karolyi's  agents  have  called  on  all  the  reserve 
formations  at  the  front  not  to  fight  any  more,  but  to  return 
to  Hungary.  A  revolution  is  preparing  in  Pesth.  It  is 
directed  against  the  dynasty."  But  this  the  King  would 
not  admit  ;  he  could  not  see  any  reason  for  it.  "  How  can 
the  revolution  be  directed  against  me?"  he  said.  "  My 
programme  was  surely  the  same  as  Karolyi's,  as  yours.  I 
was  all  for  a  radical  change  and  wanted  to  break  away  from 
Germany,  but  more  honestly.  Who  supported  me  then  ? 
Didn't  I  want  to  satisfy  the  Czechs,  the  South  Slavs  ?  I 
can't  do  things  by  magic.     It  is  impossible  that  the  revolu- 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         267 

tion  can  turn  against  me.  The  fact  that  I  did  not  bring  in 
radical  reforms  sooner  is  proof  in  itself  that  I  don't  want 
to  govern  autocratically.  My  hands  are  tied.  The  peoples 
must  make  the  peoples'  policy.  I  can't  leave  the  beaten 
tracks.  I  can't  dismiss  Ministers  who  have  a  Majority." 
He  had  become  very  excited  and  irritable.  Queen  Zita 
came  in  from  the  adjoining  coupe.  She  smoothed  him 
down,  and  then  listened  to  our  conversation  without  putting 
in  a  word. 

At  Hatvan  I  left  the  King's  coupe,  quite  satisfied  that  he 
had  taken  my  advice  and  would  carry  out  my  programme. 
He  shook  hands  with  me  repeatedly  :  "  Andrassy  shall  take 
the  oath  early  to-morrow  morning."  He  took  leave  of  me 
in  the  most  cordial  way. 

When  the  train  came  into  Gödöllö  at  midnight — the 
station  was  in  darkness,  not  a  soul  to  be  seen — the  station- 
master  came  along  the  line  and  called  out  my  name.  My 
secretary,  Racz,  had  rung  up  from  Buda  Pesth  and  wanted 
to  speak  to  me.  I  went  into  the  station-master's  office 
and  listened  to  what  Racz  had  to  report.  While  we  had 
been  celebrating  a  festival  at  Debreczin  there  had  been 
a  great  disturbance  in  Parliament  in  the  afternoon.  News 
had  come  from  Fiume  that  rebel  Croats  had  entered  the 
town  and  had  taken  possession  of  Government  House. 
Wekerle  lost  his  head.  So  something  had  happened  after 
all.  He  announced  his  resignation  at  a  public  sitting  of 
Parliament.  Tisza's  Party  had  fallen  to  pieces  since  the 
leader's  breakdown  ;  Karolyi  held  the  power  in  his  own 
hands,  and  there  was  no  one  to  wrest  it  from  him.  Racz 
told  me  that  the  movement  Karolyi  had  set  on  foot  in  the 
barracks  continued  unabated.  I  rang  off,  ran  to  the  train 
and  called  Hunyadi.  We  kept  the  train,  got  into  a  motor 
and  dashed  off  to  the  Castle.  I  sent  in  my  name  to  the 
King.  As  he  had  only  arrived  ten  minutes  before,  the 
lights  were  still  burning  and  he  was  awake. 

When  the  King  saw  me  he  was  alarmed. 

"  Your  Majesty,"  I  said,  "  I  did  not  take  too  gloomy  a 
view  ;  the  collapse  is  beginning."  I  told  him  what  I  had 
heard.  "  Your  Majesty  must  fix  up  everything  with 
Andrassy  to-morrow  ;    our  programme  must  be  published 


268  MY  MEMOIRS 

at  once."  From  the  King's  study  we  rang  up  the  military 
command  in  Fiume,  then  the  Supreme  Command  at  Baden, 
then  Wekerle.  The  Queen  came  in.  She  was  pale,  but 
self-possessed.  She  tried  to  soothe  the  King's  nerves  again. 
"  There  will  be  faithful  servants,"  she  said,  "  who  will 
stand  by  you." 

Wekerle  was  not  to  be  found  ;  we  tried  to  get  on  to  him 
everywhere,  but  without  success.  The  Supreme  Command 
was  directed  to  send  reliable  troops  to  Vienna  and  Buda 
Pesth.  The  telephone  bell  rang.  Fiume  was  speaking. 
Things  might  perhaps  be  set  right  again.  The  rising  had 
been  led  by  students,  who  forced  their  way  into  Government 
House  with  an  inconsiderable  body  of  Croatian  Landsturm, 
It  was  hoped  that  Hungarian  troops  would  be  promptly 
available. 

I  rang  up  the  Supreme  Command  directly :  "A  reliable 
division  to  be  sent  to  Fiume  at  once."  Then  I  discussed 
with  the  King  the  question  of  carrying  out  a  uniform  policy 
for  Croatia — union  of  all  South  Slavs;  Andrassy  must  be 
given  absolute  control  of  all  military  and  domestic  political 
measures.  Andrassy  would  and  could  only  take  over  the 
Ministry  for  Foreign  Affairs  on  this  assumption  now,  when  it 
was  really  already  too  late. 

I  rang  up  Buda  Pesth  again  and  tried  to  get  on  to  Wekerle. 
A  whole  hour.     In  vain.     The  Queen  went  to  bed. 

Before  I  left  the  King  I  begged  him  to  send  for  Dani, 
that  he  might  take  strong  measures  to  keep  order  in  the 
Pesth  garrison.  I  spoke  strongly,  and  the  King  promised 
everything.  I  went  away  with  a  lighter  heart.  It  was 
now  one  o'clock  in  the  morning. 

Hunyadi  and  I  decided  to  motor  to  Buda  Pesth.  But 
there  was  no  one  about,  no  chauffeur  to  be  found,  no  motor 
available,  so  we  walked  through  the  park  to  the  station. 
The  avenue,  which  led  straight  to  the  railway,  was  feebly 
lighted  by  small  pear-shaped  electric  lamps,  fixed  high  up. 
We  got  into  the  royal  train  and  left  for  Buda  Pesth. 

Arrived  in  Buda  Pesth,  I  hastened  to  Andrassy  on  the 
Buda  side  of  the  river.  He  knew  directly  what  had  brought 
me,  and  emphasized  the  insuperable  difficulties  of  the  posi- 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         269 

tion.  I  told  him  of  my  conversation  with  the  Monarch. 
The  good  and  faithful  servant  gave  me  his  hand  and 
said  :  "  I  will  do  it."  He  added,  smiling  sadly,  that  anyhow 
the  world  would  not  last  long,  for  strange  things  were  happen- 
ing. Tisza  had  told  him  that  he  agreed  to  the  Franchise 
Bill— had  told  him,  in  fact,  that  he  agreed  to  everything 
except  Karolyi's  possibly  being  entrusted  with  the  formation 
of  a  Cabinet. 

We  discussed  all  the  steps  to  be  taken  the  next  day. 
Andrassy  rang  up  his  son-in-law,  Pallavicini,  and  asked 
him  to  come  over.  It  appeared  that  there  had  been  Socialist 
and  Radical  conferences  at  Karolyi's  house  during  the  night, 
at  which  Pallavicini  had  been  present.  Pallavicini  came  over 
at  two  o'clock  in  the  morning  and  brought  word  from  his 
brother-in-law,  Karolyi,  that  he  feared  he  would  not  be  able 
to  restrain  the  extreme  Radical  elements  of  his  Party  any 
longer.  Bolshevism  had  already  gained  too  much  the  upper 
hand.  On  this,  Andrassy  thought  Count  Hadik  would  be 
the  man  best  able  to  avert  a  revolution  in  Hungary,  and  that 
he  ought  to  be  proposed  to  His  Majesty.  I  said  :  "  You 
know  I  have  seen  Hadik  at  work  :  I  succeeded  him  as  Food 
Minister.  Hadik  does  not  like  me  ;  but  whoever  you  think 
the  right  man,  I  will  support  too." 

And  I  would  have  stood  loyally  by  this,  for  I  trusted 
Andrassy,  and  considered  him  a  most  able  man.  At  the 
critical  time  when  I  had  felt  bound,  on  principle,  to  oppose 
the  franchise  question  being  broached,  a  certain  coolness 
had  sprung  up  between  me  and  Andrassy,  but  it  was  entirely 
on  his  side  ;  I  had  always  remained  his  true  friend.  Whilst 
his  entourage  suspected  me  of  working  against  him,  I  was  at 
heart  his  most  loyal  adherent.  Therefore  it  was  a  great 
satisfaction  and  pleasure  to  me  to  have  been  personally 
able  to  bring  him  the  news  of  his  appointment  to  be  Foreign 
Minister  to-night,  and  to  have  been  successful  in  what  I 
had  so  long  striven  to  attain— seeing  the  man  at  the  head  of 
the  affairs  of  State  whom  I  had  always  considered  the  right 
Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs. 

Andrassy  rang  up  Karolyi  and  proposed  his  going  to 
Gödöllö  with  him  to-morrow.  Andrassy  still  looked  on 
Karolyi  as  a  patriot,  and  thought,  like  so  many  others, 


270  MY  MEMOIRS 

that  he  really  had  important  friends,  even  a  following  in 
France,  an  advantage  which  might  be  thrown  into  the  scale 
in  concluding  peace,  and  which  could  not  be  lightly  dis- 
regarded. I  did  not  believe  in  Karolyi  any  longer.  There 
had  been  differences  of  opinion  between  me  and  Pallavicini 
latterly  with  regard  to  the  franchise  question,  and  we  agreed 
that  evening  to  let  bygones  be  bygones.  "At  so  critical 
a  time  we  must  all  stand  firmly  together  and  gather  round 
Andrassy,"  I  said.  It  was  dawn  when  we  left  old  Andrassy's 
beautiful  palace  together. 

I  lived  in  my  cousin's  small  house,  up  near  the  old  Buda 
fortress,  opposite  the  Mathias  Church.  As  I  climbed  the 
steps  of  the  Fischer-bastei,  it  was  three  o'clock  in  the  morning. 
The  atmosphere  above  the  town  was  still,  but  not  the  people 
in  it.  Stars  in  the  sky  above,  the  glorious  broad  river  below, 
and  beyond,  extending  far  away,  the  most  magnificent 
panorama  a  town  can  present.  I  looked  for  Michael  Karolyi's 
palace  in  the  midst  of  the  sea  of  houses.  He  was  still 
sitting  there,  with  the  scum  of  Hungarian  humanity, 
conspiring. 

I  had  had  an  agitating  day,  but  I  was  not  conscious  of 
being  at  all  tired.  I  stretched  my  muscles  instinctively, 
and  felt :  So  long  as  I  can  prevent  it,  the  man  down  there 
shall  not  shatter  anything. 

When  I  got  into  bed,  I  slept  like  a  log  till  eight  o'clock 
in  the  morning. 

At  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning  I  was  awakened  by  the 
telephone.  It  was  the  King  personally,  who  was  anxious 
to  know  whether  Andrassy  had  accepted.  "  I  never  doubted 
it,  your  Majesty  ;   he  has  accepted." 

"  Come  to  me  at  once  with  him." 

"  I  will  fetch  Andrassy,  and  we  will  come  to  Gödöllö." 

I  then  rang  up  Wekerle,  and  told  him  that  the  King  had 
appointed  Andrassy  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs.  Wekerle 
did  not  hear  quite  clearly,  and  asked :  "  What  has  he 
appointed  him  ?  " 

"  I  hear  you  have  resigned,"  said  Wekerle. 

"It  is  revolution,  after  all." 

"  Pear  me/'  said  Wekerle,   "it  is  nothing ;    we  shall 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         271 

soon  calm  the  people  down.     I  am  going  to  Gödöllö  this 
morning  and  will  report  to  the  King." 

I  hastened  to  Andrassy.  Andrassy  rang  up  his  son-in- 
law,  Karolyi,  and  told  him  that  he  would  take  him  to 
Gödöllö  the  next  day. 

At  Gödöllö,  Andrassy  submitted  his  programme  to  the 
King.  The  most  important  point  was  a  separate  peace  ; 
the  second,  negotiations  with  the  South  Slavs,  Czechs 
and  Germans  in  Austria,  with  a  view  to  creating  an  organiza- 
tion of  Austrian  nationalities  on  the  basis  of  the  manifesto. 
If  we  succeeded  in  concluding  peace  quickly,  then  we  could 
proceed  to  the  further  reforms  and  details. 

Racz  rings  me  up  and  reports  on  the  revolutionary 
conferences  which  have  been  held  at  various  places  during 
the  night. 

In  the  meantime  Arz  has  arrived  from  Baden  and  reports 
that  the  troops  are  behaving  splendidly  ;  all  the  Italian 
attacks  have  been  easily  repulsed.  All  the  same,  Karolyi's 
agitation  among  the  reserves  is  making  itself  unpleasantly 
felt.  We  implore  Arz  to  do  all  he  can  to  enable  the  front 
to  hold  out  at  all  costs.  If  it  were  to  collapse,  the  troops 
streaming  back  would  plunge  the  country  into  the  greatest 
misery. 

Andrassy  asks  him  to  send  one  reliable  division  each  to 
Vienna  and  Buda  Pesth,  to  keep  order  in  the  streets. 

Sznyaric,  the  military  commandant  at  Agram,  had  been 
summoned  to  Gödöllö,  and  now  arrived.  The  methods  of 
action  in  Croatia  were  discussed. 

Then  I  motor  back  to  Buda  Pesth  with  Andrassy  and 
Wekerle.  Wekerle,  the  old  man  of  seventy,  laughs  at  our 
agitation. 

We  get  out  at  Andrassy's  house.  I  have  asked  Vazsonyi, 
Apponyi,  Esterhazy,  Rakovsky,  Pallavicini  and  Dr.  Nagy 
to  meet  us  there.  The  idea  of  forming  a  bourgeois  Ministry 
under  Barczy  was  suggested  ;  Tisza  is  asked  by  telephone, 
and  says  he  is  prepared  to  join  the  Government  Party  with 
his  followers.  Andrassy  telephones  to  Hadik  and  asks 
whether  he  will  form  a  Cabinet.  Hadik  refuses  decidedly,  so 
we  continue  to  negotiate  with  Barczy. 

At  midday  I  drive  to  my  office  to  discharge  necessary 


272  MY  MEMOIRS 

business.  Driving  back  over  the  suspension  bridge,  I  met 
Karolyi  and  his  wife.  I  jumped  out  of  the  motor  and  joined 
him.  "  We  must  co-operate  now,"  I  said.  "  You  have  the 
power  ;  you  can  solve  the  matter  peaceably,  if  you  will ; 
come  and  see  Andrassy  with  me." 

Karolyi's  reception  at  Andrassy's  house  was  cool. 
Vazsonyi,  Apponyi  and  Hadik,  who  had  arrived  in  the  mean- 
time, did  not  speak  to  him,  and  held  aloof.  He  and  his  wife 
lunched  with  the  family  in  the  dining-room,  while  the  others 
went  into  the  adjoining  room  to  continue  the  deliberations. 
Andrassy  tried  to  persuade  his  son-in-law  to  take  office  in 
the  Cabinet  ;  Karolyi  appeared  undecided  at  first,  but 
finally  he  agreed  to  the  proposal.  "  At  last  you  have  listened 
to  reason,"  he  said,  with  scornful  superiority;  "at  last  we 
are  to  have  universal  franchise,  the  principle  of  separation 
from  Austria,  immediate  conclusion  of  peace."  I  asked  : 
"  Will  you  help  us  ?  "  He  gave  an  evasive  answer,  and 
finally  said  :  "  I  should  like  to  speak  to  Andrassy  alone." 
(This  again  seemed  to  me  a  farce  ;  he  felt  himself  master 
of  the  situation  here,  and  wanted  negotiations  to  be  carried 
on  with  him  alone.)  On  this  Andrassy  took  his  son-in- 
law's  arm,  and  they  went  into  the  boudoir  together. 

In  the  meantime  Ella  Andrassy  was  sitting  in  the  dining- 
room  with  her  two  daughters — for  Pallavicini's  wife  was  there 
too — talking  politics.  Katus,  the  younger  daughter,  Karolyi's 
wife,  got  up  and  listened  at  the  door  of  the  room  where  our 
friends  were  conferring.  Vazsonyi  was  just  at  that  moment 
saying  in  his  impetuous  way  :  "  Karolyi  is  in  the  hands 
of  the  greatest  rogues  in  Buda  Pesth.  We  have  the 
same  programme  ;  we,  not  he,  must  carry  it  out."  I  saw 
Katus  turn  pale.  She  rushed  to  the  door  of  the  room 
where  her  husband  was  sitting  with  her  stepfather — rushed 
towards  Michael,  and  cried  :  "  Come  !  We  must  go  !  We 
have  nothing  to  look  for  here !  "  She  dragged  him 
violently  out  of  the  room,  and  we  were  all  left  gazing  at 
one  another  open-mouthed. 

In  the  afternoon  Karolyi  sent  us  word,  through  Palla- 
vicini,  that  he  must  withdraw  his  consent  to  co-operate 
with  our  Cabinet.  He  also  refused  to  have  an  audience  of 
the  King. 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         278 

In  the  meantime  His  Majesty  had  arrived  at  the  Royal 
Palace  in  Buda,  and  Burian,  who  was  to  hand  over  the  seals 
of  office,  had  come  from  Vienna.  The  King  then  received 
Ugron  and  Batthyanyi,  who  proposed  a  Karolyi  Cabinet 
to  him.  They  undertook  to  be  responsible  for  there  being 
no  revolution  and  said  they  would  save  the  kingdom. 
They  and  Karolyi  were  the  only  ones  absolutely  devoted  to 
His  Majesty.  Karolyi's  name  and  the  co-operation  of  the 
Radical  elements  would  suffice  to  calm  the  masses.  (Those 
masses  which  they  were  first  going  to  win  over  to  their 
side  by  deception  and  lying  promises.) 

While  this  scene  was  going  on  at  the  Castle,  the  representa- 
tives of  the  Socialist  and  Labour  organizations,  Diner-Denes, 
Leo  Szemere,  several  members  of  the  editorial  staff  of  Az 
Est  and  Pesti  Napoli,  and  Ludwig  Hatvany,  were  sitting  at 
the  Karolyi  palace,  as  we  learnt  from  Pallavicini,  engaged  in 
organizing  the  details  of  the  revolution,  which  was  nothing 
more  than  a  good  stroke  of  business  for  all  of  them,  with 
the  exception  of  the  working  men — a  means  of  getting  into 
power. 

The  next  morning  I  discovered  through  confidential 
agents  why  Karolyi  had  withdrawn  his  consent  to  join  the 
Cabinet.  Kunfi,  Landler  and  the  Catholic  priest  of  the 
Franzstadt,  Hock — behind  whom  there  was  said  to  be  an 
adventurer  whose  name,  Bela  Kun,  I  had  never  heard  but 
once  until  now — had  got  hold  of  him  and  extracted  a  promise 
from  him  not  to  join  any  combination  which  had  not  a  purely 
Republican-Communist  programme.  My  informant  assured 
me  that  Karolyi  was  quite  in  the  hands  of  these  people 
and  was  terrified  of  a  revolution  ;  yesterday  he  had  cried 
bitterly,  and  declared  in  tears  that  he  would  be  loyal  to 
the  Radicals.  (He  had  sent  the  King  word  that  he  was 
the  only  faithful  and  devoted  servant  of  the  Crown.) 

I  went  to  see  Andrassy.  Andrassy  had  been  with  Tisza, 
who  would  not  believe  in  a  revolution.  Vazsonyi  came  and 
said  :  "  This  is  no  popular  rising  :  it  is  the  mob.  But  if 
the  mob  gets  the  upper  hand  and  keeps  it,  then  we  shall 
have  lost  the  war  and  everything  else." 

Andrassy  was  so  impressed  by  these  remarks  that  he  sent 
me  to  the  Prime  Minister's  official  residence  to  try  to  per- 

18 


274  MY  MEMOIRS 

suade  Wekerle  and  Szterenyi  to  proclaim  martial  law  in 
the  capital.  On  the  way  I  met  a  procession  of  about  a  thou- 
sand people,  led  by  reserve  officers  with  drawn  swords. 
These  officers  had,  at  any  rate,  only  drawn  their  swords  in 
the  interior  of  the  country — there  were  no  officers  from  the 
front  among  them.  They  were  marching  straight  to  the 
Royal  Palace,  and  were  going  to  demonstrate  in  favour  of 
universal  franchise.  The  windows  in  a  house  opposite  the 
Palace  were  broken  and  a  few  doors  demolished.  The  people 
called  for  the  King,  called  and  called,  till  Hunyadi  appeared. 
"  We  want  to  speak  to  the  King."  "He  is  at  Gödöllö," 
Hunyadi  replied.  Then  the  people  went  away.  But  they 
met  another  procession,  a  "  League  of  Catholic  University 
Students,"  which  had  placed  itself  at  the  service  of  the 
Fatherland  and  proposed  to  do  some  kind  of  police  duty. 
The  two  processions  came  to  blows  and  there  was  a  little 
scuffle.  I  had  not  been  able  to  get  through  the  crowd  in 
my  motor  and  had  proceeded  on  foot.  A  meeting  was  just 
going  on  at  the  Prime  Minister's  residence — the  last  Minis- 
terial Council  held  by  Wekerle's  Cabinet.  I  told  them  what 
I  had  just  seen  in  the  street.  The  gentlemen  shrugged  their 
shoulders  ;  they  did  not  want  to  be  disturbed  at  their  work. 
The  Ministerial  Council,  I  may  remark,  were  sitting  at  the 
Ministerial  table,  and  were  engaged  to-day,  the  24th  October, 
in  dealing  with  distinctions,  bestowing  Privy  Councillor- 
ships  and  other  honours,  while  the  machinery  of  their 
country  fell  to  pieces. 

I  telephoned  on  Andrassy's  behalf  to  Agram  and  Fiume, 
to  the  Austrian  Prime  Minister's  official  residence,  to  the 
Supreme  Command,  spoke  to  Waldstätten,  inquired  every- 
where as  to  the  situation,  and  also  reported  how  things 
were  here.  We  carried  on  further  negotiations  with  Barczy, 
Hadik,  Pallavicini,  Vazsonyi — discussed  the  list  of  audiences 
for  the  next  day.  Representatives  of  all  the  Parties,  of 
course  also  of  the  Socialists  and  Radicals,  were  to  be 
received. 

The  next  morning  (25th)  my  appointment  as  head  of 
a  section  appeared  in  the  official  gazette  ;  Andrassy  was  to 
take  the  oath  as  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs. 

The   Court   flunkeys  notify   him   by   telephone   that   he 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ  275 

must  appear  in  Hungarian  full  dress.  Andrassy  telephones 
back  indignantly  that  he  has  something  more  important 
to  do  now  than  to  dress  himself  up.  While  Andrassy  drives 
to  the  Palace,  we  discuss  the  measures  we  propose  taking 
in  case  Karolyi  should  finally  decide  not  to  join  us.  As 
the  situation  was  becoming  more  and  more  critical,  we 
meant  to  resort  to  the  most  drastic  methods  of  putting 
down  any  disturbance. 

I  called  up  the  chief  head  of  a  section  in  the  Foreign 
Office,  Baron  Flotow,  and  asked  him  to  make  all  the  arrange- 
ments for  the  reception  of  the  new  Minister. 

Pallavicini  went  to  the  Karolyi  palace  in  the  morning. 
He  talked  to  Karolyi,  and  told  him  of  the  measures  we  had 
decided  to  take  against  him.  Karolyi  said  that  was  non- 
sense ;  he  placed  himself  entirely  at  His  Majesty's  com- 
mands. Nevertheless,  the  organization  of  the  National 
Council  was  definitely  settled  in  the  course  of  the  afternoon 
by  a  few  members  of  the  Karolyi  and  the  Socialist  and 
bourgeois  Parties,  and  the  Pacifist,  Rosika  Schwimmer.  It  can 
be  proved  that  these  elements  were  in  touch  with  Russian  Bol- 
shevists in  Switzerland,  through  the  journalist  Leo  Szemere, 
who  had  arrived  from  Berne  within  the  last  few  days. 

We  exert  ourselves  without  intermission  to  get  martial 
law  proclaimed  in  Buda  Pesth.  But  Wekerle's  Cabinet 
will  not  take  the  responsibility. 

Audiences  were  going  on  at  Gödöllö. 

I  inquired  of  the  Supreme  Command  how  things  were 
going  on  the  Piave,  using  my  private  line,  and  heard  that  all 
the  attacks  had  been  repulsed.  But  I  was  told  at  the  Ministry 
of  Defence  that  the  Karolyi  organization  had  taken  posses- 
sion of  the  wireless  station  and  was  in  communication  with 
the  front.  The  troops  in  reserve  were  perpetually  admonished 
to  lay  down  their  arms  and  return  home.  Several  aeroplanes 
had  also  flown  to  the  Piave  and  distributed  special  editions 
printed  by  Az  Est. 

I  took  leave  of  my  officials  in  the  Food  Ministry  that 
day.  Some  of  them  wept,  and  we  were  all  very  much 
affected.  Nagy  made  an  impassioned  speech,  in  which  he 
spoke  of  me  as  the  only  true  democrat  in  the  country.  (And 
before  the  cock  crowed  thrice  he  had  betrayed  me  :  he  was 


276  MY  MEMOIRS 

one  of  the  principal  firebrands  in  the  agitation  which  was 
got  up  against  me  shortly  afterwards.) 

A  monster  demonstration  took  place  before  Andrassy's 
house.  Fifteen  thousand  persons  made  a  dense  ring  round 
the  house  and  wanted  to  give  the  honoured  statesman  an 
ovation  before  he  left  for  Vienna.  Andrassy  had  to  appear 
on  the  balcony  and  speak  to  the  crowd,  and  Apponyi  made 
one  of  his  fiery  speeches.  The  people  shouted  themselves 
hoarse. 

We  had  not  a  moment's  rest.  We  were  leaving  for  Vienna 
in  the  evening,  and  had  to  make  all  the  arrangements  to 
secure  the  formation  of  the  Cabinet  in  feverish  haste.  Hadik 
is  with  us,  and  seems  inclined  to  abandon  his  passive  resist- 
ance at  last.  We  decide  the  audiences  for  to-morrow ; 
they  are  to  signify  the  appointment  of  the  Ministry.  I 
spoke  to  the  Monarch  at  Andrassy's  request,  and  begged 
him  to  be  absolutely  firm,  chiefly  as  regards  the  common 
institutions,  for  in  Andrassy's  opinion  the  inauguration  of 
peace  negotiations  depends  on  the  Foreign  Ministry  func- 
tioning faultlessly.  His  Majesty  sent  Andrassy  word  in 
reply  that  he  might  rely  on  him  ;  he  begged  him  in  return 
to  start  peace  negotiations  as  quickly  as  possible.  The 
news  from  the  front  was  to  the  effect  that  the  first-line  troops 
at  the  front  were  holding  out,  but  that  the  reserve  formations 
were  already  so  corrupted  that  they  were  no  longer  willing 
to  fight. 

We  said  good-bye,  transacted  more  business,  held  last 
conferences,  gave  the  last  orders.  Then  we  drove  to  the 
station.  Just  as  Andrassy  was  getting  into  his  compart- 
ment, a  heavily  veiled  lady  suddenly  approached  and  said 
a  few  words  to  him.  She  withdrew  as  quickly  as  she  had 
come,  and  disappeared  in  the  waiting-room.  I  think,  how- 
ever, that  I  had  recognized  her  all  the  same.  Andrassy 
remained  standing,  perplexed  and  thoughtful.  He  called 
me  to  him. 

"  You  must  stay  in  Buda  Pesth,"  he  said,  after  a  pause. 
"  The  revolution  begins  to-night.  At  three  o'clock  in  the 
morning  the  waterworks,  railways,  public  institutions  and 
telegraph  offices  will  be  seized." 

"  Did  she  tell  you  that  now  ?  " 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         277 

"  Yes." 

He  got  into  the  train  and  went  to  Vienna.  I  remained 
behind— dashed  into  the  town  to  persuade  the  Ministry 
of  Defence  to  have  the  garrison  alarmed  at  once. 

On  the  way  into  the  town  I  met  troops — reliefs  for  the 
guards  which  were  posted  to  safeguard  the  public  buildings. 
The  troops  looked  good  and  well  disciplined.  On  which 
side  will  they  be  to-night  ?  I  wondered.  I  drove  to  the  editor 
of  the  Magyar  Hirlap,  Councillor  Markus,  who  was  one  of 
Andrassy's  most  faithful  adherents.  There  I  met  Pallavi- 
cini  and  Barczy,  who  were  very  much  surprised  to  see  me 
still  in  Buda  Pesth.  I  quickly  enlightened  them.  We 
telephoned  to  Szurmay  at  the  Ministry  and  to  Hunyadi 
at  the  Royal  Palace.  I  insisted  on  General  Lukasich  being 
appointed  town  commandant  at  once.  Markus,  who  is  a 
freemason,  rang  up  the  Karolyi  palace,  called  his  friend 
Purjesz,  of  the  Vilag,  to  the  telephone,  and  learnt  that  a 
conference  of  the  National  Council  was  just  going  on  under 
the  chairmanship  of  Hock. 
"  Will  it  be  to-night  ?  " 

"  I  know  nothing  of  that,"  replied  Purjesz,  and  rang  off. 
I  drive  to  Szurmay's  house,  where  I  meet  Szterenyi, 
Thöry  and  Wekerle.  "  The  so-called  National  Council  is 
sitting  at  the  Karolyi  palace,"  I  said  ;  "  have  the  whole 
lot  of  swindlers  arrested  at  once."  All  three  opposed  the 
idea.  Arrests  cannot  be  made  on  the  strength  of  alarmist 
reports.  "It  is  not  an  alarmist  report ;  it  is  authentic." 
But  they  would  not  believe  it.  I  managed  to  arrange  with 
the  Minister  of  Defence,  however,  that  the  garrison  should 
be  alarmed  at  once  and  the  public  buildings  strongly  held. 
At  this  moment  an  officer  came  in  and  handed  Szurmay 
some  leaflets,  proclaiming  the  constitution  of  the  National 
Council.  "  Well,"  I  said,  "  do  you  still  believe  that  no  one 
in  Buda  Pesth  is  seriously  thinking  of  revolution  ?  " 

"  We  knew  nothing  of  it,"  said  Szurmay.  Just  then 
Sandor,  the  Chief  of  the  Police,  came  in.  "  Didn't  you 
know  anything?"  I  asked  Sandor.  "Why  hasn't  the 
leaflet  been  seized  ?  "  He  shrugged  his  shoulders :  "I 
knew  nothing  of  this  proclamation."  "  What  are  your 
detectives  for,  if  you  don't  even  know  where  such  proclama- 


278  MY  MEMOIRS 

tions  are  printed  ?  Haven't  you  an  agent  in  every  printing 
office,  at  every  printing  machine  ?  It  is  not  the  people, 
it  is  you  who  make  the  revolution  through  your  stupidity  !  " 

We  read  the  notice  more  carefully.  It  suppressed  the 
most  important  factors  in  the  situation.  There  was  no 
mention  of  the  King's  having  made  the  franchise  programme 
his  own,  of  his  wishing  peace  to  be  concluded  and  Andrassy's 
important  programme  of  social  reform  to  be  carried  out  at 
once.  I  was  in  a  perfect  fury,  and  shouted  at  Sandor  that 
he  must  seize  the  proclamation  instantly,  and  that  the 
adventurers  who  were  paid  to  make  the  revolution  must  be 
arrested.  Indignant  at  this  inertia  and  incompetence,  I 
took  Szurmay  and  Szterenyi  to  task  as  well,  and  both  have 
borne  a  grudge  against  me  for  this  scene.  Szurmay  and 
Szterenyi  now  backed  me  up,  but  Wekerle  said  he  had  sent 
in  his  resignation  and  could  not  take  any  responsibility 
for  such  a  serious  step.  He  again  declared  that  he  did  not 
believe  in  a  revolution  in  Buda  Pesth. 

In  the  meantime  it  was  getting  late.  I  drove  back, 
picked  up  Pallavicini,  and  drove  with  him  to  see  Hunyadi 
at  the  Royal  Palace. 

The  building  was  absolutely  in  darkness.  We  groped 
our  way  along  the  dark  passages  and  rooms.  No  lights  were 
burning;  not  a  servant  was  to  be  seen,  not  a  policeman, 
not  a  footman.  The  little  screws  in  the  machinery  no  longer 
worked.  The  service  had  gone  to  pieces.  At  last  we  came 
to  an  immense  room  with  a  bed  on  which  Hunyadi  lay, 
fast  asleep.  We  woke  him,  and  told  him  what  we  knew, 
and  begged  him  to  inform  His  Majesty.  "  At  three  o'clock 
in  the  morning  the  workmen  from  the  various  factories 
intend  to  start,  but  they  seem  to  have  already  got  wind 
that  their  plan  is  betrayed.  We  shall  soon  know  how  matters 
stand.  If  the  factory  sirens  sound  punctually  at  two  o'clock, 
that  will  mean  that  the  revolution  is  called  off ;  but  if  all 
is  silent,  there  will  be  danger  in  the  air  ;  then  let  His  Majesty 
know  at  once."  Hunyadi  got  into  his  clothes  half-asleep, 
and  we  left  him. 

Our  motor  was  standing  at  the  entrance.  We  went 
down  the  hill  on  foot  and  let  the  motor  follow.  Officers 
were  standing  in  front  of  the  Ministry  of  Defence,  which  is 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ         279 

opposite  the  Palace,  and  waiting.     We  waited  with  them. 
"  All  the  buildings  are  guarded,"  they  said  ;   "  machine  guns 
are  posted  on  the  bridges  and  at   the   post  and  telegraph 
offices    and    the    banks    and    railway    stations."      I    stood, 
watch  in  hand,  and  waited  with  a  beating  heart.     The  town 
below  lay  in  darkness.     Only  the  lights  of  the  street  lamps 
twinkled.      The  people  down  there  slept,  for  the  most  part 
still  unsuspecting.     I  had  a  feeling  which  was  quite  different 
to  anything  I  had  felt  on  the  battlefield.     Was  I  to  hear 
the  rattle  of  the  machine  guns,  the  metallic  ping  of  the 
rifles  again,   here,  now  ?     I  looked  at  my  watch  ;   perhaps 
there  would   be   bloodshed  here   in    a   few  minutes'  time  ; 
perhaps  a  flash,  a  pillar  of  fire  would  rise  from  that  distant, 
immense,  living,  breathing  spot.     A  shrill  sound  rent  the 
air;  a  hundred  others  rang  out  at  the  same  moment.     The 
sirens  sounded  from  all  parts  of  the  town  ;   the  steam  valves 
were    letting    off   their    annoyance    in    every    direction.     A 
horrible — but   to   us   a   delightful   concert.     The   revolution 
was  called  off.     Pallavicini  and  I  got  into  the  motor.     "  As 
long  as   I   am  here,   Karolyi  will  not  succeed  in  bringing 
about  any  revolution  in  Hungary,"  I  said,  or  rather  shouted 
across  the  Danube  to  the  town  on  the  other  side.     I  put 
Pallavicini  down  at  his  house.     "  To-morrow  the  Cabinet 
must  be  formed,"  were  my  parting  words.     "  Good-night." 
It  was  now  half-past  three.     As  the  house  where  I  lived 
was  already  shut  up,  I  drove  to  the  station.     The  station- 
master  announced  that  he  could  not  give  me  a  saloon  carriage. 
I  said,  "  It  doesn't  matter."     I  lay  down  on  a  sofa  in  the 
waiting-room  and  went  to  sleep. 

The  next  morning  (26th)  I  met  the  Minister  of  Finance, 
Spitzmüller,  at  the  station.  He  was  on  his  way  back  from 
Serajevo  and  had  a  saloon  carriage,  so  I  got  in  with  him. 
The  impression  he  had  gained  in  the  south  was  that  if  a  South 
Slav  State  could  be  formed  at  once  the  situation  might 
yet  be  saved.  The  essential  appeared  to  him  to  be  the 
existence  of  a  Hungarian  Government  which  would  have 
sufficient  strength  and  common  sense  to  restore  order,  for 
the  Ban,  Mihalovic,  had  gone  over  unreservedly  to  the 
Serbian  side, 


280  MY  MEMOIRS 

I  arrived  in  Vienna  before  noon  and  reported  myself  to 
Andrassy  at  the  Foreign  Office.  He  seemed  more  cheerful, 
for  he  had  just  heard  by  telegram  that  Hadik  was  willing 
to  form  a  Cabinet. 

I  was  introduced  to  all  the  heads  and  the  individual 
departments.  Count  Colloredo  was  Chief  of  the  Cabinet, 
Flotow  chief  administrative  head  of  a  section  ;  I  was  political 
head  of  a  section,  ex-officio,  the  intention  being  that  I  should 
help  Andrassy.  I  cannot  say  that  I  had  a  particularly 
friendly  reception.  One  of  my  new  colleagues  turned  up 
his  nose,  and  even  expressed  doubt  as  to  whether  I  was  the 
right  man  for  the  Foreign  Office.  The  diplomats  adopted  a 
reserved,  or  we  will  call  it  "  diplomatic,"  attitude  towards 
me,  the  non-diplomat  suddenly  dropped  in  upon  them.  This 
did  not  deter  me  from  going  round  with  a  very  large  broom. 
To  begin  with,  I  was  horrified  at  the  telephone  service.  I 
gave  orders  that  the  War  Office  should  be  asked  to  send 
a  controller  of  traffic  to  improve  and  regulate  it  without 
delay  ;  I  insisted  on  a  Hughes  apparatus  being  installed, 
to  connect  the  office  with  the  Prime  Minister  in  Buda  Pesth ; 
I  instituted  a  permanent  day  and  night  service  to  deal  with 
the  reports  that  came  in.  At  a  time  of  the  greatest  political 
tension  it  was  not  usual  for  anyone  to  be  in  the  office  at 
night.  The  young  gentlemen  in  the  Foreign  Office  put  in 
an  appearance  about  eleven  o'clock  in  the  morning.  The 
Empire  was  going  to  pieces,  but  everything  went  on  as  usual 
here.  If  anyone  wanted  a  sheet  of  paper,  the  head  of  the 
section,  Schlecta,  had  first  to  be  consulted  as  to  whether 
it  was  allowable  to  ask  for  it,  and  I  was  most  humbly  in- 
formed by  some  functionary  or  other,  cap  in  hand  and  with 
all  due  respect  for  a  Privy  Councillor,  that  the  technical 
alterations  I  had  proposed  could  not  be  taken  in  hand  without 
the  consent  of  the  administrative  head.  I  had  so  much  to 
do  from  the  very  first  that  I  was  unable  to  see  to  my  orders 
and  reforms  being  carried  out.  They  were  not  carried  out. 
I  had  made  myself  very  popular  in  these  precincts  the  very 
day  of  my  arrival ! 

My  old  friend  Flotow  came  into  my  room  and  asked  me, 
half -joking,  half  in  earnest,  whether  I  meant  to  get  rid  of 
him.     I  said  that  absolutely  my  only  intention  was  to  work 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         281 

here,  as  long  as  there  was  work  for  me  to  do  ;  nothing  was 
further  from  my  wishes  than  to  drive  anyone  away:  I  had 
no  bureaucratic  tastes  of  that  kind. 

The  first  political  act  at  which  I  assisted  was  drafting 
the  text  of  the  separate  peace  note  we  were  to  send  Wilson. 
Andrassy,  Colloredo,  Wiesner,  Matschekko  and  I  took  part 
in  this  We  then  discussed  the  text  of  the  telegram  His 
Majesty  was  to  send  the  German  Emperor.  Andrassy 
composed  this  telegram  personally.  In  it  he  explained 
that  the  Monarchy  was  not  in  a  position  to  carry  on  the 
war  any  longer.  The  document  was  couched  in  very  friendly, 
but  very  decided  terms. 

Andrassy  had  also  thought  it  his  duty  to  ask  the  German 
ambassador  to  call  on  him  directly  he  took  over  office. 
Count  Wedel  came  in  the  course  of  the  morning.  Andrassy 
described  the  position  of  the  Monarchy,  and  showed  him 
the  damaged  parts  of  the  house,  which  was  on  the  verge 
of  collapse.  That  was  no  longer  a  facon  de  parier  :  it  was 
simple  truth  and  reality.  The  Czechs  had  already  quietly 
cleared  out,  the  Croats  refused  to  pay  any  taxation, 
the  Hungarians  were  pulling  at  the  ropes  which  still  held  a 
few  timbers  of  the  framework  together.  The  very  slightest 
convulsion  would  bring  the  house  down  in  ruins.  It  was 
no  longer  a  question  of  the  synthesis  of  the  Monarchy  :  it 
was  a  question  of  life  or  death  for  the  German  Austrians 
and  the  Hungarians.  Count  Wedel  said  he  saw  what  the 
position  was  and  understood  Andrassy's  point  of  view ; 
he  assented  to  his  procedure. 

A  facon  de  parier,  for  hardly  had  he  re-entered  his  office 
before  he  began  to  stir  up  the  elements  which  were  subservient 
to  him  in  Vienna  in  every  possible  way  against  a  separate 
peace  ;  money  played  no  inconsiderable  part  in  this  agita- 
tion. He  egged  on  the  politicians,  as  I  learnt  the  very  same 
evening,  to  take  up  a  strong  attitude  in  the  National 
Council  against  our  peace  step.  Almost  all  the  meetings  and 
demonstrations  held  at  that  time,  which  demanded  that 
the  Viennese,  who  were  at  the  last  gasp,  should  stand  by 
Germany  to  the  end,  were  got  up  and  paid  for  by  agents 
of  the  German  Embassy.  There  is  no  disguising  the  fact 
that,  just  then,  the  greater  number  of  the  inhabitants  of 


282  MY  MEMOIRS 

Vienna,  not  excepting  any  class,  were  oppressed  by  anxiety 
which  was  not  by  any  means  for  the  German  Empire.  Money 
expended  in  the  right  quarter — Ludendorff  speaks  quite 
openly  of  this  kind  of  thing  in  his  book — the  assistance  of 
a  few  leaders  of  the  Socialist  Party,  parallel  efforts  in  the 
German  Empire,  and  the  Viennese  were  swimming  again 
in  the  wake  of  Berlin. 

I  had  a  long  talk  with  Andrassy,  who  asked  a  military 
man  of  high  rank  to  go  to  Warsaw  at  once  and  inform  the 
Poles  that  we  were  prepared  to  cede  Galicia  to  them  imme- 
diately.    He  started  the  same  day. 

I  rang  up  the  Supreme  Command  at  intervals  to  inquire 
as  to  the  position  of  the  first  line.  The  answers  were  still 
satisfactory. 

Then  I  had  a  spontaneous  visit  from  Viktor  Adler,  who 
told  me  of  the  increasing  unrest  in  Pan-German  political 
circles.  Adler  saw  the  necessity  of  a  separate  peace.  He 
said  that  he  himself  had  recently  adopted  this  standpoint. 
I  gave  Dr.  Adler  a  truthful  description  of  our  military  posi- 
tion, to  convince  him  that  nothing  really  remained  for  us 
but  to  create  conditions  which  would  enable  us  to  withdraw 
the  troops  at  once,  for  at  any  moment  they  might  be  expected 
to  surge  back  in  disorder  of  their  own  accord. 

There  were  also  negotiations  with  Friedrich  Lobkowitz. 
He  was  asked,  at  Andrassy's  request,  whether  he  would  act 
as  Czech  representative  in  the  Foreign  Office,  a  question  to 
which  Lobkowitz  would  not  reply  without  reference  to 
Kramarz,  on  whose  approval  or  disapproval  his  answer 
must  depend.     Kramarz,  however,  was  in  Switzerland. 

All  our  Ministries  in  neutral  countries  were  directed  to 
try  to  get  into  touch  with  the  Entente. 

We  heard  by  telephone  from  Gödöllö  that  His  Majesty 
was  coming  to  Vienna  in  the  evening  and  would  bring 
Karolyi  with  him.  Karolyi  had  been  received  in  audience, 
and  had  left  assuring  the  King  that  he  assented  to  his  pro- 
gramme and  that  the  Radical  bourgeois  Party  would  support 
a  Hadik  Ministry  as  far  as  possible.  Now  he  wanted  to 
come  to  Vienna  to  discuss  the  function  of  the  Foreign  Office 
under  Andrassy's  direction.  The  great  point  on  which 
Andrassy    and   his   son-in-law    differed    was   that    Karolyi 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ         283 

wanted  his  father-in-law  to  be  Foreign  Minister  for  Hungary 
alone,  while  Andrassy  was  the  one  politician  in  Hungary 
who  favoured  maintaining  the  joint  institutions  of  the 
Dual  Monarchy  and  who  absolutely  believed  in  them.  He 
saw  clearly  that  nothing  but  close  co-operation  between 
German  Austria  and  Hungary  could  really  safeguard  Hun- 
garian interests.  The  news  of  Karolyi's  coming  worried 
him  very  much,  as  it  showed  first  and  foremost  that  the 
arrangements  we  had  set  on  foot  before  leaving  Buda  Pesth 
had  absolutely  broken  down.  A  Vazsonyi  combination  had 
been  rejected,  as  he  was  considered  a  political  agitator  ; 
Hadik,  who  meant  to  act  on  strictly  constitutional  lines, 
was  too  undecided  :  he  composed  programme  speeches  at 
a  time  which  called  for  the  strongest  possible  action  ;  the 
town  was  distracted  and  secretly  in  revolt.  The  negotia- 
tions dragged  on,  fresh  constellations  kept  appearing,  but 
the  Cabinet  was  not  formed.  The  consequence  was  that 
Wekerle's  slack  hand  still  held  the  reins.  He  let  every- 
thing slide.  The  agitation  in  the  Press  became  more  and 
more  violent.  An  article  appeared  in  the  Az  Est  which 
spoke  of  me,  from  a  dishonest,  spiteful  point  of  view,  as 
responsible  for  the  crisis  in  the  country.  I  was  represented 
as  the  man  who  had  frustrated  universal  franchise,  etc. 
I  wrote  a  reply  at  once,  and  had  it  sent  from  the  Ministry 
to  the  Hungarian  Prime  Minister's  office  in  Pesth,  but  whether 
my  letter  was  not  sent  on  from  there,  or  whether  the  papers 
did  not  print  it,  the  fact  remains  that  the  attack  remained 
unanswered.     I  had  no  time  to  do  any  more  in  the  matter. 

In  the  meantime  Lammasch  had  been  appointed  Austrian 
Prime  Minister.  Lammasch,  who  had  originated  the  idea 
of  regrouping  Austria,  an  idea  which  had  always  appealed 
very  much  to  the  King,  came  to  see  Andrassy,  and  it  was 
decided  between  them  that  from  now  on  all  foreign  political 
steps  should  be  taken  in  agreement  with  representatives 
of  the  individual  National  Councils.  Each  National  Council 
was  to  send  a  head  of  a  section  to  the  Ministry.  In  this 
way  they  hoped  to  prevent  a  domestic  collapse  before  the 
arrival  of  Wilson's  answer. 

Czernin  was  among  the  many  visitors  that  day.  I  gave 
him  a  general  idea  of  what  we  had  done  ;    but  he  thought 


284  MY  MEMOIRS 

it  was  all  too  late.  In  his  opinion  we  ought  to  ask  that  both 
the  capitals  should  be  occupied  by  Entente  troops  at  once, 
and  that  an  International  Commission  should  be  appointed 
to  fix  the  frontiers  of  the  new  States  on  former  Austrian 
territory.  I  reported  this  view  to  my  chief,  who  said  it 
was  treason,  as  there  had  been  no  sign  of  revolution  or 
disorder  of  any  kind  up  to  now.  I  telephoned  to  the  Supreme 
Command  every  half-hour,  and  had  the  reports  from  the 
front  read  out  to  me.  At  six  o'clock  in  the  evening  news 
came  that  the  English  had  broken  our  line  at  several  points. 
We  had  just  made  a  counter-attack  and  succeeded  in  recover- 
ing all  the  positions  which  had  been  lost  on  the  Piave.  Thus 
we  oscillated  from  half-hour  to  half-hour  between  hope, 
dejection  and  relief.  Telephone  messages  from  Buda  Pesth 
reported  that  the  agitation  in  the  barracks  was  increasing  in 
intensity.  A  number  of  reserve  officers  had  joined  Karolyi's 
Party.  Hadik  contemplated  withdrawing ;  Wekerle  still 
refused  to  have  martial  law  proclaimed. 

The  note  to  Wilson  is  finished  late  in  the  evening,  and 
goes  to  our  Ministry  in  Stockholm  to  be  forwarded. 

I  was  still  in  the  office  when  our  ambassador  in  Berlin 
rang  up.  Hohenlohe  asked  whether  the  special  reference 
to  a  separate  peace  being  desired  by  the  Monarchy  might 
be  omitted  from  the  telegram  to  the  Emperor  William, 
seeing  that  Germany  proposed  taking  parallel  steps. 

Andrassy  had  already  gone  to  the  "  Bristol,"  where  he 
was  staying  ;  I  drove  there  at  once,  and  found  him  still 
awake  and  at  work.  He  instructed  me  to  reply  that  com- 
pliance with  Hohenlohe's  request  was  out  of  the  question. 
The  proposal  of  a  separate  peace  was  the  whole  point  of 
the  telegram. 

I  telephoned  this  to  Berlin,  on  which  Hohenlohe  an- 
nounced his  resignation. 

At  midnight  I  rang  up  the  Supreme  Command  again  : 
"  All  the  positions  on  the  Piave  are  in  our  hands  ;  on  the 
other  hand,  the  cases  of  serious  mutiny  are  increasing  in 
twenty-five  reserve  divisions.  The  Hungarian  troops,  which 
are  in  wireless  communication  with  Buda  Pesth,  refuse  to 
fight.  The  position  is  critical,  as  the  gaps  in  the  front  line 
cannot  be  filled  up." 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ         285 

The  Archduke  Joseph,  who  was  at  the  front,  had  been 
ordered  to  speak  to  the  soldiers.  He  did  this  at  once  ;  he 
went  to  the  most  advanced  lines.  He  implored  the  troops 
to  hold  out  ;  but  he  had  no  success  with  the  reserves,  so  he 
could  do  nothing  more.  The  reserves  unanimously  declared 
that  they  wished  to  return  home  and  did  not  intend  to 
fight  any  more. 

On  the  27th  October  the  Monarch  arrived  at  Schönbrunn. 
Andrassy  had  wished  the  Queen  to  remain  at  Gödöllö,  but 
she  had  come  against  his  wish.  The  King  rang  me  up  early 
in  the  morning  and  asked  whether  I  thought  the  royal 
children  were  safe  at  Gödöllö.  I  thought  there  was  no  ques- 
tion of  any  danger,  as  far  as  the  royal  family  were  concerned, 
and  said  that  if  the  children  were  sent  away  it  might  even 
make  a  bad  impression  in  Hungary. 

Karolyi,  the  rebel,  also  arrived  in  Vienna  by  the  royal 
train.  On  the  way  he  had  again  assured  His  Majesty  that  he 
would  suppress  the  revolutionary  movement  in  Buda  Pesth 
and  restore  order.  For  this  it  would  be  necessary  for  the 
King  to  entrust  him  with  the  formation  of  a  Cabinet ;  then 
he  could  save  the  whole  situation.  His  Majesty  gave  the 
reply  he  had  given  in  Buda  Pesth  :  "I  agree,  but  you  must 
speak  to  Andrassy."  It  was  for  this  purpose,  that  Karolyi 
might  have  a  talk  to  Andrassy,  that  the  King  had  brought 
him  with  him.  Karolyi  spoke  strongly  against  Andrassy's 
plans  for  the  conduct  of  foreign  affairs,  and  attacked  me 
still  more  violently,  saying  I  was  Andrassy's  evil  genius. 
(At  any  rate  he  realized  that  I  was  the  obstacle.  Under 
normal  conditions  his  only  way  to  power  would  be  over 
my  dead  body.) 

The  King  now  telephoned  to  us  that  Karolyi  was  coming, 
and  we  were  expecting  him. 

In  the  course  of  the  morning  the  German  deputies  put 
in  an  appearance  at  the  Ballplatz,  made  a  disturbance 
and  talked  of  treason.  Not  one  of  them  would  see  that 
we  had  no  choice,  that  there  could  be  no  question  of 
treachery  to  Germany.  Andrassy  showed  them  the  latest 
reports  from  the  front,  which  were  more  and  more  gloomy. 

Then  there  was  a  long  conference  with  Clam-Martinitz, 
the  then  Governor  of  Montenegro,     He  was  of  Andrassy's 


286  MY  MEMOIRS 

opinion  as  to  the  advisability  of  uniting  all  the  South  Slavs 
within  the  framework  of  the  Monarchy.  We  ring  up  the 
Monarch,  who  adheres  to  the  view  that  this  union  must  be 
effected  under  the  Hungarian  crown  ;  this  sub-dualism  was 
really  a  point  of  the  programme. 

We  now  tried  to  speak  to  Agram,  but  it  appeared  that 
the  telephone  was  not  working.  The  interruption  was 
political,  not  technical. 

Prague  reports  that  the  government  has  passed  into  the 
hands  of  the  National  Council  without  a  struggle. 

Pallavicini  reports  from  Buda  Pesth  that  the  excitement 
in  the  town  is  increasing,  that  Hadik  has  suddenly  an- 
nounced his  intention  of  taking  over  the  government, 
and  that  stormy  meetings  are  taking  place  in  front  of 
the  Parliament  House,  at  which  the  Socialists  are  already 
declaring  themselves  in  favour  of  a  republican  form  of 
government. 

The  driving  belts  of  the  State  machine  were  cracking  in 
every  direction.  The  straps  were  giving  way,  the  gear 
breaking  down. 

Field-Marshal  Lukasich,  the  defender  of  the  Doberdo, 
who  had  been  ordered  to  Buda  Pesth,  to  suppress  a  rebellion 
in  case  of  need,  telephoned  to  ask  whether  martial  law  should 
be  proclaimed. 

The  members  of  the  House  of  Lords  now  appeared  at 
the  Ballplatz.  Andrassy  received  them  in  the  small  lecture- 
room  and  explained  matters  to  them.  They  made  no 
secret  of  their  anxiety  ;  they  felt  the  approach  of  the  earth- 
quake in  all  their  bones,  and  feared  the  basis  of  their  exist- 
ence was  beginning  to  subside  from  beneath  their  feet. 
Andrassy  made  them  a  very  fine  speech.  The  high  and 
mighty  gentlemen,  who  had  been  up  in  arms  against  him 
for  decades  past — they  considered  him  as  well  as  me  "  red  " 
— suddenly  recognized  that  this  national  Hungarian,  this 
revolutionary  statesman,  for  whom  their  old  Emperor  had 
never  concealed  his  hatred,  as  the  embodiment  of  the 
'48  tendencies,  was  the  only  man  in  Austro-Hungarian 
policy  who  embodied  the  principle  of  cohesion  in  the 
Monarchy.  My  cousin,  the  former  Prime  Minister,  Alfred 
Windischgraetz,  who  was  with  the  deputation  as  President 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         287 

of  the  House  of  Lords,  said  to  me,  when  taking  his  depar- 
ture :  "  Ludwig,  you  were  right.    Andrassy  is  a  fine  fellow." 

Towards  midday  the  Archduke  Joseph  arrived  in  Vienna. 
Andrassy  had  sent  for  him,  meaning  to  put  the  reins  of 
government  in  Hungary  into  his  hands.  He  wanted  to  turn 
his  popularity  to  account  and  appoint  him  Hungarian 
Prime  Minister  with  the  fullest  powers  ;  he  saw  that  there 
must  be  someone  to  act  as  a  counterpoise  to  Karolyi  in  Buda 
Pesth,  now  that  he  and  I  had  left  ;  we  could  not  guide  the 
course  of  events  in  Pesth  from  Vienna.  We  had  too  much 
to  do,  and  without  inflexible  control  there  they  would  be 
steering  straight  for  revolution.  The  Archduke  Joseph 
was  to  take  over  the  government,  and  with  it  all  responsi- 
bility ;  he  must  then  see  whether  he  would  be  in  a  position 
to  form  his  Cabinet  with  or  without  Karolyi.  We  were  over- 
burdened with  work  ;  it  was  essential  that  we  should  be 
relieved  of  some  of  it.  The  Archduke  said  he  was  prepared 
to  accept  the  office  of  Palatine,  and  to  commence  negotia- 
tions in  Buda  Pesth  on  behalf  of  the  Monarch  at  once. 

Just  at  that  moment  Count  Hadik  rang  up.  He  was 
prepared  to  form  a  Cabinet.  But  a  report  had  spread  through 
Buda  Pesth  like  wild-fire  that  the  King  had  taken  Count 
Karolyi  with  him  in  the  royal  train,  and  he  suspected  an 
intrigue  behind  it  and  asked  to  be  enlightened.  Andrassy 
replies  that  we  have  been  expecting  a  visit  from  Karolyi 
since  the  early  morning,  but  that  he  has  not  appeared. 
So  it  seems  that  the  Monarch  had  actually  taken  Karolyi 
with  him  without  Hadik's  knowledge. 

We  could  not  make  out  what  was  going  on.  Karolyi 
had  not  appeared  on  the  scene.  True,  he  knew  before- 
hand that  neither  I  nor  his  father-in-law  would  recommend 
his  being  appointed  Hungarian  Prime  Minister  ;  we  should 
certainly  oppose  it  ;  yet  he  had  instructions  from  the 
Monarch,  who  had  brought  him  solely  for  the  purpose  of 
an  interview. 

But  it  was  of  the  utmost  importance  that  we  should 
come  to  an  understanding  with  him,  and  therefore  I  drove 
to  the  "  Bristol  "  to  look  for  him.  I  sent  in  my  name  by 
the  porter  ;  he  denied  himself.  Ella  Andrassy,  who  had 
come  to  Vienna  with  her  husband,  met  Mihaly  Karolyi  in 


288  MY  MEMOIRS 

the  hall  of  the  Hotel  Bristol,  but  they  passed  by  without 
seeing  or  speaking  to  one  another.  The  relations  between 
the  Andrassy  family  and  Karolyi  were  already  too  strained 
for  any  conversation  between  Karolyi  and  his  mother-in- 
law  to  be  possible. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  whatever  that  Karolyi  had  tele- 
phoned to  Buda  Pesth  in  the  course  of  the  morning  and  given 
his  friends  a  false  version  of  his  stay  in  Vienna.  He  must 
have  told  them  that  he  had  been  betrayed,  that  the  King 
had  only  enticed  him  to  Vienna  to  keep  him  away  from 
Pesth.  "  Andrassy  was  to  have  sent  for  me  in  Vienna  ;  I 
waited  the  whole  morning  in  the  hotel,  but  no  one  sent  for 
me.  I  am  coming  home;  expect  me  in  Buda  Pesth  to-night." 
(Later  on,  I  discovered  that  this  was  exactly  what  had 
happened.) 

I  came  back  to  the  office  without  having  effected  my 
object.  Vazsonyi  rang  me  up  there  and  gave  me  a  clear  idea 
of  the  present  state  of  affairs  in  Pesth.  The  Socialists,  who 
had  hitherto  refused  to  embark  on  a  general  strike,  in  spite 
of  the  Karolyi  agitation,  now  seemed  prepared  to  go  over 
to  Karolyi. 

The  fast  train  left  for  Buda  Pesth  at  2.30  in  the  after- 
noon. Just  before  starting,  the  Archduke  Joseph  had  another 
interview  with  Andrassy  and  me.  The  Archduke  sees  the 
necessity  of  the  continued  existence  of  a  joint  Ministry  for 
Foreign  Affairs,  and  says  he  will  take  steps  to  settle  this 
question  with  Karolyi  in  Buda  Pesth  at  once. 

I  suspect  that  Karolyi  will  go  to  Buda  Pesth  by  the  same 
train,  and  commission  my  secretary,  Racz,  to  accompany 
the  Archduke  Joseph,  so  that  he  may  enlighten  him  as  to 
the  present  position  in  Pesth  before  he  can  speak  to  Karolyi. 
Racz  tore  off  to  the  station  without  the  smallest  preparation, 
caught  the  train,  and  got  into  the  Archduke's  carriage. 
He  sat  with  him  as  far  as  Marchegg,  explained  the  situation 
to  him,  and  the  Archduke  quite  agreed  to  deal  resolutely 
with  the  matter  in  our  sense,  at  all  costs.  Racz  left  the  com- 
partment satisfied  that  he  had  successfully  accomplished 
his  mission.  But  I  had  guessed  rightly  :  Karolyi  had  got 
into  the  same  train  to  return  to  Buda  Pesth.  At  Marchegg 
he  went  to  look  for  the  Archduke  in  his  compartment.     From 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         289 

Marchegg    to    Neuhäusl    the    Archduke    Joseph   was  under 
his  influence. 

He  is  said  to  have  declared  in  Buda  Pesth  later  on  that 
he  had  been  under  the  impression  during  that  journey  that 
the  King  had  played  a  double  game.  He  had  promised  him 
that  all  the  Hungarian  troops  would  be  under  his  supreme 
command,  which  would  have  put  all  the  power  into  his  hands  ; 
but  on  the  way  to  Buda  Pesth  Karolyi  had  told  him  definitely 
that  the  Monarch  had  promised  the  Prime  Ministership  in 
Hungary  to  him,  Karolyi. 

When  the  train  steamed  into  Buda  Pesth  in  the  evening, 
a  crowd  numbering  many  thousands  was  awaiting  it. 
Karolyi's  friends  had  been  at  work.  Karolyi  was  received 
as  a  national  hero  ;  the  people  shouted  themselves  hoarse. 
The  priest  Hock  made  a  speech  on  the  man  after  the  people's 
heart,  who  had  been  lured  away  and  duped  by  the  King  ; 
he  spoke  of  the  affront  that  had  been  put  on  Karolyi  in 
Vienna.  He  had  been  sent  for  with  a  view  to  negotiations, 
and  had  been  simply  left  in  the  lurch — no  one  had  given  him 
a  hearing.     The  Vienna  tyrants  had  made  a  fool  of  him. 

The  Archduke  Joseph  was  very  much  upset  by  this  demon- 
stration. He  telephoned  at  once  to  His  Majesty  and  told 
him  that  the  attitude  of  the  people  was  frankly  anti-dynastic, 
but  that  Karolyi  had  promised  to  do  his  best  with  the  National 
Council,  which  had  been  constituted  in  the  meantime,  to 
secure  the  restoration  of  order. 

At  the  same  time  Racz  telephoned  to  me  that  the  agita- 
tion in  the  barracks  was  still  going  on  and  that  the  troops 
were  urged  by  wireless  to  lay  down  their  arms.  I  myself 
telephoned  every  half-hour  to  the  Supreme  Command.  It 
was  essential  for  our  peace  plans  that  we  should  be  accurately 
informed  of  the  momentary  military  position.  Our  agita- 
tion sometimes  became  unendurable.  I  talked  to  many 
people,  but  the  one  thought  running  in  my  mind  was  :  Is 
the  front  still  holding  out  ?  This  thought  never  left  me. 
Everything  depended  on  whether  the  front  stood  its  ground. 
So  long  as  the  defence  was  unbroken,  it  was  possible  for  us 
to  negotiate  with  the  enemy  ;  if  it  was  broken  through, 
we  should  have  to  accept  the  terms  dictated  by  the 
enemy  ;    that   was   the  great   difference.     The  moment  the 

19 


290  MY  MEMOIRS 

front  was  broken,  the  war  was  at  an  end  once  for  all ; 
every  instant  of  further  fighting  would  have  been  useless 
bloodshed. 

And  now  news  came,  the  news  which  had  been  dreaded 
every  moment  for  days  past,  that  the  Italians  had  pene- 
trated our  position  north  of  Montello  on  a  front  of  40 
kilometres.  It  is  true  that  a  counter-attack  was  being 
launched,  but  we  knew  that  all  was  over. 

I  sat  down  beside  Andrassy  and  we  took  counsel  together. 
It  was  an  anxious  hour,  but  there  was  really  only  one  way 
out  :  to  start  negotiations  for  an  armistice  with  the  Italians 
without  delay,  to  prevent  a  definite  Italian  victory  being 
proclaimed.  We  got  into  communication  with  the  Monarch, 
and  he  agreed.  We  were  now  to  provide  for  the  troops 
being  brought  home  in  good  order.  The  soldiers  were  to 
be  organized  according  to  their  nationalities  and  placed  at 
the  service  of  their  National  Councils.  Moreover,  the  King 
will  summon  a  Privy  Council  for  to-morrow  to  consider  this 
last  military  measure  with  his  counsellors. 

We  summon  a  conference  in  the  Ministry  and  decide 
on  preparing  for  direct  negotiations  with  America,  England 
and  France  at  once  ;  Count  Mensdorff  was  proposed  for 
England,  Count  Sigray  for  America  and  myself  for  France. 
Unfortunately,  the  technical  apparatus  works  far  too  slowly 
in  the  Ministry.  The  state  of  the  telephone  drove  one  mad  ; 
the  officials  came  to  the  office,  as  ever,  too  late  and  left 
too  early. 

Our     nerves     were    in     a     half-lethargic,     half-excited 

state. 

On  the  morning  of  the  28th  we  received  news  from  Buda 
Pesth  of  the  manifesto  the  Archduke  Joseph  had  issued  to 
the  Hungarian  people.  He  urged  the  country  to  maintain 
order  and  to  put  itself  in  his  hands.  He  himself  informed  us 
that  he  was  already  negotiating  with  all  the  Parties  and 
politicians,  and  had  ascertained  that  only  an  insignificant 
percentage  of  the  people  had  been  won  over  to  Karolyi's 
policy.  Count  Hadik's  appointment  as  Prime  Minister  was 
therefore  preferable  and  impending.  Things  were  calming 
down  a  little  in  Buda  Pesth  :  the  Karolyites  had  promised 
to  support  the  Government. 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ         291 

I  am  in  constant  touch  with  Racz,  who  reports  that  the 
calm  is  deceptive.     He  knows  for  certain  that  the  agitation  . 
does  not  cease  for  a  moment. 

Andrassy  had  gone  to  the  King  with  a  view  to  fixing  the 
principles  on  which  the  negotiations  with  the  Austrian 
National  Councils  were  to  be  conducted. 

A  favourable  report  now  arrived,  the  first  white  dove. 
Our  Minister,  Baron  de  Vaux,  informs  us  in  a  telegram  from 
Berne  that  our  peace  offer  has  met  with  a  friendly  reception 
at  the  hands  of  the  Entente. 

A  further  long  conference  took  place  with  Friedrich 
Lobkowitz  as  to  the  conditions  under  which  he  would  be 
willing  to  join  us  as  Czech  head  of  a  section.  Of  course,  no 
one  in  Hungary  would  have  agreed  to  this  appointment  ; 
but  Andrassy  insisted  on  having  a  Czecho-Slovak  representa- 
tive in  the  joint  Ministry  for  Foreign  Affairs.  He  had 
already  spoken  of  Czecho-Slovakia  in  his  peace  note,  referring 
to  the  right  of  peoples  to  self-determination  proclaimed  by 
Wilson.  The  programme  with  which  Andrassy  had  gone 
to  the  Foreign  Office  expressly  included  Wilson's  Fourteen 
Points.  We  did  not,  indeed,  know  at  that  time  that  a  republic 
was  already  being  constituted  in  Bohemia  and  that  its  separa- 
tion from  Austria  was  a  fait  accompli.  We  really  knew  little 
more  than  that  Kramarz  had  gone  to  Paris  on  a  political 
errand. 

Disquieting  information  as  to  the  efforts  being  made 
by  the  German  Embassy  continues  to  arrive  Large  sums 
have  been  expended ;  a  newspaper  which  has  recently 
appeared,  the  Wiener  Mittag,  is  entirely  in  the  pay  of  the 
ambassador. 

A  General  Staff  Officer  from  the  Supreme  Command  is 
announced,  who  submits  a  plan  of  the  situation.  He  shows 
us  where  the  break-through  was  made,  or  rather  the  gaps 
through  which  the  enemy  was  able  to  penetrate,  simply 
because  the  most  advanced  line  had  ceased  to  exist.  It 
was  no  longer  possible  to  send  up  reserves  :  the  reserves 
refused  to  obey.  The  advancing  English  and  Italians  were 
only  feeling  their  way,  not  knowing  that  there  was  no  second 
line  behind  the  first.  If  even  a  few  divisions  would  go 
on  fighting  now,  the  situation  could  be  saved.     The  officer 


292  MY  MEMOIRS 

reports  that  the  Supreme  Command  agrees  to  direct  negotia- 
tions for  an  armistice  being  commenced. 

Count  Coudenhove  is  received  in  audience  by  His  Majesty. 
Reports  and  returns  to  Prague. 

Lammasch's  Ministers  then  take  the  oath.  The  ques- 
tion of  German  Austria  is  discussed.  His  Majesty  wishes 
all  German-language  territories  in  German  Austria  to  be 
united,  and  proposes  immediate  negotiations  to  that  effect 
with  the  South  Slavs  and  Czechs. 

Lammasch  and  Andrassy  have  a  long  conference  to  decide 
on  the  measures  to  be  taken  to  prevent  forcible  separation, 
as  a  revolutionary  State  could  not  expect  as  favourable  a 
peace  as  one  properly  organized.  Lammasch  does  his  best 
to  bring  about  a  peaceable  solution. 

Viktor  Adler  came  to  see  me  twice,  and  talked  to  me 
about  Dr.  Otto  Bauer,  whom  he  speaks  of  as  a  clever  theorist. 
He  tells  me  that  Bauer  is  in  touch  with  Karolyi.  I  asked 
him  how  he  could  help  us.  He  said  :  "  The  situation  is 
so  changed  that  we  no  longer  hold  the  power  in  our  hands. 
As  moderates  we  shall  not  be  able  to  hold  our  own  either 
on  the  one  side  or  the  other.  Formerly  we  were  never 
approached :  we  were  considered  enemies  of  the  State ; 
now  we  are  suddenly  called  on  to  come  to  the  rescue 
and  save  everything.  But  we  no  longer  have  sufficient 
influence  for  this,  because  the  lower  classes  have  never  seen 
that  we  have  influence  in  high  quarters.  Therefore  you 
must  not  count  on  us.  What  you  and  Andrassy  are  doing 
is  the  only  thing  you  can  do,  but  it  is  too  late  to  succeed. 
If  a  statesman  had  propounded  such  ideas  formerly,  he  might 
have  had  some  chance  of  success." 

It  was  Dr.  Bauer  who  fomented  the  agitation  against 
Andrassy  in  the  German  Parties.  He  was  not  only  in  touch 
with  Karolyi,  but  with  Bolshevist  elements  and  Germans. 
I  discovered,  through  former  brother-officers  and  the  Ministry 
of  War,  that  one  of  his  followers,  an  ensign  whose  name  was 
Deutsch,  began  the  organization  of  Soldiers'  Councils  and 
Red  Guards. 

When  Andrassy  heard  this,  he  requested  the  military 
authorities  to  take  strong  counter-measures  ;  but  the  War 
Office  was  even  then  too  much  afraid  and  too  weak.     We 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ         293 

conferred  with  the  Supreme  Command,  and  requested  that 
troops  should  be  sent  to  Vienna,  as  there  were  indications 
that  a  revolution  was  being  organized  in  the  Austrian 
capital  too.  Andrassy  laid  stress  on  the  necessity  for  the 
military  authorities  continuing  to  be  in  common,  so  that 
uniform  arrangements  for  demobilization  might  be  made. 

But  Generals  very  soon  came  and  told  the  King  that  they 
had  no  control  over  the  troops  ;  the  soldiers  would  no  longer 
obey.  In  the  course  of  the  summer  of  1918  there  had  been 
an  idea  of  appointing  General  Prince  Schönburg  commandant 
of  all  the  home  formations,  to  ensure  peace  and  order  in 
Austria  through  him,  a  well-known  gallant  General.  But 
His  Majesty  could  not  be  induced  to  agree  to  draconian 
measures  in  the  interior  of  the  country.  "  All  the  old 
methods  of  coercion  must  be  discontinued,"  he  said. 
"  I  won't  carry  on  war  against  my  people,"  were  his 
own  words.  "  Enough  blood  has  been  shed  ;  the  people 
at  home  shall  arrange  things  as  they  wish."  The  Generals 
withdrew. 

Kövess,  commanding  an  army  group,  reported  that  the 
Danube  and  Save  front  stood  firm  and  would  continue  to 
hold  out.  News  from  Transylvania  is  to  the  effect  that 
two  Hungarian  divisions  are  arriving  and  that  this  frontier 
may  also  be  considered  secured. 

Another  long  conference  with  Clam-Martinitz,  at  which 
the  latest  possibilities  of  the  South  Slav  question  are  con- 
sidered. But  there  seems  no  further  prospect  of  saving  the 
situation,  as  the  Croatian  home  formations  have  also  placed 
themselves  at  the  service  of  the  Croatian  National  Council, 
according  to  a  report  just  received  from  Agram.  Wherever 
we  turn  we  see  the  old  Austrian  house  breaking  up — yawning 
gaps,  wide  fissures,  shattered  walls. 

Andrassy  rang  up  Hadik  and  urged  him  to  provide 
Austria  with  food.  We  ourselves  were  getting  urgent 
messages  from  the  King  on  this  subject  twice  a  day. 
There  was  great  want  in  Vienna,  and  the  King  was  trying 
to  reassure  the  people  in  every  possible  way. 

Seitz,  Renner,  Dinghofer  and  the  prelate  Häuser  put 
in  an  appearance.  Andrassy  explained  the  military  position 
to  them,  but  they  did  not  give  the  impression  of  having 


294  MY  MEMOIRS 

control  of  the  situation.     They  themselves  were  half  feeling 
their  way  and  drawing,  and  half  being  drawn. 

Fresh  reports  continue  to  come  from  our  agents,  and 
from  all  private  and  official  quarters,  that  the  German 
Embassy  is  bent  on  making  trouble  in  the  town.  Adherence 
to  Germany  is  the  watchword. 

And  the  only  news  we  are  anxiously  awaiting  from  Buda 
Pesth  does  not  come.  The  Cabinet  was  still  not  formed  ;  we 
did  not  know  what  would  happen.  Andrassy  rang  up  the 
Archduke  Joseph  and  implored  him  to  do  all  he  possibly 
could. 

Spitzmüller  is  sent  for.  He  is  to  try  to  pave  the  way 
for  negotiations  with  the  South  Slavs.  I  also  try  to  find 
Korosec,  the  leader  of  the  Slovenes  in  the  Austrian  Parlia- 
ment, but  it  appears  that  he  is  at  Agram,  and  has  already 
placed  himself  at  the  disposal  of  the  Serbians.  So  this 
last  faint  hope  has  been  disappointed.  The  King  sum- 
moned me  to  Schönbrunn.  I  am  to  draw  up  a  report  on  the 
food  supplies  for  Vienna  without  delay.  My  secretary,  Nagy, 
had  succeeded  me  in  Buda  Pesth,  but  my  services  were 
enlisted  again.  I  was  to  supply  Vienna  with  food  as  before. 
The  people  in  Vienna  were  enduring  frightful  privations  ; 
from  week  to  week  there  was  a  risk  of  absolute  starvation. 
There  was  no  fat  at  all  to  be  had,  and  there  were  already 
bitter  complaints  of  Hungary  in  the  papers. 

Arrived  at  the  Foreign  Office  from  a  conference  at 
Schönbrunn,  my  secretary,  Racz,  tells  me  that  Tisza  has 
just  rung  me  up  from  Buda  Pesth.  As  I  was  not  in,  Racz 
had  taken  down  the  following  message  in  shorthand  : 

"  Tell  the  Prince  that  I  wish  him  much  success  in  his 
hard  task.  That  in  very,  very  many  ways  he  was  right, 
and  foresaw  everything.  I  place  my  Party  and  myself 
entirely  at  his  service,  not  as  a  leader,  but  as  a  man,  a  simple 
soldier.  We  must  all  work  together  to  bring  order  into 
the  chaos  and  steer  the  country  in  the  right  direction. 

"  I  wish  to  be  most  kindly  remembered  to  him,  and  once 
more  wish  him  success.     I  will  ring  him  up  again." 

I  looked  on  this  message  from  Tisza  as  perhaps  the 
greatest  success  of  my  stormy  political  career.  Tisza,  my 
adversary,  had  placed  himself  at  my  service,  had  at  last  ' 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         295 

come  to  the  conclusion  that  the  policy  I  had  consistently 
and  always  openly  pursued  was  right.  I  was  so  affected 
that  I  tried  to  get  on  to  Tisza  to  thank  him,  but  he  was 
nowhere  to  be  found.  I  never  heard  his  voice  again,  for  two 
days  afterwards  he  was  shot. 

Fresh  telephone  conversation  with  Buda  Pesth.  Karolyi 
gives  Andrassy  the  reassuring  news  that  Hadik's  Ministry 
seems  to  be  ensured,  as  Tisza  has  declared  his  intention 
of   supporting  it. 

On  the  Piave  Front  the  German  Austrian  reserves  now 
refuse  to  obey. 

The  fighting  troops  never  refused  to  obey  ;  it  was  only 
the  reserves  that  mutinied.  The  enemy  came  into  the 
country  because  there  was  a  mutiny  of  our  policy,  not 
because   the   spirit   of  its  defenders  broke  down. 

2gth  October. — His  Majesty  reports  by  telephone  that 
Hadik  will  have  got  his  Ministry  together  by  to-morrow. 

In  the  course  of  the  morning  the  King  had  a  long  con- 
versation on  the  telephone  with  Karolyi,  who  assures  him 
that  he  will  pacify  the  Radical  elements  and  persuade  them 
to  wait  for  the  announcement  of  the  Government  programme 
in  Parliament. 

(Baron  Merey  drafts  a  note  to  Lansing  on  Andrassy's 
behalf.  An  appeal  is  made  to  America's  humanity,  and  a 
prompt  reply  to  our  peace  offer  is  entreated,  in  order  to  avert 
general  chaos  in  the  Austro-Hungarian  Monarchy.) 

I  was  surprised  by  receiving  a  visit  from  Szilassy,  who 
offered  to  go  to  Switzerland  ;  he  had  relations  with  English 
circles,  and  thought  he  might  be  useful  to  us.  He  also 
talked  to  Andrassy,  but  we  could  not  put  his  plans  into 
execution. 

The  King  again  inquires  how  the  food  supply  negotia- 
tions are  progressing  between  the  German  National  Council 
and  Hungary,  and  urges  final  agreements  being  concluded.  I 
report  this  to  Andrassy,  who  immediately  has  himself  put 
on  to  Hadik  again,  and  comes  to  an  agreement  with  him 
that  wheat  supplies  for  the  next  three  weeks  shall  be  sent 
to  Vienna.  Andrassy  represented  that  this  supply  was 
absolutely  indispensable,  and  the  necessary  instructions 
were  given   in   Buda  Pesth  at   once.     (But   of   course   the 


296  MY  MEMOIRS 

revolution   which    took   place   a   few   days   later  prevented 
measures  of  any  kind  being  carried  out.) 

Andrassy  then  had  a  long  conference  with  Lammasch. 
The  subject  discussed  was  the  taking  over  of  administrative 
business  by  the  individual  National  Councils,  which  were 
now  sitting  in  the  Lower  Austrian  Landhaus. 

Various  and  not  at  all  satisfactory  reports  reach  us  of 
what  is  going  on  in  the  town.  Popular  meetings  have  taken 
place  in  several  localities.  Field-Marshal  Böhm  was  forced 
by  soldiers  to  get  out  of  his  motor  ;  thousands  of  people  are 
standing  in  front  of  the  Parliament  House  ;  the  black  and 
yellow  flag  has  been  pulled  down.  I  learn  that  Count 
Wedel  has  given  orders  that  no  one  employed  at  the  German 
Embassy  is  to  be  seen  in  the  inner  town,  lest  it  should 
be  suspected  that  the  processions  and  demonstrations 
emanate  from  German  quarters. 

Reports  come  from  Switzerland,  Holland  and  Sweden  to 
the  effect  that  there  is  some  inclination  in  France  to  nego- 
tiate with  Andrassy.  But  at  present  these  announcements 
are  not  official,  and  we  must  still  wait  and  see. 

Reports  received  from  Agram  and  Fiume  state  that  Fiume 
is  in  Croatian  hands. 

Racz  telephones  to  me  from  Buda  Pesth  that  the  National 
Council,  under  Hock's  chairmanship,  is  gaining  more  and 
more  power  ;  all  the  newspapers  are  under  the  censorship 
of  the  National  Council  ;  the  head  of  the  police,  Sandor, 
has  resigned  ;  the  municipal  police,  influenced  by  the  deputy 
Abraham,  has  also  placed  itself  at  the  service  of  the  National 
Council ;  and  finally,  news  comes  that  the  Ban  of  Croatia 
has  officially  proclaimed  Croatia's  independence  of  Hungary. 

At  two  o'clock  there  is  a  Privy  Council  at  Schönbrunn. 
Andrassy  sends  me  to  represent  the  Foreign  Office.  His 
Majesty,  the  Chief  of  the  Imperial  Staff,  Arz,  the  Director 
of  the  Naval  Section  and  I  sat  at  the  round  table. 

Arz  explained  the  situation  on  our  West  Front.  The 
Italian  break-through  must  be  looked  on  as  accomplished  ; 
the  collapse  of  the  whole  front  may  follow  within  a  few  days, 
perhaps  hours.  The  English  and  Italian  forces  are  still 
only  advancing  slowly,  but  our  reserves  are  no  longer 
available.      If   we   want    to   bring    our    troops    home  well 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ         297 

closed  up  and  in  order,  the  only  way  is  to  set  negotia- 
tions for  an  armistice  on  foot  at  once,  as  proposed.  Arz 
produces  leaflets  and  proclamations  urging  the  troops  to 
throw  away  their  arms.  Admiral  Holub  describes  the  state 
of  affairs  in  the  fleet.  South  Slav  propaganda  has  done  its 
work  everywhere.  The  men  demand  to  be  put  on  shore  : 
they  want  to  go  home.  Korosec  wishes  the  fleet,  with  the 
ships'  crews,  to  be  transferred  to  the  South  Slav  Committee. 
To  avoid  insubordination  and  mutiny  on  board  the  ships, 
the  Naval  Command  suggests  compliance  with  this  demand. 
The  naval  port  Pola  is  also  to  be  transferred  to  the  South 
Slav  Committee.  We  consult  over  this  point,  but  as  there 
is  immediate  danger  of  Pola  and  our  battleships  being  lost 
to  the  Entente,  we  decide  to  make  over  the  naval  port  and 
the  whole  fleet  to  the  South  Slavs. 

His  Majesty  sees  the  necessity  for  these  proposals  ;  an 
armistice  on  our  South-west  Front  is  obviously  specially 
urgent.  The  Supreme  Command  is  to  take  steps,  however, 
to  expedite  the  transport  of  Hungarian  troops  to  the  south 
and  east  frontiers  of  Hungary,  to  safeguard  Hungarian 
territorial  integrity.  The  divisions  from  Hungarian  territory, 
with  their  equipment  and  guns,  are  to  be  placed  under 
the  command  of  Kövess.  This  decision  is  telephoned  to 
the  Archduke  Joseph  at  Buda  Pesth  at  once.  General 
Weber  is  to  acquaint  the  Italian  military  authorities  with 
the  proposal  of  an  armistice. 

When  we  had  discussed  and  settled  everything,  I  drew 
up  the  protocol  of  the  Privy  Council.  As  I  was  putting  my 
signature  to  it,  I  felt  my  eyes  curiously  hot.  As  far  as  I 
can  remember,  I  have  never  cried  in  my  life,  on  any  occasion, 
hardly  even  in  my  childhood  ;  now  tears  poured  from  my 
eyes.  Of  those  present,  I  was  the  only  one  who  had  fought 
at  the  front.  I  had  seen  the  misery,  the  sufferings,  the 
corpses — now  it  was  all  for  nothing,  all  the  sacrifices  had 
been  made  in  vain  ;  and  I  myself  had  been  the  one  to  pro- 
pose an  immediate  armistice.  I  signed  the  document  ;  when 
I  looked  up,  I  saw  that  the  Emperor  was  also  in  tears. 

That  was  the  end  of  our  army. 

After  the  Privy  Council  the  King  still  kept  me  with  him, 


298  MY  MEMOIRS 

and  talked  to  me  for  a  long  time.  "  I  hope  the  National 
Councils  will  see  that  I  honestly  wished  for  peace,"  he  said. 
"  I  think  it  would  be  in  the  interest  of  the  country  if  they 
would  leave  the  negotiations  with  the  Entente  to  me,  for 
the  Entente  Powers  know  how  anxious  I  was  to  pave  the 
way  for  an  early  peace.  If  the  negotiations  are  left  in 
the  hands  of  the  individual  national  States,  they  will  devour 
one  another  ;  unfortunately,  I  have  experience — the  most 
bitter  experiences.  If  they  make  over  the  management  to 
me,  I  shall  act  impartially,  and  will  do  my  best  to  take 
every  wish  into  account." 

I  went  back  to  the  Foreign  Office  and  told  Andrassy 
what  we  had  decided.  Andrassy  telephoned  to  Hadik  to 
inform  him  what  measures  had  been  taken  to  send  the 
Hungarian  troops  home.  Hadik  hopes  to  have  got  his 
Cabinet  together  by  the  evening. 

Late  in  the  afternoon  I  hear  definitely  from  Racz,  who 
is  in  Buda  Pesth,  that  Count  Karolyi  is  making  arrangements 
for  the  revolution  to  break  out  to-night.  Pogany  and  Czer- 
mak  have  founded  a  Socialistic  League  of  Reserve  Officers,  to 
which  Bolshevist  elements  in  the  Karolyi  Party  belong.  They 
now  have  considerable  financial  means  at  their  disposal,  for 
the  American  moneys  Karolyi  had  brought  to  Switzerland 
on  the  outbreak  of  war  had  been  conveyed  to  Buda  Pesth 
by  this  time.  The  money  could  now  be  lavished  unsparingly 
on  the  masses  ;  they  were  having  a  high  old  time  in  the 
factories  and  barracks.  The  fifteen  insignificant  journalists, 
the  men  who  had  suffered  the  penalty  of  the  law,  who  were 
arranging  the  whole  agitation,  had  their  pockets  full,  and 
now  their  puppet,  Karolyi,  was  to  be  ruler  of  the  town, 
ruler  of  the  country,  within  forty-eight  hours. 

Hadik  was  insufficiently  informed  of  what  was  going  on. 
I  discussed  this  with  His  Majesty,  who  told  me  that  he 
received  favourable  news  from  the  Archduke  Joseph  from 
Buda  Pesth.  Andrassy  is  so  anxious  that  he  rings  up 
Hadik  again,  to  ask  him  to  take  every  possible  step  in  agree- 
ment with  Karolyi,  to  prevent  disturbances.  Karolyi's 
wife,  it  should  be  said,  had  arrived  back  in  Vienna  and  had 
hurried  to  her  stepfather.  Karolyi  sent  him  word  that  he 
had  lost  control  over  the  revolutionary  elements  ;  the  revolu- 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         299 

tion  must  take  place  shortly.  Both  Katus  and  Michael  are 
hysterical  :  they  wanted  the  revolution  and  were  horribly 
afraid  of  a  revolution.  They  were  afraid  something 
dreadful  would  happen,  that  Andrassy  would  be  murdered, 
so  she  came  to  warn  him.  Karolyi  could  not  turn  back 
now.  The  fifteen  journalists,  who  had  usurped  the  power 
in  Hungary,  kept  him  up  to  the  mark.  Like  the  dead 
Cid,  he  was  strapped  to  the  Bolshevist  horse  and  thrust 
into  the  forefront  of  the  battle.  They  shouted  "  Karolyi  ! 
Karolyi  !  "  in  their  papers,  and  he  had  to  play  the  romantic 
part  he  had  half  hankered  after  and  which  they  had 
designed  for  him.  He  had  conjured  up  forces  he  could 
no  longer  restrain;  to  satisfy  his  longing  for  power  he  had 
secured  the  help  of  the  scum,  who  now  stuck  to  him  and 
dragged  him  deeper  and  deeper  into  the  mire  of  treason, 
double-dealing  and  dishonesty  to  people  and  King. 

That  night  I  went  again  to  Schönbrunn,  where  the  royal 
children  had  just  arrived.  Their  motor  had  met  armed 
bodies  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Gödöllö,  which  were  already 
marching  on  the  royal  residence. 

Pallavicini  reported  from  Buda  Pesth  that  Hadik's 
Cabinet  was  formed. 

When  I  came  back  from  Schönbrunn  at  12.30  a.m., 
General  Landwehr  was  waiting  for  me.  He  described  the 
agitations  being  carried  on  by  the  German  Embassy  and 
lamented  the  attitude  of  the  Vienna  Press.  "  It  is  incon- 
ceivable," he  said.  "  The  Emperor  wishes  for  peace,  and 
the  Press  opposes  him.  Can't  you  find  some  way  of  counter- 
acting this  ?  Can't  the  Burgomaster  Weisskirchner  bring 
the  Viennese  to  their  senses  ?  They  ought  surely  to  be 
grateful  to  the  Emperor  for  doing  his  utmost  to  conclude 
peace  ;  the  whole  Christian  Socialist  Party,  at  all  events, 
ought  to  rise  as  one  man  and  agree  that  peace  must  be  made 
at  any  price."  I  was  quite  ready  to  do  what  I  could,  and 
I  telephoned  to  the  Burgomaster  asking  him  to  come  and 
see  me  at  once. 

When  he  came,  I  woke  Andrassy.  Public  opinion  in  Vienna 
held  Andrassy  responsible  for  the  food  supplies  having 
ceased  coming  from  Hungary.  The  agitation  which  had 
been  set  on  foot  against  him  in  the  Press,  and  in  public  and 


800  MY  MEMOIRS 

private,  aided  and  abetted  the  continued  efforts  made  by 
the  German  Embassy  to  represent  Andrassy  as  a  traitor  to 
the  German  alliance,  and  the  animosity  against  the  Foreign 
Minister  reached  such  a  pitch  that  the  Hotel  Bristol,  where 
he  had  stayed  for  two  days,  refused  to  let  him,  the  joint 
Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  remain  in  the  hotel  any  longer. 
He  was  obliged  to  leave.  But,  as  Burian  was  taking  his 
time  to  vacate  his  official  residence  in  the  Ballplatz,  Andrassy 
and  his  wife  had  to  keep  house  in  two  little  rooms  in  the 
Foreign  Office. 

I  asked  Andrassy  and  Weisskirchner  into  my  office  and 
we  held  a  long  conference.  Weisskirchner  said  he  was  quite 
willing  to  explain  to  the  people  that  peace  was  an  urgent 
necessity,  but  before  doing  so  he  wanted  to  communicate 
with  his  Party  and  discuss  the  best  means  of  organizing  a 
great  demonstration.  He  admitted  that  it  would  be  madness 
for  the  hungry,  starving  Viennese  to  work  themselves  up 
suddenly  about  sticking  to  Germany  and  demonstrate 
against  a  separate  peace  at  the  instigation  of  the  German 
Embassy. 

In  the  course  of  the  night  a  telegram  came  from  the 
Anglo-French  Intelligence  Bureau  at  Thonon,  near  Geneva, 
saying  that  the  Entente  Powers  were  willing  to  enter  into 
negotiations  with  Andrassy.  The  message  was  not  an  official 
notification,  however. 

It  was  two  o'clock  in  the  morning.  I  had  neither  lunched 
nor  dined  ;  there  had  simply  been  no  time.  When  I  left  the 
Foreign  Office  the  town  was  in  darkness,  all  the  restaurants 
and  hotels,  of  course,  shut  up.  My  nervous  excitement 
calmed  down  and  I  began  to  feel  hungry.  The  only  place 
where  I  could  get  supper  at  this  hour  was  the  Vienna  Club. 

I  went  there,  and  found  a  large  party  of  Vienna  indus- 
trial owners  in  the  club  playing  ecarte — Mautner  and  Landau, 
Flesch  and  Hatvany,  Baron  Grödel  and  Auspiz  and  whatever 
all  their  names  may  be.  Austrian  Capital  surrounds  me  and 
besieges  me  with  questions.  "  How  are  things  going  at  the 
front  ?  Is  there  a  revolution  in  Hungary  ?  Are  the  French 
already  at  Innsbruck  ?  "  What  ought  I  to  have  said  to 
them  ?  I  could  not  tell  the  truth,  and  had  no  right  to 
do  so  yet.     It  would  have  caused  a  panic.    So  I  dissembled, 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         301 

played  the  part  of  a  man  about  town,  said  cheerfully  that  all 
was  well,  ordered  my  supper  and  drank  a  whole  bottle  of 
wine.  From  the  club  I  went  home,  had  a  shower-bath, 
slept  for  an  hour,  had  another  shower-bath,  drank  black 
coffee  and  went  back  to  the  Foreign  Office. 

30th  October. — Profound  silence  reigned  at  the  Ballplatz  : 
only  a  couple  of  attendants  in  the  whole  building.  I  found 
Andrassy  at  work  in  his  dressing-gown,  having  a  cup  of 
tea.     It  was  early  in  the  morning. 

He  was  in  the  large  Minister's  room,  sitting  at  the  beauti- 
ful Empire  writing-table  at  which  his  father  had  sat.  Por- 
traits of  the  Emperors  Ferdinand,  Francis,  Francis  Joseph 
and  of  Beust  and  his  own  father  looked  down  from  the 
walls. 

Among  Andrassy's  first  visitors  were  Prince  Hans 
Schönburg,  who  had  represented  us  at  the  Vatican,  and 
Otto  Czernin,  our  Minister  in  Sofia.  Otto  Czernin  talked 
to  him  about  his  brother  Ottokar's  proposal,  and  was  very 
much  in  favour  of  the  Emperor's  asking  the  Entente  to  send 
troops  to  occupy  Vienna  and  Buda  Pesth.  Andrassy  saw 
that  the  revolution  was  inevitable,  but  he  still  hoped  a  few 
reliable  divisions  of  our  own  troops  would  come  to  Vienna 
and  keep  order.  He  told  them  both  that  he  looked  on 
action  of  the  kind  proposed  as  in  reality  treason  to  their 
own  country,  and  that  he  must  put  it  in  that  light  to  the 
Emperor.  When  Andrassy  had  sent  them  about  their 
business,  they  came  to  my  room  and  asked  me  to  try  to 
arrange  for  them  to  have  an  audience  of  the  Emperor,  in 
order  to  submit  their  proposals  to  him  in  person.  I  got 
into  communication  with  Hunyadi,  and  we  arranged  an 
audience  for  them  for  the  next  morning. 

Vazsonyi  rang  me  up  and  said  that  Buda  Pesth  was  in 
a  fever  of  excitement.  "  Do  send  us  reliable  troops  at  last, 
that  we  may  put  a  spoke  in  the  wheel  of  these  rogues,"  he 
said — with  reason,  for  he  knew  the  character  of  those  who 
had  prepared  this  kid-gloved  revolution.  But  the  tele- 
phone line  we  were  using  was  already  controlled  by  the 
National  Council,  and  this  conversation  was  intercepted. 

Meanwhile   Viktor   Adler,    Hauser   and   Dinghofer   were 


302  MY  MEMOIRS 

having  a  lengthy  conference  with  Andrassy.  They  said  they 
could  not  keep  the  situation  in  Vienna  in  hand  ;  the  food 
difficulties  were  stupendous,  and  for  this  reason  they  were 
not  in  a  position  to  offer  effective  opposition  to  the  influence 
of  the  Communist  agitation.  It  was  also  impossible  for  them 
to  prevent  demonstrations  or  the  formation  of  Red  Guards  ; 
revolution  was  imminent. 

Large  numbers  of  people  are,  in  fact,  parading  the  streets, 
shouting  and  singing  ;  the  Herrengasse,  where  the  Govern- 
ment offices  are  situated,  is  black  with  human  beings  ;  the 
"  Marseillaise"  is  sung,  but  some  of  the  groups  strike  up  the 
"Wacht  am  Rhein"  ;  crowds  collect  in  front  of  the  Foreign 
Office  and  rend  the  air  with  cries  of  "Shame!"  The  great 
black  and  yellow  flags  are  burnt  in  front  of  the  Houses  of 
Parliament.  Towards  midday  the  Emperor  came  to  Vienna 
from  Schönbrunn.  He  drove  through  the  Mariahilferstrasse 
quite  unmolested,  and  alighted  in  the  inner  Castle  yard,  where 
the  crowd  gave  him  an  ovation.  The  99th  Moravian  In- 
fantry Regiment  marched  in,  the  band  playing  as  usual, 
and  mounted  guard  at  the  Castle  with  the  traditional  mili- 
tary formalities.  The  Colours  were  handed  over  and  the 
band  played  "  God  save." 

(The  Emperor  said  to  me  later  :  "  I  never  felt  a  moment's 
anxiety.  I  could  not  conceive  that  Vienna  would  turn 
against  me  or  do  me  an  injury  ;  I  have  never  consciously 
done  the  Viennese  any  wrong.  Everything  I  have  done  has 
been  with  a  view  to  making  my  people  happy."  And  Viktor 
Adler  said  to  me  :  "  The  misfortune  is  that  the  Emperor 
wants  to  make  everyone  happy.  We  have  long  since  known 
that  it  would  be  a  failure.") 

But  hardly  fifty  yards  from  the  Castle  a  very  stormy 
meeting  of  the  National  Council  was  held  in  the  Lower 
Austrian  Landhaus  two  hours  later,  at  which  republican 
speeches  were  made. 

While  this  was  going  on,  Andrassy  was  presiding  over  an 
important  Ministerial  Council  at  the  Foreign  Office,  at  which 
the  War  Minister,  Stöger-Steiner,  a  number  of  Generals 
belonging  to  the  General  Staff,  the  joint  Minister  of  Finance 
and  the  highest  Foreign  Office  officials  were  also  present. 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ         303 

The  object  of  the  conference  was  to  decide  on  an  Imperial 
and  Royal  proclamation  releasing  members  of  the  military 
forces  from  their  oath  of  allegiance.  The  Generals  are  of 
opinion  that  His  Majesty  must  release  all  military  men 
from  the  oath,  because  otherwise  the  most  serious  complica- 
tions might  arise.  The  officers  and  men  could  only  place 
themselves  at  the  commands  of  the  National  Council  if  they 
were  no  longer  bound  by  an  oath  to  the  Monarch.  Andrassy 
opposed  this  proposal.  He  said  that  the  Monarch,  as  head 
of  the  army  and  head  of  the  dual  Monarchy,  must  claim 
the  oath  which  had  been  sworn  to  him  ;  it  would  be  con- 
stitutionally illegal  to  relinquish  it,  but  the  Monarch  could 
formally  recognize  the  right  to  carry  out  orders  and  instruc- 
tions given  by  the  National  Council,  without  prejudice  to 
the  oath  of  allegiance  to  him  as  head  of  the  State  and  head 
of  the  army.  While  representatives  of  the  General  Staff 
demanded  that  the  Monarch  should  release  them  absolutely 
from  the  oath,  the  only  civilian  present,  Count  Julius  An- 
drassy, said  :  "A  soldier  can  only  take  one  oath,  and  that  oath 
he  must  keep." 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  oath  sworn  to  the  Commander- 
in-Chief  of  the  army  was  never  cancelled. 

In  the  afternoon  Dr.  Weisskirchner  telephones  that  he 
regrets  he  can  do  nothing :  his  power  is  at  an  end  ;  Dr. 
Bauer  and  Deutsch  and  the  mob  have  the  upper  hand. 

A  demonstration  in  favour  of  peace  was  just  taking 
place  in  front  of  the  Foreign  Office.  The  deputy  Zenker 
and  a  few  other  speakers  addressed  the  crowd  and  expressed 
their  satisfaction  with  Andrassy's  peace  policy.  There 
were  shouts  for  Andrassy,  who  came  on  to  the  balcony 
and  said  a  few  words  to  the  people.  He  spoke  of  the  heavy 
sacrifices  Vienna  had  made,  and  promised  to  do  his  utmost 
to  obtain  a  good  peace. 

A  telegram  from  Agram  reports  South  Slav  demonstra- 
tions ;  a  telephone  message  from  Prague  informs  us  of  an 
attempted  rising,  organized  by  the  military  commandant, 
Field-Marshal  Kestranek,  with  Hungarian  battalions,  with 
the  object  of  seizing  the  power  for  the  Imperial  Government. 
The  attempt  was  an  absolute  failure.  The  Czechs  took 
the  "impolitic  political"  General  prisoner.     He  had  engaged 


304  MY  MEMOIRS 

in  the  enterprise  on  his  own  responsibility  ;  it  was  quite 
contrary  to  His  Majesty's  intentions,  and  it  was  contrary 
to  the  principles  of  the  manifesto. 

Buda  Pesth  suddenly  rang  me  up.  It  was  my  secre- 
tary, Racz.  I  told  him  that  we  could  not  get  on  to  Buda 
Pesth.  "  I  can  well  believe  that,"  Racz  replied,  "  extra- 
ordinary things  seem  to  be  going  on  here  :  Karolyi  is  having 
all  the  barracks  and  factories  incited  to  strike  ;  besides  this, 
it  is  rumoured  that  Kunfi  intends  to  overthrow  Hadik's 
Government  in  conjunction  with  Landler  and  Pogany,  and 
to  provoke  a  fresh  revolutionary  outbreak.  Apparently 
the  republic  is  to  be  proclaimed  to-morrow."  I  received 
this  information  rather  sceptically. 

The  King  was  conferring  chiefly  with  Lammasch  at  this 
time,  but  he  also  held  conferences  with  the  German  Austrian 
National  Councils,  which  had  not  been  disloyal  to  him  in 
any  way  hitherto.  It  was  only  the  military  authorities 
who  were  found  absolutely  wanting  from  the  first  moment 
of  the  crash.  Just  as  during  the  war,  so  most  of  the  dis- 
tinguished leaders  behaved  in  the  most  disgraceful  way  now. 
These  heroes  of  the  green  table,  who  had  covered  one  another 
with  decorations,  were  the  first  to  seek  safety  in  the  moment 
of  danger.  The  first  time  they  were  in  a  position  to  show 
courage,  character  and  loyalty,  qualities  they  had  most 
rigorously  exacted  from  the  last  Landsturm  man  for  five 
whole  years  as  a  soldier's  first  and  most  sacred  duty,  they 
deserted,  demanded  to  be  released  from  their  oath,  to  enable 
them  possibly  to  crawl  under  the  wings  of  the  new  power. 
The  higher  General  Staff  Officers  belonging  to  the  Supreme 
Command  set  the  example.  As  long  as  there  was  war  they 
had  talked  big,  but  whilst  the  conscientious  ofhcer  at  the 
front  was  making  superhuman  efforts  to  bring  home  the 
soldiers  entrusted  to  him  in  order,  now  that  the  crash  had 
come,  while  the  commandant  did  his  duty,  true  to  his  oath, 
those  highest  in  rank  abandoned  the  post  of  duty  and  dis- 
appeared. When  the  writing-tables  these  heroes  had  used 
were  searched,  drafts  of  petitions  for  the  Cross  of  Theresa 
were  found.  When  they  already  knew  how  hopeless  the 
position  of  the  army  was,  they  could  think  of  nothing  but 
trying  to  secure  the  highest  order  the  Monarch  has  to  bestow. 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         305 

The  whole  pent-up  wrath  of  the  troops  in  the  field  and  of 
the  non-commissioned  officers  was  directed  against  these 
heroes  during  the  period  of  collapse  ;  the  tame  revolution 
of  the  soldiers  who  had  returned  home  was  merely  a  sign 
of  the  contempt  for  their  higher  military  leaders  which  had 
been  accumulating  for  years  ;  and  as  they  had  not  sufficient 
discernment  and  judgment  to  enable  them  to  sift  the  wheat 
from  the  chaff,  they  promptly  meted  out  the  same  treatment 
to  the  Commander-in-Chief,  the  King,  because  at  least  he 
was  to  blame  for  having  tolerated  these  weak  creatures  at 
the  head  of  the  army. 

When  most  of  the  officials  had  left  and  the  building  was 
quieter,  I  sat  talking  for  a  long  time  to  Andrassy  and  his 
wife  in  the  little  provisional  abode,  which  looked  on  to  a  court 
covered  with  a  glass  roof  and  really  belonged  to  the  head 
of  a  section.  We  ate  a  meal  we  had  prepared  ourselves, 
supplemented  by  a  few  dishes  my  kind,  thoughtful  sister- 
in-law,  Jella,  had  told  Frau  Sacher  to  send  us  to  the  Foreign 
Office.  Of  course  we  discussed  the  Karolyi  problem.  An- 
drassy thought  the  time  had  come  when  he  must  show  what 
sort  of  man  he  was,  and  he  hoped  he  would  prove  worthy 
of  being  a  Hungarian.  He  still  believed  he  would  succeed 
in  keeping  clear  of  his  despicable  entourage. 

We  were  not  undisturbed  at  our  meal.  I  was  continually 
called  to  the  telephone  ;  my  secretaries  kept  bursting  into 
the  room  with  reports.  The  Minister  Dr.  von  Wiesner  proved 
a  most  loyal  colleague  and  one  of  the  most  zealous  officials 
in  the  Foreign  Office  at  that  time.  He  was  always  on  the 
spot;  he  gave  every  information;  he  placed  himself  entirely 
at  our  service  ;  he  was  able  to  report  on  all  that  was  going 
on  in  the  town  ;  when  all  the  others  had  left  the  office  he 
was  still  there.  He  was  the  greatest  help  to  us  during  those 
days  and  nights.  The  part  Wiesner  played  went  far  beyond 
his  duties  as  head  of  the  Press  department.  He  came 
now,  though  it  was  late  at  night,  and  produced  a  telegram 
from  Stockholm,  the  text  of  which  gave  us  hope  that  a  favour- 
able answer  to  our  note  might  soon  be  expected  from  America. 
I  wanted  to  have  this  news  circulated,  so  I  went  over  to  the 
Minister's  room  and  telephoned  to  almost  all  the  editorial 

/  20 


306  MY  MEMOIRS 

offices.  I  asked  them  to  comment  favourably  on  the  peace 
offer  at  the  same  time.  But  I  found,  even  when  I  intervened 
personally  in  this  way,  that  a  portion  of  the  Press  thought 
more  of  its  duty  to  the  German  Embassy  than  of  any 
patriotic  considerations. 

The  last  news  we  received  that  night  came  from  the 
Italian  Front.  The  Italians  had  only  slowly  grasped  the 
fact  that  the  morale  of  our  army  must  have  broken  down. 
The  actual  break-through  had  been  the  work  of  two  English 
divisions,  which  had  been  almost  wiped  out  in  the  operation, 
and  at  first  the  Italians  made  no  attempt  to  push  on  from 
behind.  It  was  only  when  they  suddenly  realized  what  had 
happened  behind  our  front  that  they  promptly  represented 
it  to  their  fellow-countrymen  as  a  great  battle,  a  great 
Italian  military  operation.  Upon  this  our  troops,  who  had 
been  ordered  by  their  own  countrymen  to  lay  down  their 
arms,  began  to  stream  back  home. 

I  went  home.  I  had  hardly  slept  the  night  before ; 
now  I  slept  till  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning. 

When  I  came  to  the  office  early  in  the  morning  Andrassy 
said  :  "  Karolyi  has  telephoned  ;  the  revolution  has  just 
broken  out  in  Buda  Pesth.  The  King  has  given  in  and  has 
appointed  Karolyi  Prime  Minister,  on  the  Archduke  Joseph's 
advice,  instead  of  Hadik." 

I  was  very  much  upset,  and  reminded  Andrassy  of  what 
Moritz  Esterhazy,  who  was  very  wideawake,  had  said  not 
long  before  when  he  heard  that  Batthyanyi  and  Karolyi 
were  always  assuring  the  King  of  their  anxiety  to  safeguard 
his  throne :  "  When  once  Karolyi,  Batthyanyi  and  Co. 
get  into  power,  they  will  very  soon  have  forgotten  their 
protestations,  and  they  will  telephone  to  the  King  that  he 
is  deposed." 

"  We  shall  see,"  said  Andrassy  sadly,  and  went  on  with 
his  work. 

In  the  night  of  October  29th  to  30th  the  Buda  Pesth 
town  commandant,  Varkonyi,  had  made  over  the  command 
to  Karolyi.  The  troops  stationed  in  the  barracks  did  not 
turn  out.  The  National  Council  took  over  the  Government. 
Not  a  shot  was  fired.     The  troops  all  went  over  to  Karolyi 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         307 

with  flying  colours.  It  was  called  the  "  Rose  water  Revolution  " 
in  Buda  Pesth. 

In  the  course  of  the  afternoon  Karolyi  conferred  with 
the  Archduke  Joseph.  Hadik  resigned  and  Karolyi  under- 
took to  form  a  new  purely  Socialist-Radical  bourgeois  Cabinet. 
The  Archduke  Joseph  assented.  He  telephoned  to  His 
Majesty  and  advised  his  accepting  Karolyi  as  Prime  Minister 
at  once.  Karolyi  was  summoned  to  the  telephone  and 
swore  to  the  Emperor  that  he  would  save  the  throne  for  the 
King  of  Hungary  ;  he  also  promised  to  maintain  order  and 
keep  the  Radical  elements  in  check. 

His  Majesty  informed  Andrassy  of  Karolyi's  appointment 
to  be  Prime  Minister,  to  which  Andrassy  replied  that  this 
obliged  him  to  tender  his  resignation,  as  Karolyi  would  not 
tolerate  one  Ministry  for  Foreign  Affairs  representing  both 
halves  of  the  Empire.  As  soon  as  I  hear  of  this  conversation, 
I  ring  up  the  Monarch  and  point  out  to  him  what  effect 
Andrassy's  resignation  might  have  on  our  peace  step.  Of 
course  the  King,  who  wanted  Andrassy  to  remain,  requests 
me  to  summon  him  to  the  telephone.  A  long  conversation 
follows,  and  at  last  Andrassy  decides  to  remain  in  office  if 
the  Hungarian  Government  declares  its  acquiescence  in 
his  foreign  policy.  Upon  this  Andrassy  rang  up  Karolyi 
and  told  him  that  our  separate  peace  offer  had  been  favour- 
ably received  by  the  Entente.  Karolyi  replied  that  he  would 
try  to  get  the  National  Council  to  agree  to  the  joint  Ministry 
for  Foreign  Affairs  continuing  to  act. 

Meanwhile  the  Supreme  Command  reported  that  General 
Weber  had  already  succeeded  in  conveying  the  proposal  of 
an  armistice  to  the  Italian  Headquarters  and  in  entering  on 
negotiations.  We  were  now  sure  of  being  able  to  withdraw 
the  troops,  and  rang  up  Karolyi  again.  We  told  him  what 
had  been  discussed  at  our  Privy  Council  the  day  before, 
and  of  His  Majesty's  decision  to  send  all  the  Hungarian 
troops  to  the  Hungarian  frontier  to  defend  their  own  country. 
Further,  that  eleven  Magyar  divisions  were  being  sent  to  defend 
the  Danube  and  Save  line  and  Transylvania.  Karolyi  said 
he  would  acquaint  the  National  Council  with  these  measures 
at  once. 

Andrassy  sends  me  to  Schönbrunn  to  confer  with  the 


308  MY  MEMOIRS 

Emperor.  He  commissions  me  to  say  that  he  must  stand 
by  his  resignation  if  Karolyi's  Government  does  not  agree 
to  the  Foreign  Office  continuing  to  represent  both  countries. 

His  Majesty  immediately  rings  up  the  Archduke  Joseph 
and  tells  him  that  he  absolutely  insists  on  Andrassy's  remain- 
ing joint  Foreign  Minister ;  Karolyi  must  be  responsible 
for  this.  Karolyi  had  taken  the  oath  as  Hungarian  Prime 
Minister  in  the  morning.  He  now  promises  to  support 
Andrassy  in  every  respect,  and  thinks  he  will  remain  master 
of  the  situation  in  Buda  Pesth.  The  Emperor  was  somewhat 
reassured  by  this,  for  he  had  confidence  in  Karolyi.  The 
revolution  had  taken  place  without  bloodshed,  without  even  a 
strike,  and  he  thought,  now  that  he  had  sanctioned  Karolyi's 
taking  over  the  Government,  that  all  would  be  well. 

I  went  back  to  the  Foreign  Office  and  rang  up  Karolyi, 
spoke  to  him  personally,  and  urged  him  to  see  to  Vienna's 
being  supplied  with  food  for  three  weeks ;  secondly,  I  begged 
him  to  pick  out  a  few  really  capable  men  qualified  to 
carry  on  foreign  propaganda,  and  to  send  them  to  us  with- 
out delay. 

Andrassy's  conversation  on  the  telephone  with  Karolyi 
was  about  foreign  policy,  the  measures  to  be  taken  when 
concluding  peace  and  the  Austrian  food  supply.  Karolyi 
promised  to  do  his  utmost  in  the  Ministerial  Council  to 
prevent  any  interference  with  the  work  of  the  common 
Foreign  Office  and  the  efforts  to  come  to  terms  with  the  newly 
formed  Austrian  National  Councils.  Andrassy  tells  him  that 
his  remaining  in  office  is  dependent  on  Hungary's  acquiescing 
in  his  foreign  policy. 

"  After  all  that  has  been  said  and  promised,  I  hope  he 
will  behave  properly,"  he  said.  Andrassy  still  wanted  to 
credit  his  son-in-law  with  good  faith  and  good  intentions. 
He  would  not  believe  that  he  was  playing  a  treacherous 
game.  I  answered  that  I  should  like  to  speak  to  Karolyi 
again.  I  wanted  to  hear  something  more  definite.  Besides 
this,  there  were  current  affairs  to  be  dealt  with  ;  my  main 
object  was  to  let  him  know  how  matters  stood  as  regards 
the  armistice,  and  one  or  two  other  things  it  might  be  im- 
portant for  the  Hungarian  Ministry  to  know.  I  rang  up 
Buda  Pesth,  but  could  not  get  on.     All  our  efforts  failed, 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ         309 

and  there  could  be  no  doubt  that  the  Hungarian  Govern- 
ment had  cut  off  communication  with  us. 

In  the  course  of  the  afternoon  fresh  negotiations  were 
carried  on  with  the  German  politicians,  with  Seitz  and 
Renner.  A  report  stated  that  the  Italian  military  authori- 
ties had  received  the  Austro-Hungarian  Armistice  Commis- 
sion.    Details  were  not  to  hand. 

The  Hungarian  reserves  at  the  front,  which  were  to  have 
been  brought  home  to  defend  the  Hungarian  frontiers,  by 
order  of  the  Supreme  Command,  were  incited  by  Karolyi 
emissaries  to  throw  away  their  arms  at  once  and  refuse 
to  obey  their  officers.  The  general  march  home  behind  the 
front  and  on  the  Lines  of  Communication  is  going  on  for 
the  most  part  methodically.  The  Italian  attacks  in  the 
Tirol  sector  have   ceased,  and  the  original  line  is  unaltered. 

Great  demonstrations  are  taking  place  throughout  the 
town  against  a  separate  peace.  The  speakers  demand 
adherence  to  Germany.  Andrassy  has  an  interview  with 
Count  Wedel,  who  denies  having  exerted  any  influence  over 
the  German  politicians. 

Andrassy's  communique  respecting  Austrian  food  supplies 
from  Hungary  has  appeared  in  the  papers. 

By  Andrassy's  direction,  I  discuss  the  methods  of  carry- 
ing on  Austro-Hungarian  propaganda  in  Switzerland  with 
Baron  Franz,  who  has  been  attached  to  me.  Baron  Franz 
goes  to  Berne  at  once  via  Munich.  It  was  decided  that  I 
should  follow  him  later  on. 

Andrassy  has  a  long  conference  with  Viktor  Adler  about 
the  development  of  the  political  situation.  Adler  is  of 
opinion  that  if  reliable  troops  come  to  Vienna  order  may 
yet  be  maintained. 

Councillor  Egger  comes  to  my  office  of  his  own  accord 
and  submits  proposals  for  reorganizing  the  Intelligence 
Service  and  the  official  duties  in  the  Ministry.  I  thanked 
him  for  his  suggestions,  but  I  had  no  time  even  to  discuss 
such  far-reaching  administrative  reforms.  (It  was  really 
an  extraordinary  feeling  to  me  to  be  going  about  these  rooms, 
becoming  acquainted  with  the  inner  workings  of  an  institu- 
tion I  had  attacked  so  violently  for  years  past.) 

In  the  afternoon  His  Majesty  summoned  me  to  Schön- 


310  MY  MEMOIRS 

brunn.  He  speaks  to  the  Archduke  Joseph  on  the  telephone 
and  charges  him  to  do  his  best  to  get  Karolyi's  Government 
to  support  Andrassy's  efforts  in  the  direction  of  peace.  He 
commissions  me  to  request  Andrassy  to  remain  in  office. 

News  comes  from  the  front  that  Karolyi  had  issued 
instructions  to  all  the  Hungarian  formations  only  to  obey 
orders  from  the  Hungarian  Ministry.  We  immediately  put 
ourselves  into  communiciiion  with  the  Supreme  Command, 
which  insists  on  the  divisions  for  the  Hungarian  frontiers 
being  entrained.  .  .  .  The  Hungarian  Government  opposes 
this,  and  declares  that  it  alone  is  entitled  to  give  orders 
concerning  Hungarian  affairs. 

It  was  not  difficult  to  see  through  the  real  reason  for  this 
refusal.  Karolyi  and  his  newly  appointed  War  Minister, 
Linder,  were  afraid  of  the  troops.  They  feared  the  possi- 
bility that  there  might  yet  be  one  or  other  formation  which 
had  not  been  contaminated  by  their  revolutionary  agita- 
tion, and  which  would  in  that  case  march  back  to  Buda 
Pesth  under  the  old  discipline  and  drive  out  Karolyi  and  his 
whole  lot. 

Andrassy  telephones  to  His  Majesty,  and  discusses  with 
him  the  necessity  for  the  various  National  Councils  and  the 
Hungarian  Government  acting  together  in  all  questions 
of  further  peace  negotiations.  His  Majesty  puts  himself 
in  communication  with  the  Archduke  Joseph,  to  urge  on 
him  the  importance  of  influencing  the  Hungarian  Govern- 
ment. Lammasch  is  also  rung  up  and  given  instructions 
in  the  same  sense.  I  am  to  come  to  an  understanding  with 
the  Czech  and  South  Slav  National  Councils  on  Andrassy's 
behalf.  I  try  to  get  into  either  telegraphic  or  telephonic 
communication,  but  in  vain  :  the  disorganization  had  already 
gone  too  far.  I  had  all  the  hotels  in  the  town  scoured  for 
prominent  Czechs  I  might  ask  to  come  and  see  me  ;  but  it 
was  no  longer  possible  to  establish  communication. 

A  telegram  came  from  Berne  which  threw  some  light  on 
the  feeling  among  the  Entente  representatives.  There  is  a 
prospect  of  the  negotiations  beginning  soon.  This  was 
telegraphed  on  to  Buda  Pesth. 

I  was  just  having  an  interview  with  Andrassy  when 
Wiesner  came  in.     "  Good  news  at  last,"  he  said ;    "  the 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ         311 

first  authentic  reports  from  Stockholm,  Berne  and  Holland. 
Not  only  the  intelligence  bureaus,  but  our  Legations  telegraph 
that  an  answer  may  soon  be  expected  from  Wilson."  This 
was  actually  how  matters  stood.  We  had  the  first  official 
information  that  our  note  had  been  favourably  received,  and 
that  representatives  of  the  Foreign  Office  were  to  go  to  Berne 
to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  for  negotiations. 

This  message  had  the  effect  of  completely  altering  my 
frame  of  mind.  Now  we  could  hope  again.  If  we  could 
give  the  Viennese  peace,  the  town  would  calm  down.  I 
told  Andrassy  that  he  must  not  resign  on  any  account  now. 
It  was  with  a  joyful  heart  that  I  telephoned  to  His  Majesty 
and  informed  him  of  the  message  from  the  neutral  countries. 
We  now  had  to  make  arrangements  to  keep  the  situation  in 
Vienna  in  hand  until  the  peace  negotiations  had  assumed  a 
more  tangible  form.  I  discussed  the  matter  with  Andrassy. 
If  it  was  a  question  of  getting  reliable  troops  to  Vienna,  to 
lessen  the  Bolshevist  danger,  the  Archduke  Eugen  might 
give  us  valuable  help.  His  reputation  stands  higher  than 
that  of  any  other  man  in  the  army  ;  an  appeal  from  him 
would  certainly  have  some  effect.  But  Prince  Eugen  was 
suffering  from  a  severe  attack  of  influenza.  I  rang  him 
up  at  his  palace,  and  he  asked  me  to  come  and  see  him, 
although  he  would  have  to  receive  me  in  bed.  When  I 
preferred  my  request  and  spoke  of  the  troops,  he  threw 
cold  water  on  the  idea.  "  I  know  the  conditions,"  he  said. 
"  At  this  moment  we  can  no  longer  count  on  any  part  of 
the  army  or  on  any  pillar  of  the  throne."  When  I  told 
him  of  Andrassy's  intention  of  resigning,  he  begged  me  to 
do  all  I  could  to  dissuade  him  from  this  ;  he  also  gave  me 
strict  injunctions  to  use  my  influence  to  prevent  His  Majesty 
from  interfering  in  any  way  with  the  doings  of  the  National 
Councils.  He  has  recognized  the  Councils,  and  cannot  go 
back  now.  The  dreadful  part  of  it  is  when  irresponsible 
people  like  Kestranek,  for  instance,  attempt  risings.  No 
one  impressed  me  so  much  at  that  time  as  this  Archduke, 
who  contemplated  inevitable  developments  with  imperturb- 
able calm  and  detachment.  While  I  was  still  making  paltry 
efforts  to  help  and  to  hold  on,  he  no  longer  permitted  him- 
self any  illusions.      He  had  the    clearest   possible   general 


312  MY  MEMOIRS 

view  of  the  hopeless  situation.  And  when  I  went  back  to 
Andrassy,  I  said:  "That  is  a  man — a  gentleman — all  honour 
to  him !" 

Towards  midday  Prince  Schönburg  and  Ottokar  Czernin 
had  been  received  in  audience.  In  the  course  of  this  con- 
versation many  political  questions  were  touched  on,  and 
the  Emperor  complained  that  Andrassy  had  resigned  as 
the  difficulties  of  the  Hungarian  Government  could  not  be 
overcome.  "  I  know  he  is  already  tired  of  office,"  he  said, 
"  and  I  cannot  keep  him."  The  conversation  pursued  its 
course:  proposals  were  submitted,  combinations  were  con- 
sidered, and  the  result  was  that  His  Majesty  agreed  to  appoint 
Otto  Czernin  provisional  Director  of  the  Foreign  Office 
unofficially,  until  a  Minister  could  be  found.  On  this  the 
two  men  drove  straight  to  the  Ministry  and  arrived  just  as 
I  returned  from  seeing  the  Archduke. 

Otto  Czernin  told  me  that  the  Emperor  proposed  to 
appoint  him  Director  of  the  Foreign  Office,  and  that  he  would 
proceed  to  carry  on  the  peace  negotiations  in  the  sense  of 
his  proposals  and  plans  at  once.  For  the  moment  I  was 
speechless  and  furious  :  "  Are  you  aware  of  the  latest 
news  ?  "  I  asked.  "We  have  had  reports  from  everywhere 
that  Wilson  will  negotiate  with  us." 

"Yes,"  Czernin  replied,  "the  Emperor  told  us  that." 

Andrassy  received  the  news  that  the  Emperor  had 
accepted  his  resignation  calmly.  "You  can  begin  your 
work  at  once,"  he  said  to  Czernin.  Czernin  asked  me  to 
make  the  necessary  arrangements  for  the  Foreign  Office 
officials  to  be  presented  to  him  the  next  day.  I  emphasized 
the  fact  that  if  Andrassy  left  his  post  I  should,  of  course, 
also  tender  my  resignation.  Out  of  politeness  Czernin  tried 
to  persuade  me  to  remain  in  office,  but  I  refused,  and  he 
did  not  insist.  "  I  myself,"  he  continued,  "  will  come  again 
this  evening  towards  nine  o'clock  to  set  about  my  work. 
Schönburg  is  starting  for  Berne  to-night ;  I  have  authorized 
him  to  enter  on  pourparlers  in  Switzerland."  On  this  they 
both  took  leave. 

I  remained  alone  with  Andrassy  and  tried  to  talk  him 
over.  I  told  him  that  the  Emperor  ought  not  to  allow  him 
to  resign.     I  told  him  that  he  had  no  right  to  desert  this 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         313 

office.     Andrassy  calmed  me  down  :   "  The  Emperor  has  put 
another  in  charge  ;    that  is  sufficient." 

Andrassy  was  very  depressed,  and  seemed  more  apathetic 
than  otherwise.  His  stepdaughter  Katus  had  come  to 
Vienna  with  her  husband's  aide-de-camp,  and  had  brought 
news  that  there  had  been  firing  at  the  suspension  bridge  in 
Buda  Pesth  and  loss  of  life.  Andrassy  had  been  held  re- 
sponsible for  the  bloodshed.  In  order  to  keep  the  Buda 
side  clear  of  the  revolutionaries,  General  Lukasich  had  posted 
machine  guns  on  the  suspension  bridge  without  having  been 
instructed  to  do  so  ;  it  was  still  not  quite  clear  what  had 
really  happened.  Of  course,  Andrassy  had  had  nothing 
whatever  to  do  with  it,  but,  absurd  as  the  accusation  was, 
he  took  it  to  heart,  and  it  depressed  him  very  much. 

I  knew  it  was  urgently  necessary  that  he  should 
remain  at  his  post.  I  represented  to  him  that  it  was  due 
to  him  personally  that  the  Entente  Powers  were  willing  to 
negotiate  with  us  ;  he  could  not  go  back  now  ;  he  must 
carry  on  his  personal  policy  to  the  end  ;  it  was  his  duty  to 
remain  and  effect  peace.  I  called  up  Schönbrunn  in  his 
presence.  The  King  came  to  the  telephone  himself,  and  I 
represented  to  him  most  strongly  that  Andrassy  must 
remain  Foreign  Minister.  "  He  has  sacrificed  himself  for 
you,  he  is  the  only  one  who  has  fought  to  hold  the  Monarchy 
together  ;  in  this  case  it  is  impossible  to  make  a  change 
of  person — quite  impossible.  Andrassy's  policy  has  been 
most  successful  :  the  Entente  Powers  are  now  prepared  to 
hold  conversations  with  us  ;  I  will  answer  for  the  result 
being  favourable,  but  Andrassy  must  remain."  I  spoke 
more  decidedly  than  ever  before. 

Andrassy  listened  calmly  to  what  I  said.  The  King  agreed 
at  once.  He  said :  "  Of  course  Andrassy  must  remain. 
It  was  he  himself  who  tendered  me  his  resignation.  As 
matters  stand,  he  must  naturally  carry  the  thing  through. 
Tell  him  I  am  coming  to  the  Ballplatz  immediately,  to 
speak  to  him." 

I  turned  to  Andrassy  and  told  him  the  Monarch  intended 
to  come  here.  "No,  no,"  said  Andrassy,  "not  that — not 
to-night.  The  streets  are  full  of  people  ;  the  people  are 
excited  and  dangerous."     The  King  said  :    "  That  doesn't 


314  MY  MEMOIRS 

matter  the  least;  I  am  coming."  Andrassy  thought  I  had 
better  go  and  arrange  the  matter  with  him,  so  I  told  the 
Emperor  I  would  come  and  see  him  at  Schönbrunn  that 
night. 

Meanwhile  Andrassy  had  told  his  family  that  the  King 
had  replied  to  his  resignation  by  appointing  a  new  Director 
of  the  Foreign  Ministry  and  he  no  longer  looked  on  himself 
as  the  head  of  the  office.  He  retired  to  his  two  little  rooms 
in  a  private  capacity. 

We  were  all  sitting  there  together,  his  wife,  Princess 
Lichtenstein  and  my  sister-in-law  Jella,  when  Wiesner 
brought  us  the  news  that  Tisza  had  been  murdered.  I 
was  shocked  and  indignant.  Hardly  a  week  ago  one  of 
my  confidential  agents  had  given  me  the  names  of  three 
persons  who  were  to  be  murdered  by  the  revolutionaries  : 
Tisza,  Windischgraetz  and  Vazsonyi.  The  list  had  been 
drawn  up  by  the  priest  Hock,  this  Hungarian  Machiavelli, 
who  would  have  liked  to  play  the  part  of  Mirabeau.  I  had 
not  believed  in  murder  at  the  time,  but  now  the  first  victim 
was  already  lying  in  his  coffin. 

I  drove  out  to  Schönbrunn.  The  whole  Mariahilfer- 
strasse  was  full  of  excited  people,  but  my  motor  was  able  to 
get  through  without  difficulty. 

Schönbrunn  was  shrouded  in  darkness,  silent  as  the 
grave.  No  sentries  on  duty ;  no  Castle-guard ;  no  Body- 
guard. I  remembered  that  Conrad  von  Hötzendorf  had 
accepted  the  well-paid  post  of  a  Colonel  in  the  Body- 
guard. Where  was  he  now  ?  He  was  sitting  safely  in  his 
villa  at  Villach,  and  it  seemed  to  me  unworthy  of  him  not 
to  be  on  the  spot.  It  was  not  a  question  of  monarchical 
feeling  ;  it  was  simply  a  question  of  feeling.  Old  Dankl 
was  a  soldier  of  another  stamp.  He  had  also  been  sacked, 
but  now,  when  the  greatest  uncertainty  hung  over  the  capital, 
when  no  one  knew  what  danger  the  next  hour  might  bring, 
when  at  any  moment  the  wrath  of  the  people  let  loose  or 
mob  terror  might  threaten  the  Emperor's  life,  he  had  hastily 
formed  pupils  of  the  Military  Academy  into  a  Castle-guard, 
which  was  to  come  on  duty  to-morrow.  I  turned  to  the  left 
and  climbed  a  small  back  staircase  which  led  to  the  first 
floor.     Not  a  single  footman  was  to  be  seen.     It  was  eleven 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         315 

o'clock  at  night,  but  I  did  not  meet  a  single  servant.  I 
reached  the  ante-room  ;  His  Majesty's  aide-de-camp,  Com- 
mander Schonta,  was  sitting  in  the  large  empty  room 
reading  a  book. 

"  The  Emperor  is  expecting  you,"  he  said. 

The  Emperor  was  alone.  He  was  really  alone  already. 
Schönbrunn  was  lifeless,  the  guards  dispersed,  the  servants 
forgetful  of  their  duty,  the  great  State  rooms  empty. 
The  splendour  which  surrounded  him  had  lost  its  mean- 
ing ;  the  town  at  his  feet  had  shaken  off  the  yoke  ;  his 
throne  was  tottering  to  its  fall,  deserted  by  its  three 
pillars — the  staff  of  Generals,  the  clergy  and  the  nobility. 
He  was  alone.  Where  were  those  now  who  for  centuries 
past  had  knelt  on  the  steps  of  the  throne  and  lived  on  the 
favour  of  the  Court  ?  A  scene  came  back  to  my  mind  : 
Reichenau,  Villa  Wartholz,  17th  August,  the  Emperor's 
birthday;  the  Knights  of  Theresa  at  the  Field-Marshals' 
table ;  Conrad  made  a  fine  speech,  extolled  the  young 
Monarch's  qualities  as  a  ruler  ;  the  knights  sprang  from  their 
seats,  spurs  clanked,  swords  flew  from  their  scabbards,  and 
while  they  swore  eternal  loyalty  the  band  struck  up  the 
imposing  strains  of  "  God  save  "  and — "  Austria  will  stand 
for  ever! "... 

The  King  received  me  in  his  study,  the  so-called  Gobelin 
room,  containing  the  writing-table  once  used  by  Napoleon. 
On  it  stood  the  telephone  from  which  so  many  conversations 
had  been  carried  on,  so  many  political  acts  of  far-reaching 
importance  had  been  arranged.  He  met  me  at  once  with 
the  words  :  "  You  are  right,  Andrassy  must  remain."  I 
said  that  it  would  be  absurd  to  put  some  one  else  at  the  head 
of  the  Foreign  Office  ;  the  Entente  had  accepted  Andrassy's 
note,  and  therefore  wished  to  negotiate  with  Andrassy. 
"  It  is  his  duty  to  remain." 

The  King  agreed.  "  Have  you  heard  that  Tisza  has 
been  murdered  ?  "  he  said.  "It  is  terrible  ;  he  must  be 
the  first  to  believe  that  peoples  ought  not  to  be  coerced." 
I  said  :  "  Your  Majesty,  you  are  really  the  foremost 
revolutionary  in  your  Empire."  "  Yes,"  he  said,  "  I  should 
like  to  revolutionize  everything,  though  not  with  blood  and 
iron."    "Your  Majesty,  I  warn  you  against  Karolyi."    "No, 


316  MY  MEMOIRS 

no,  Karolyi  is  honest  ;  he  has  the  people  on  his  side 
in  Hungary;  we  must  do  our  utmost  to  support  him.  He 
is  now  Prime  Minister.  I  have  given  orders  for  all  the  troops 
at  our  disposal  to  be  made  over  to  him."  I  asked  :  "  Has 
he  taken  the  oath?"  "Yes,"  the  Emperor  smiled.  "I 
think  it  is  the  first  time  a  Minister  has  taken  the  oath 
by  telephone.  The  other  Ministers  have  sworn  allegiance 
to  the  Palatine,  the  Archduke  Joseph."  Then  we  turned 
to  the  subject  of  the  Hungarian  Government,  and  the 
Emperor  said  :  "I  hardly  know  these  men  of  the  present 
Cabinet."  I  expressed  my  surprise  that  Karolyi  had  got 
such  a  poor  Cabinet  together,  that  he  had  so  few  experts. 
How  would  it  be  possible  for  him  to  work  ? 

"  Who  is  the  War  Minister,  Colonel  Linder  ?  "  the  Emperor 
asked.     "  I  know  nothing  of  him." 

Linder  was  a  Colonel  in  the  artillery  and  had  fought 
well,  particularly  in  the  Italian  theatre  of  war.  He  had  also 
been  wounded.  He  is  the  son  of  a  former  trusted  adherent 
of  the  deceased  heir  to  the  throne,  Franz  Ferdinand,  after 
whose  assassination  Linder,  in  whom  Franz  Ferdinand 
had  taken  an  interest,  was  removed  from  the  General  Staff. 
This  may  account  to  a  great  extent  for  his  bitterness.  He 
had  become  connected  with  the  dissatisfied  elements  in 
Buda  Pesth  within  the  last  few  months.  Through  this  the 
man,  who  had  originally  been  a  brave  soldier,  appeared  to 
have  gone  wrong. 

I  reproached  the  Emperor  for  having  given  his  sanction 
to  a  Cabinet  of  such  doubtful  composition,  whose  members, 
in  my  opinion,  only  pursued  their  personal  interests  and  not 
the  welfare  of  the  masses,  which  he  had  at  heart.  I  said  I 
would  rather  have  had  a  purely  peasant  or  Socialist  Govern- 
ment than  these  Jaszis  and  Szendes,  these  representatives 
of  the  most  worthless  classes  of  the  community.  "  Your 
Majesty  has  really  promoted  the  revolution ;  you  have 
parted  with  too  many  royal  prerogatives.  I  trust  you  may 
not  regret  it.  If  Caesar  does  not  uphold  Caesar's  rights, 
who  is  to  uphold  them  ?  " 

I  drove  back  to  the  Ballplatz  to  see  Andrassy.  During 
my  absence  Karolyi  had  rung  up  and  said  he  was  afraid 
serious  disturbances  would  break  out  in  Buda  Pesth  ;    the 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ  317 

Workmen  and  Soldiers'  Councils  wanted  to  seize  the  power. 
He  assured  Andrassy  that,  true  to  his  Ministerial  oath,  he 
would  hold  out  and  would  rather  be  taken  prisoner  than 
give  up  the  power.  Andrassy  told  me  that  all  the  reliable 
troops  available  were  already  on  their  way  to  Buda  Pesth. 

Late  at  night  Racz  rang  me  up.  He  said  that  Karolyi 
was  trying  to  secure  the  support  of  the  Radical  elements, 
in  order  to  become  President  of  the  Republic  with  their 
help  ;  on  the  other  hand,  he  appeared  to  have  promised  His 
Majesty  that  he  would  keep  the  situation  in  hand.  Karolyi 
had  been  very  much  surprised  and  horrified  by  Tisza's 
murder  ;  he  had  sent  a  gigantic  wreath  to  be  laid  on  his 
coffin  and  had  burst  into  tears.  It  was  said  in  initiated 
circles  that  the  murder  had  been  devised  by  Diner-Denes, 
an  impostor  who  had  already  acted  as  a  paid  spy  for  all 
the  Parties,  and  by  his  clique,  to  which  Hock,  Landler, 
Pogany  and  Keri  belong.1 

I  drove  home  hardly  knowing  what  I  was  doing.  Under 
the  arcades  of  the  Spanish  Riding  School  I  saw  Flotow  and 
Otto  Czernin,  who  were  going  towards  the  Ringstrasse.  I 
jumped  out  of  the  motor  and  called  to  Czernin.  I  told  him 
straightaway  that  I  had  been  with  the  Emperor  and  that 
his  commission  to  conduct  the  business  of  the  Foreign 
Office  had  been  cancelled.  He  did  not  seem  as  much  taken 
aback  as  I  expected,  and  only  said  :  "  You  were  right. 
There  ought  not  to  be  any  interference  with  the  peace  step. 
If  it  succeeds,  it  will  be  a  great  thing  ;  if  it  fails,  there  will 
be  a  revolution  apart  from  that."  "  Where  are  you  going  ?  " 
I  asked.  "  To  the  Jockey  Club."  I  went  part  of  the  way 
with  him  and  then  went  home.  It  was  two  o'clock  in  the 
morning.     The  streets  were  empty  and  quiet. 

ist  November. — On  the  morning  of  ist  November  Karolyi 
arranged  for  the  Hungarian  Correspondence  Bureau  to  tele- 
graph to  Vienna  that  the  whole  of  Buda  Pesth  demanded  a 
republic. 

1  Since  then  it  seems  to  be  proved  that  Michael  Karolyi  was  aware 
of  all  the  details  of  the  murder  which  had  been  planned.  This  is 
evident  from  all  the  admissions  made  by  Karolyi 's  entourage  which 
have  been  published  up  to  now. 


318  MY  MEMOIRS 

But  this  was  a  lie.  The  first  revolution,  the  "  Rosewater 
Revolution/'  was  organized  by  Karolyi's  Party  and  a  National 
Council,  in  which  there  were  only  two  Socialists.  The  indi- 
vidual members  of  this  "  National  Council  "  were  men  less 
in  touch  with  the  people  or  the  nation  than  the  most  haughty 
aristocrat  of  the  old  regime.  The  excuse  made  was  the 
Socialists'  indignation  at  Andrassy's  alleged  refusal  to  con- 
clude a  separate  peace.  For  Karolyi  had  concealed  Andrassy's 
real  plans  from  the  working  men,  or  twisted  them  into 
the  opposite.  The  working  classes  as  a  whole  knew  nothing 
of  the  real  state  of  affairs.  The  second  revolution,  which 
was  now  announced,  only  existed  in  Karolyi's  statements. 
I  discovered  long,  long  afterwards,  in  Switzerland  indeed, 
that  it  never  took  place. 

Karolyi's  object — which  he  could  attain  all  the  more 
easily  as  communication  between  Vienna  and  Buda  Pesth 
was  held  up  by  his  people — was  to  put  pressure  on  the  King 
to  release  him  from  his  oath  ;  for  although  he  was  kept 
dependent  and  in  chains  by  his  accomplices,  he  wanted  to 
be  independent  at  all  events  of  those  above  him.  This 
was  also  his  reason  for  arranging  a  great  demonstration  in 
front  of  the  Archduke  Joseph's  palace  the  following  evening. 
He  wanted  the  King  to  absolve  the  Archduke  too  from  any 
obligation  to  Andrassy  and  the  dynasty.  What  he  actually 
pretended  to  Andrassy  was  that  he  was  driven  by  the 
Socialists  and  Radicals  to  ask  that  he  and  his  Cabinet 
should  be  absolved  from  the  oath.  A  fresh  revolt  of  the 
Soldiers'  Councils  was  imminent.  There  was  every  prob- 
ability of  the  revolution  breaking  out  again. 

Andrassy  said  to  me  :  "It  is  quite  beyond  me.  What  do 
they  want  in  Buda  Pesth  ?  Karolyi  is  the  King's  Hun- 
garian Minister  and  his  Cabinet  is  Republican.  I  hope  they 
will  take  him  prisoner  or  turn  him  out ;  then  we  shall  have 
no  more  trouble  with  him." 

Andrassy  does  not  believe  in  Karolyi's  honesty  any  longer. 
Some  time  later,  in  Switzerland,  the  situation  during  those 
last  days  in  Buda  Pesth  became  clear  to  me. 

In  the  morning  we  organized  the  mission  which  was  to 
go  to  Berne.  It  included  Baron  Franz,  Count  Mensdorff 
and  myself.     I  had  the  passports  drawn  up  and  the  necessary 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         319 

documents  sealed.  Clam-Martinitz  came  and  reported  that 
there  was  nothing  more  to  be  done  with  the  South  Slavs 
and  Czechs.  We  had  no  further  say  in  the  matter  ;  they 
had  declared  themselves  independent  States. 

Andrassy  said  :  "  Our  role  is  at  an  end  ;  but  we  will 
remain  as  long  as  there  is  anything  left  to  hold." 

Viktor  Adler  and  Dr.  Otto  Bauer  appear,  and  inform  us 
that  the  National  Councils  mean  to  declare  absolute  separation 
from  the  Monarchy  and  dynasty.  Both  of  them  will  come 
to  the  Ministry  of  the  Interior  as  representatives  of  the 
German  Austrian  National  Council. 

Our  efforts  to  speak  to  Buda  Pesth,  to  find  out  what  is 
going  on,  fail ;  communication  with  the  Supreme  Command 
also  suddenly  breaks  down  ;  then  it  became  impossible  to 
get  on  to  Schönbrunn.  The  telephone  was  already  in  the 
hands  of  the  revolutionaries. 

But  in  the  meantime  Karolyi  had  rung  up  the  Monarch 
early  in  the  morning  and  had  misled  him  by  making  false 
representations  as  to  the  state  of  affairs  in  Buda  Pesth.  He 
had  only  one  object  :  to  be  absolved  from  his  oath.  He  had 
run  after  the  King  as  long  as  he  could  make  use  of  him  for 
his  own  ends.  He  needed  his  authority  to  become  Hun- 
garian Prime  Minister ;  when  he  obtained  the  post,  he 
saw  that  with  only  his  twenty  deputies  and  fifteen  journalists 
to  support  him  in  the  country  he  would  not  be  able  to 
retain  office.  His  great  aim  could  not  be  attained  by  legal 
Parliamentary  methods.  So  he  shook  off  even  the  King  by 
telling  him  of  revolutions  which  did  not  exist  and  asking 
to  be  released  from  his  oath.  Just  as  he  deceived  the  King, 
so  he  also  deceived  the  Archduke  Joseph.  He  arranged 
great  demonstrations  before  his  palace,  which  did  not  fail 
to  have  the  desired  effect.  The  Archduke  Joseph  supported 
Karolyi's  demands  by  assuring  the  King,  under  the  influence 
of  these  supposed  popular  demonstrations,  that  unless 
Karolyi  were  given  a  free  hand  there  would  be  civil  war 
and  bloodshed. 

So  the  King  released  Count  Michael  Karolyi  from  his 
oath. 

When  Andrassy  heard  this  he  tendered  His  Majesty  his 
irrevocable  resignation. 


320  MY  MEMOIRS 

In  the  course  of  the  morning  there  were  demonstrations 
and  disturbances  in  the  town.  The  Red  Guard  hoisted  the 
red  flag  of  revolution  on  the  Houses  of  Parliament.  We  are 
informed  that  the  Italians  are  talking  of  a  battle  on  a  front 
of  a  hundred  kilometres.  The  officers  of  the  Supreme  Com- 
mand send  false  reports.  The  telephone  works  again  ; 
shortly  afterwards  it  is  interrupted.  Our  motors  and 
chauffeurs  have  to  be  placed  at  the  service  of  the  German 
Austrian  National  Council ;  we  are  not  allowed  any  more 
benzol.  We  are  like  prisoners  in  the  Foreign  Office,  cut  off 
from  all  the  world.  Dinghofer,  Hauser,  Renner  and  Seitz 
are  at  the  head  of  the  Government.  Officers  have  the  old 
cockades  taken  from  them  in  the  streets.  The  German 
Austrian  State  is  proclaimed  ;  the  War  Ministry  is  taken 
over  by  the  deputy  Joseph  Meyer.  Andrassy  deputes 
Wiesner  to  announce  his  resignation  to  the  Vienna  Press. 

A  telephone  call  now  comes  from  the  Hungarian  Corre- 
spondence Bureau  in  Buda  Pesth,  consequently  official 
news.  Terrible  disturbances  have  broken  out,  pillage  and 
incendiary  fires  in  various  parts  of  the  town.  Of  course, 
this  official  report  was  also  a  trick,  a  lie  invented  by  Karolyi 
with  the  object  of  alarming  the  Emperor  and  disheartening 
him.  In  the  afternoon  the  telephone  again  gave  a  sign 
of  life.  Schönbrunn  is  calling  us  up.  Andrassy  and  I  are 
requested  to  come  out  there.  That  was  easier  said  than 
done.  We  had  no  motor,  no  chauffeur.  We  made  every 
effort  to  find  some  conveyance,  but  in  vain.  It  was  not 
advisable  to  go  by  tram  or  on  foot  just  then. 

At  last,  at  six  o'clock  in  the  evening,  General  Landwehr 
sends  us  a  motor,  with  which  we  drive  to  Schönbrunn. 

I  ask  the   chauffeur  what  is  going  on  in  Vienna.     He 

replies  :  "  They've  all  gone  mad  ;  the  officers  are ;  the 

War  Office  will  be  making  a  corporal  Minister  of  War  next." 
I  had  brought  two  detectives  with  us  from  Buda  Pesth 
to  protect  Andrassy  ;  one  of  them  now  had  to  sit  beside 
the  chauffeur,  and  so  we  drove  through  the  Mariahilfer- 
strasse. 

The  King  had  already  been  very  anxious  on  account  of 
our  long  delay.  When  he  heard  that  we  could  not  get  any 
conveyance,  he  sent  his  brother,  Archduke  Max,  to  meet 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  821 

us.  We  met  him  at  the  West  station.  He  was  in  mufti, 
and  drove  the  motor  through  the  crowded  street  himself — 
a  plucky  thing  to  do  on  this  of  all  days. 

Arrived  at  Schönbrunn,  we  saw  a  few  of  the  Bodyguard 
standing  in  the  great  courtyard,  already  carelessly  turned 
out.  We  went  up  to  the  first  floor,  saw  no  aides-de-camp, 
passed  through  the  rooms  and  walked  into  the  Emperor's 
study,  the  door  of  which  was  wide  open. 

No  one  was  there  but  the  King  and  Queen.  As  we 
approached  we  saw  the  King  standing  at  the  telephone, 
and  heard  him  speaking  in  the  greatest  excitement.  He 
beckoned  violently  to  us  to  come  nearer  and  look  sharp. 

"  I  am  speaking  to  Buda  Pesth,"  he  exclaimed  impetu- 
ously. "  I  am  asked  to  abdicate,  to  renounce  the  Hun- 
garian throne  for  myself  and  my  heirs.  What  shall  I  do — 
what  answer  am  I  to  give  ?  "  I  promptly  took  the  receiver 
and  covered  it  with  the  palm  of  my  hand.  "  I  released  the 
Ministry  from  their  oath  this  morning,"  said  the  King. 
"  They  are  cowards  ;  they  are  throwing  up  the  game  now. 
I  released  them  from  the  oath,  but  that  is  the  limit.  I  won't 
abdicate.  I  have  no  right  to  abdicate.  These  gentlemen 
must  settle  their  idea  of  the  oath  with  their  own  consciences. 
I  can't  break  an  oath  I  have  sworn." 

When  Andrassy  heard  from  the  King's  own  lips  what 
Karolyi  had  asked  him  to  do,  he  clasped  his  hands  and 
said:  "  So  it  was  true,  after  all." 

"  This  revolution  has  been  trumped  up,"  I  said  to  His 
Majesty. 

"  No,  it  has  got  beyond  Karolyi's  control,"  he  said,  still 
in  the  dark  as  to  the  part  Karolyi  was  playing. 

Andrassy's  distress  was  partly  of  a  personal  nature. 
He  was  ashamed  of  his  son-in-law,  who  had  betrayed  his 
King  and  country.  It  was  terrible  to  see  this  right-minded 
man  suffer  ;  the  King  remained  standing,  and  had  not  really 
quite  understood  the  scene.  Andrassy  and  I  supported  the 
King's  resolve  not  to  abdicate  under  any  circumstances. 
Andrassy  took  the  receiver  and  rang  up  Buda  Pesth. 

The  former  Minister  at  His  Majesty's  Court,  the  present 
Minister  of  the  Interior,  Count  Theodor  Batthyanyi,  speaks 
to  him.     A  violent  controversy  ensues ;   the  words  fall  like 

21 


322  MY  MEMOIRS 

blows  one  after  another.     "  Are  you  in  your  right  mind  ?  " 
Andrassy  exclaimed,  "  advising  the  King  to  abdicate  ?  " 

"  If  he  does  not  abdicate,  we  shall  get  rid  of  him  like  a 
bad  servant,"  was  Batthyanyi's  answer.  (Moritz  Esterhazy's 
prophetic  words  had  come  true  :  "  If  Karolyi,  Batthyanyi  and 
Co.  get  into  power,  they  will  inform  the  King  of  his  deposi- 
tion by  telephone.") 

Andrassy  put  down  the  receiver,  but  another  call  soon 
came.  This  time  it  was  the  Archduke  Joseph.  The  King 
asked  me  to  speak  to  him  and  inquire  what  the  position 
really  was  in  Buda  Pesth.  But  I  hardly  had  time  to  ask 
before  the  Archduke  said  :  "  Disturbances  have  broken  out 
before  my  house  and  the  Royal  Palace.  If  the  King  wishes 
to  avoid  bloodshed,  I  advise  him  to  abdicate." 

I  spoke  to  the  King,  and  he  replied  :  "  The  crowned 
King  of  Hungary  will  not  abdicate." 

We  sat  down  at  the  writing-table  and  looked  at  one 
another.  Andrassy  said  :  "  The  King  must  go  to  Hungary, 
assemble  loyal  men  round  him,  and  reassure  the  Hungarians 
on  Hungarian  soil.  Then  he  must  await  the  result  of  the 
peace  negotiations." 

We  rang  up  Buda  Pesth.  We  wanted  to  make  inquiries 
of  a  reliable  official  in  the  Ministry  of  the  Interior  and  try 
to  form  a  true  idea  of  the  position,  for  we  suspected  that  all 
these  alarming  reports  from  Karolyi  were  false,  or  at  all 
events  exaggerated.  We  tried  to  get  into  communication 
with  the  Lord-Lieutenant  of  the  district,  but  it  was 
impossible. 

We  made  a  similar  attempt  to  communicate  with  Press- 
burg,  where  my  friend  Georg  von  Szmrecsanyi  is  Government 
Commissioner,  but  equally  without  success. 
What  advice  were  we  to  give  the  King  ? 
We  discuss  whether  he  ought  not  to  go  to  Innsbruck, 
Salzburg  or  Linz,  but  the  King  refuses  to  leave  Vienna. 
(The  Queen  upholds  him  in  this  ;  she  is  even  for  going  to 
the  Hofburg  at  once,  not  interfering  in  any  way,  and  quietly 
awaiting  the  course  of  events,  but  on  no  account  deserting 
the  post  of  duty.) 

Arz  appears,  amiably  unconcerned  as  ever,  reports  on 
the  progress  of  the  armistice  negotiations  with  the  Italian 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         323 

Supreme  Command.  We  ask  him  whether  he  still  has 
reliable  troops.  He  answers  in  the  negative.  We  knew 
there  were  corps  still  intact  at  the  front  which  had  not  been 
contaminated.  Arz  shook  his  head,  shrugged  his  shoulders  : 
the  Supreme  Command  could  do  nothing  ;  all  the  reliable 
troops  were  already  on  their  way  to  the  Hungarian  frontier. 
The  fact  was  that  the  Supreme  Command  had  already  com- 
pletely lost  touch  with  the  troops. 

Anyhow,  a  general  sauve  qui  pent  had  now  begun  on  the 
Tirol  Front  as  well.  Here  even  the  best  troops  had  failed 
us.  Arz  said,  with  an  air  of  resignation,  "  Your  Majesty, 
there  is  nothing  more  to  be  done  ;  all  is  over."  I  asked  : 
"  Where  are  the  Generals  who  have  so  often  sworn  to  be 
faithful  to  death  ?  Where  are  all  the  higher  officers  ?  " 
Arz  was  embarrassed,  and  said  :  "  They  are  not  there." 

"  There  is  only  one  man  there,"  I  said  :  "  Julius 
Andrassy." 

We  consulted  as  to  what  should  be  done  with  the  King 
and  with  the  Queen,  who  said  she  would  not  leave  him  under 
any  circumstances.  Andrassy  took  me  on  one  side  and  said 
he  would  stay  with  the  Monarch,  to  help  him  with  his  advice 
in  any  decision  that  had  to  be  taken.  (Now  that  the  King 
was  in  trouble,  he  said  not  a  word  about  his  resignation.) 

We  rang  up  Graz  :  the  Governor  was  not  there.  We 
rang  up  Innsbruck  :  the  officials  had  already  dispersed. 
We  rang  up  Salzburg  :  there  too  the  machinery  was  no 
longer  working.  We  rang  up  Linz  :  everywhere  we  heard 
the  same  tale  :  the  power  of  the  provincial  Government 
had  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  Workmen  and  Soldiers' 
Councils. 

There  was  no  longer  a  single  place  where  the  King  could 
have  spent  the  night  in  peace  and  safety  in  his  own  realm. 

I  saw  that  the  King  was  getting  more  and  more  tired,  but 
there  were  one  or  two  things  I  still  had  to  talk  over  with  him. 

It  was  agreed  that  I  should  go  to  Switzerland  at  once, 
to  find  out  what  we  had  to  expect  from  the  Entente. 

The  King  said  his  person  would  not  stand  in  the  way, 
but  that  he  would  be  prepared  to  negotiate  for  his  peoples. 
We  hurriedly  discussed  the  text  of  a  note  I  proposed  trans- 
mitting to  the  French  and  English  Governments  from  Switzer- 


324  MY  MEMOIRS 

land.  I  looked  at  the  clock.  My  train  went  in  an  hour 
and  a  half.  I  still  had  to  go  back  to  the  Ministry  and 
pack. 

Hunyadi  had  appeared  in  the  meantime,  and  General 
Zeidler.  The  King  expressed  a  wish  to  join  the  troops  at 
the  front,  and  said  he  would  like  to  be  with  his  former  corps, 
the  Edelweiss  Corps,  commanded  by  Verdross,  an  infantry 
General.  Verdross  was  a  sort  of  Andreas  Hofer,  of  Tirolese 
peasant  origin,  who  was  immensely  popular  in  his  own 
country.  We  hastily  inquired  where  he  was  to  be  found. 
Zeidler  ascertained  by  telephone,  however,  that  Verdross 
and  his  corps  had  just  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Italians. 

So  this  last  hope  was  also  doomed  to  disappointment. 
We  had  been  three  hours  with  the  King  ;  I  now  had  to  take 
leave.  The  King  thanked  me.  I  told  him  I  would  try  to 
start  negotiations  with  the  Entente  without  delay.  I 
asked  for  the  right  to  open  final  negotiations.  My  main 
point  would  be :  provisioning  German  Austria ;  as  far 
as  Hungary  was  concerned,  integrity  of  her  frontiers.  I 
would  do  my  best,  but  I  asked  that  His  Majesty  should  hold 
out  too.  "  In  your  Majesty's  presence  I  ask  for  your  word 
that  you  will  not  be  disheartened  and  will  hold  out."  The 
King  promised. 

The  Queen  was  wonderfully  self-possessed.  She  said  : 
"  We  must  show  the  people  that  we  are  to  be  found  at  the 
post  of  duty."  She  shed  no  tears  ;  she  remained  calm  and 
showed  no  sign  of  agitation. 

Andrassy  and  I  now  took  our  departure.  The  King  and 
Queen  were  left  alone  in  their  castle. 

We  passed  through  the  vast  State  apartments,  through 
the  long  corridors.  We  went  down  the  wide  staircase ; 
no  one  met  us.     Our  footsteps  echoed  in  the  empty  rooms. 


IN  SWITZERLAND 


Sa  Majesty  m'a  autorise  de  constater  si  et  dans  quelle  mesure 
le  Gouvernement  Francais  (Britannique)  serait  dispose  ä  entrer  en 
negotiations  avec  l'Empereur  et  Roi,  qui — dans  l'interet  des  peuples 
de  la  Monarchie — est  prete  ä  offrir  ses  bons  offices. 

Sa  Majesty  ne  tient  en  premier  lieu  ni  ä  sa  couronne,  ni  ä  la 
dynastie.  Elle  s'efforce  surtout  ä  rechercher  les  moyens,  par  lesquelles 
une  harmonie  entre  les  Etats  independants  naissants  pourrait  etre 
etablie.  Si  la  France  etait  disposee  a  negocier  ä  ce  sujet,  ces  negocia- 
tions  contribueraient  certainement  ä  assurer  le  sort  des  nouveaux 
Etats  et  aideraient  ä  une  liquidation  ordonnee  du  passe. 

I  am  charged  by  His  Majesty  to  ascertain  whether  and  to  what 
extent  the  French  (British)  Government  would  be  disposed  to  enter 
into  negotiations  with  His  Imperial  and  Apostolic  Majesty.  The 
Monarch  is  prepared  to  offer  his  services  in  the  interest  of  the 
peoples  of  the  Monarchy. 

His  Majesty  is  not  primarily  concerned  either  for  his  throne  or  his 
dynasty.  His  great  anxiety  is  to  inquire  into  the  means  of  estab- 
lishing harmony  between  the  individual  independent  States  which 
are  now  being  formed.  If  France  were  prepared  to  negotiate  in 
this  sense,  these  negotiations  would  certainly  contribute  to  assure  the 
fate  of  the  new  States,  and  would  facilitate  an  orderly  liquidation 
of  the  past. 

This  is  the  text  of  a  verbal  note  which  I  handed  per- 
sonally to  the  French  ambassador  Dutasta  and  the  English 
Minister  Sir  Horace  Rumbold  on  behalf  of  the  Foreign 
Office,  a  few  days  after  my  arrival  in  Switzerland. 

The  French  Embassy  had  sent  word  that  it  could  not 
enter  into  conversations,  but  was  on  the  other  hand  pre- 
pared to  conclude  binding  agreements.  If  we  agreed,  it 
would  only  be  necessary  to  apply  to  Paris  first,  on  which 
the  negotiations  as  to  a  separate  peace  could  commence 
at  once. 

325 


326  MY  MEMOIRS 

On  the  4th  November  I  sent  the  Minister  for  Foreign 
Affairs  the  following  telegram  in  cipher  : 


No.  201. 

Berne,  4th  November  1918. 
Foreign  Office,  Vienna. 

The  Entente  authorities  were  notified  of  my  arrival  here  by 
the  Thonon  Intelligence  Bureau.  The  Legation  has  applied  through 
the  French  Embassy  and  English  Legation  for  full  powers  to  enable  the 
Entente  representatives  here  to  negotiate  with  me.  No  answer  arrived 
as  yet,  but  the  French  ambassador  says  Count  Andrassy's  peace  offer 
was  sympathetically  received,  and  there  is  inclination  in  principle 
to  enter  into  negotiations  at  once  with  the  Austro-Hungarian  Govern- 
ment, the  object  being  a  short  armistice  and  the  immediate  initiation 
of  negotiations  with  a  view  to  concluding  a  formal  peace. 

Windischgraetz. 


On   the   5th    November   I   telegraphed    to    the   Foreign 
Office: 

No.  202. 

Berne,  5th  November  1918. 
Foreign  Office,  Vienna. 

French  ambassador  reports  he  expects  full  powers  to  nego- 
tiate in  the  course  of  to-day  or  to-morrow.  Entente  standpoint  is 
that  it  can  only  enter  on  negotiations  if  it  is  a  question  not  merely 
of  informal  conversations,  but  of  seriously  intending  to  reach  binding 
final  agreements  at  once. 

Windischgraetz. 


I    received   the   following   telegram    from   the    Emperor 
Karl  the  same  day  : 

Vienna,  5th  November. 
Prince  Ludwig  Windischgraetz, 
Hotel  Suisse,  Berne. 

In  negotiations  concerning  Hungary,  standpoint  of  terri- 
torial integrity  to  be  maintained  under  all  circumstances.  As  regards 
Austria,  supply  of  food  and  raw  material  of  special  importance.  Speci- 
ally necessary  that  drastic  measures  should  be  taken  to  supply  Vienna 
with  food  immediately. 

Karl. 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         327 

On  the  7th  I  again  sent  two  cipher  telegrams  to  the 
Foreign  Office  : 

No.  203.    11.30  a.m. 

Berne,  jth  November  1918. 
Foreign  Office,  Vienna. 

Just  been  received  at  English  Legation  by  the  Minister 
Rumbold.  Have  handed  him  verbal  note  on  behalf  of  His  Majesty. 
Spent  more  than  an  hour  explaining  situation  in  the  Monarchy  to 
him,  also  His  Majesty's  personal  standpoint  laid  down  in  verbal  note. 
My  impression  that  there  is  sympathy  for  the  person  of  the  Mon- 
arch in  particular,  and  Entente  consider  the  Emperor  and  King  the 
most  suitable  person  to  establish  peace  between  the  individual  peoples 
of  the  Danube  Monarchy  by  means  of  his  conciliatory  influence. 
Entente  desires  earliest  possible  negotiations  not  only  for  an  armis- 
tice, but  to  fix  preliminary  peace  conditions.  As  I  left  without 
definite  instructions,  please  send  detailed  written  instructions  by 
messenger  as  soon  as  possible,  what  standpoint  am  to  adopt. 

WINDISCHGRAETZ. 

No.  204.     5  p.m. 

Berne,  yth  November  191 8. 
Foreign  Office,  Vienna. 

Handed  French  Embassy  verbal  note  similarly  worded, 
and  gave  similar  explanation  of  situation.  Ambassador  promised  to 
take  further  steps  as  soon  as  possible,  and  thought  the  essential  was 
to  bring  the  negotiations  to  a  speedy  conclusion.  Impression  gained 
here  better  than  at  English  Legation.  France  appears  thoroughly 
to  understand  the  necessity  of  financial  and  material  help  for  an  imme- 
diate conclusion  of  peace.  Sympathy  for  His  Majesty  personally; 
his  readiness  for  peace  and  efforts  he  has  made  for  peace  fully  appre- 
ciated. Settled  with  ambassador  that  preliminary  peace  negotiations 
can  be  commenced  immediately  after  receipt  of  instructions,  as  soon 
as  full  powers  for  me  or  Count  Mensdorff  shall  have  arrived. 

WINDISCHGRAETZ. 

On  the  evening  of  thejfrth  November  the  Entente 
knew  that  the  Austro-Hungarian  Monarchy  had  ceased  to 
exist.     I  had  only  been  able  to  learn  it  from  the  newspapers. 

The  French  and  English  Governments,  which  had  noti- 
fied their  readiness  to  enter  into  negotiations,  now  sent 
word  that  they  were  no  longer  in  a  position  to  conclude 
agreements  with  a  monarch  who  had  voluntarily  retired 
and  voluntarily  made  over  his  power  to  the  national  States. 

Peace    had    therefore    been    practically    wrecked,    true 


828  MY  MEMOIRS 

again  to  the  motto  of  the  Austrian  standard,  Viribus  unitis. 
The  fury  of  the  German-Socialist  agitation  and  the  revo- 
lution in  Buda  Pesth  on  the  one  hand,  the  Monarch's 
resignation  on  the  other,  had  made  peace  impossible. 

When  I  went  to  the  Legation  to  have  another  telegram 
put  into  code,  they  refused  to  accept  it.  I  therefore  sent 
the  following  telegram  in  the  normal  way  to  the  Foreign 
Office: 

No.  209.     11  a.m. 

Berne,  8th  November  19 18. 
Foreign  Office,  Vienna. 

Now  that  the  Foreign  Office  has  ceased  to  function  as  the  joint 
authority,  I  see  no  possibility  of  continuing  negotiations.  Under  the 
existing  conditions,  the  authority  of  the  German  Austrian  Govern- 
ment would  have  to  be  obtained  to  enable  us  to  continue  the  negotia- 
tions which  have  been  opened.  I  myself  am  not  in  a  position  to  act 
for  German  Austria  ;  I  therefore  herewith  beg  leave  to  resign  my 
post  as  head  of  a  section  in  the  Foreign  Office. 

WlNDISCHGRAETZ. 

The  Imperial  and  Royal  Legation  had  become  Repub- 
lican in  a  day.  The  Minister  Baron  de  Vaux,  who  owed 
his  whole  career  to  his  aristocratic  connections,  whose 
existence  without  dancing  attendance  at  Court  was  incon- 
ceivable, and  whose  social  position  had  always  been 
dependent  on  the  Monarch's  favour,  had  ratted  at  once  ; 
he  denied  his  whole  former  pitiful  life,  and  was  bowing  as 
low  to  Count  Karolyi  and  Dr.  Bauer  to-day  as  he  had  to 
the  Emperor  yesterday.  His  behaviour  and  that  of  various 
members  of  the  Legation  gives  some  idea  of  the  character 
of  our  Diplomatic  Service. 

Dr.  Bauer  had  been  made  Director  of  the  Foreign  Office 
and  must  have  read  my  telegram  ;  he  must  have  known 
that  the  purport  of  the  Emperor  Karl's  verbal  note  was 
without  parallel  in  history.  The  Emperor  expressly  offered 
to  act  as  intermediary  in  the  interests  of  his  peoples,  and 
expressly  begged  the  Entente  not  to  consider  his  crown 
and  his  House.  Of  course,  both  Dr.  Bauer  and  Michael 
Karolyi  had  the  greatest  possible  interest  in  concealing 
this  transaction  from  Austria  and  Hungary,  and  were  equally 
interested  in  discrediting  the  bearer  of  the  note,  who  could, 


PRINCE   LUDWIG   WINDISCHGRAETZ         329 

moreover,  bear  inconvenient  witness  to  what  had  been 
going  on  simultaneously  behind  the  scenes — in  running  him 
down  in  public  and  compromising  him  in  the  eyes  of  the 
new  republican  world  by  perverting  the  facts  and  repre- 
senting him  as  a  "  monarchical  reactionary." 

The  sense  of  the  verbal  note,  the  text  of  which  is  pub- 
lished here  for  the  first  time,  was  twisted  in  such  a  way 
as  to  make  it  appear  that  the  King  had  appealed  for  Entente 
help  against  his  people. 

It  was  also  at  that  time  that  Count  Czernin  made  the 
speech  in  which  he  spoke  contemptuously  of  elements  which 
had  wished  Entente  troops  to  come  and  occupy  Vienna. 
The  former  Foreign  Minister  had  already  extended  the 
right  hand  of  fellowship  to  the  new  form  of  State,  and  he 
proclaimed  his  sentiments,  nouveaule  1918,  in  the  news- 
papers. Nothing  is  further  from  me  than  to  find  fault 
with  anyone's  view  of  life.  Everyone  must  find  his  own 
salvation  ;  and  just  as  I  have  always  claimed  the  right  to 
express  my  own  opinion  freely,  so  I  concede  it  to  everyone 
else.  But  that  Count  Czernin,  of  all  people,  should  show 
Republican  tendencies  really  does  seem  to  me  a  piquant 
detail  of  modern  Austrian  history  worth  showing  up. 

On  the  9th  November  I  sent  Michael  Karolyi  a  tele- 
gram : 

No.  211. 

Berne,  gth  November  1918. 
Prime  Minister  Count  Karolyi. 

Have  opened  up  negotiations  with  France  and  England  on 
behalf  of  the  common  Ministry  for  Foreign  Affairs.  As  common 
authorities  have  ceased  to  exist,  consider  it  necessary  for  the  Hun- 
garian Government  to  send  authorized  persons  to  carry  on  the  peace 
negotiations  initiated  by  me.  I  myself  have  tendered  my  resigna- 
tion, and  am  unable  to  take  any  steps  whatever  in  the  name  of  the 
present  Hungarian  Government.  Earliest  possible  dispatch  of  accre- 
dited representatives,  who  possess  the  confidence  of  the  Government, 
essential. 

WINDISCHGRAETZ. 

As  far  as  I  could  ascertain  in  Switzerland,  all  the  effective 
political  factors  in  Buda  Pesth  had  gathered  round  Karolyi. 


330  MY  MEMOIRS 

At  first  I  did  not  quite  understand  the  campaign  against 
me  which  was  got  up  both  in  public  and  private  by  Karolyi's 
five  emissaries,  Leo  Szemere,  Peter  Czobor,  Paul  Keri, 
Barczy  and  Frau  Rosika  Schwimmer  ;  but  as  the  whole 
of  Hungary  had  turned  to  Karolyi  and  I  had  no  private 
information,  I  was  driven  to  the  conclusion  that  Karolyi 
was  really  pursuing  national  Hungarian  policy  now,  and 
that  he  had  found  the  support  of  all  decent,  nationally 
thinking  men  in  this  effort.  I  did  not  wish  to  refuse  him 
my  support  either,  in  questions  and  things  which  concerned 
Hungary.  The  Monarch  had  retired  ;  I  was  no  longer  a 
public  servant,  I  was  a  private  individual ;  but  I  am  a 
Hungarian,  and  therefore  it  seemed  to  me  my  duty  to  con- 
tinue to  stand  up  for  and  strain  every  nerve  to  help  my 
country,  just  as  I  had  considered  it  the  task  of  my  life 
hitherto. 

On  the  14th  November  I  telegraphed  to  Karolyi : 

No.  213. 

Berne,  14th  November  1918. 
Prime  Minister  Karolyi,  Buda  Pesth. 

I  have  just  heard  that  Rumania  demands  Transylvania. 
Remembering  the  time  when  you  too  supported  the  integrity  of  the 
Hungarian  State,  I  ask  you  whether  this  danger  is  serious,  and 
what  you  propose  doing. 

Should  there  be  any  risk  of  Transylvanian  territory  being  ceded, 
I  place  myself  absolutely  and  in  every  way  at  your  service  and  that  of 
the  Government,  anywhere  and  unreservedly,  for  any  action  calculated 
to  safeguard  the  integrity  of  Hungarian  soil. 

WlNDISCHGRAETZ,    LaJOS. 


Berne,  Postbox  No.  125. 
I  ignored  the  attacks  directed  against  me  for  the  most 
part,  so  long  as  they  did  not  grossly  impugn  my  personal 
honour.  But  I  did  something  more  :  I  kept  on  empha- 
sizing the  necessity  of  the  existing  state  of  affairs,  at  in- 
numerable interviews,  in  innumerable  articles  in  the  foreign 
Press — I  had  connections,  particularly  in  France.  One 
circumstance  specially  contributed  to  strengthen  my  view 
that  Karolyi's  intentions  were  patriotic  this  time.     Count 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  331 

Sigray  had  just  arrived  in  Berne.  He  had  been  commis- 
sioned by  the  Hungarian  Revolutionary  Government  to 
try  to  get  into  touch  with  the  Entente,  particularly  with 
America.  Everything  that  I  heard  from  him  confirmed 
my  belief  that  the  whole  of  Hungary  was  really  behind 
Karolyi  now. 

Sigray  came  firmly  convinced  that  he  would  succeed 
in  safeguarding  Hungary's  territorial  rights,  through  his 
excellent  relations  with  American  friends  (his  wife  is  an 
American  and  sister-in-law  of  Gerard,  the  former  American 
ambassador  in  Berlin).  Count  Teleki,  who  arrived  later 
on,  was  of  the  same  opinion.  But  in  the  meantime  I  had 
received  very  reliable  information  from  Paris,  and  knew 
that  the  Supreme  Council  had  already  decided  on  allowing 
Hungary  to  be  dismembered. 

In  the  interest  of  my  country  I  informed  Karolyi  of  this  : 

No.  214,  of  17th  November,  1918.     Dispatched  from  Berne 
10.2  a.m.     Legation  cipher. 

Count  Karolyi,  Prime  Minister,  Buda  Pesth. 

Just  heard  from  most  reliable  Entente  source  decision  of  Allied 
Supreme  Council  that  acquisitions  of  Hungarian  teritory  by  Czecho- 
slovakia, Rumania  and  Jugo-Slavia  are  regarded  as  faits  accomplis. 
Suggest  in  interest  of  country  every  possible  measure  being  taken  to 
defend  frontiers.  As  far  as  known  here,  military  strength  of  Czech, 
Rumanian  and  Jugo-Slav  armies  not  above  strength  of  troops  we 

can  raise. 

Windischgraetz. 

On  the  28th  November  I  sent  another  telegram  to 
Buda  Pesth  : 

No.  215.     28th  November.     Sent  from  Berne  3.2  p.m. 

Count  Karolyi,  Prime  Minister,  Buda  Pesth. 

Consider  it  patriotic  duty  to  call  attention  to  fact  that  decisive 
measures  will  very  soon  be  taken  in  Paris  with  regard  to  Hungary. 
Have  absolutely  reliable  sources  of  information,  which  could  be  made 
use  of  from  here  if  an  efficient  and  influential  representative  of  the 
Hungarian  Government  were  here,  in  whom  you  had  confidence. 
Send  Szilassy,  who  would  have  a  chance  of  negotiating,  or  some 
one    suitable;     the    present    situation    can    only    hasten    Hungary's 

downfall. 

Windischgraetz. 


S$<2  MY  MEMOIRS 

Sigray  did  not  believe  in  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme 
Council  in  Paris  ;  he  was  still  firmly  convinced  that  he  would 
succeed  in  obtaining  concessions  through  personal  ties, 
and  that  the  integrity  of  Hungarian  territory  could  be  safe- 
guarded by  this  means.  I  knew  that  there  was  only  just 
one  possibility  :  to  rally  the  Hungarian  troops  and  defend 
the  Fatherland.  Karolyi  suppressed  my  telegram.  They 
had  already  begun  to  represent  me  as  a  traitor  to  my  country, 
and  as  my  telegram  must  give  incontestable  proof  that 
Karolyi  himself  was  the  traitor,  he  was  absolutely  obliged 
to  resort  to  every  means  of  doing  for  me  completely,  of 
trampling  me  in  the  dust.  Material  was  collected  for  this 
purpose ;  my  life  was  carefully  investigated,  my  work  as 
a  Minister  looked  into  and  examined  under  a  magnifying 
glass.     The  result  was  the  "  Potato  Affair." 


I  had  sent  Andrassy  two  reports  on  the  situation  in 
Switzerland  ;  he  succeeded  in  sending  me  an  answer  and 
giving  me  a  description  of  the  position  at  home.  His  letter 
reflected  all  the  grief  he  felt  over  Karolyi's  now  most 
obvious  treachery.  It  was  only  from  the  moment  when 
I  heard  through  Andrassy  that  the  existing  regime  was 
aiming  at  a  Bolshevist  revolution  that  I  began  to  denounce 
Karolyi  and  answer  attack  with  attack.  I  exposed  the 
connection  between  his  regime  and  the  Spartacists  in  Ger- 
many, and  it  was  only  now,  when  I  realized  the  full  extent 
of  Karolyi's  treachery,  that  I  wrote  to  two  Entente  states- 
men with  whom  I  was  personally  acquainted,  Pichon  and 
Winston  Churchill,  giving  them  a  description  of  the  true 
state  of  affairs  in  Austria-Hungary. 

I  had  discovered  that  Karolyi  and  his  War  Minister, 
Linder,  were  so  much  afraid  of  the  returning  troops  that 
they  had  given  orders  to  disband  and  disperse  the  divisions 
of  the  Hungarian  army  ;  they  feared,  with  reason,  that, 
when  the  regular  formations,  led  home  by  resolute  Hun- 
garian Generals,  recognized  the  mismanagement  of  their 
regime,  they  and  their  pack  of  criminals  would  have  to  pay 
for  the  downfall  of  the  Empire  with  their  lives.  I  had  dis- 
covered  that   Karolyi  had  overthrown   the   administration 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  333 

of  the  country  and  been  responsible  for  the  break-up  of 
the  Empire — at  a  moment  when,  in  spite  of  the  collapse 
of  the  whole  Monarchy,  Hungary  would  have  been  both 
internally  and  externally  capable  of  showing  herself  the 
strongest  State  organism  in  Central  Europe.  Hungary  had 
seventeen  intact,  unbeaten  divisions ;  Hungary  had  food 
supplies  stored  up  in  sufficient  quantities  to  be  able  to  carry 
on  export  trade,  particularly  if  there  were  no  longer  any 
need  to  supply  the  demobilized  army  and  Austria-Hun- 
gary, which  would  be  returning  to  normal  work ;  Hungary 
had  not  lost  the  war  on  the  2nd  November  1918 ;  the 
French  General  Franchet  d'Esperey's  army,  strengthened 
by  the  Rumanian  and  Czech  forces,  could  not  have  raised 
as  many  firearms  as  we,  and  used  them  against  Hungary. 
We  lost  the  war  simply  and  solely  through  Karolyi.  Karolyi 
had  the  loss  of  towns  such  as  Kaschau  and  Pressburg  on 
his  conscience,  towns  which  had  been  purely  Magyar  since 
their  foundation,  and  whose  population  is  composed  of 
Hungarians  and  Germans.  They  could  only  be  taken  from 
us  from  one  day  to  another  because  a  neighbouring  State 
was  organized  in  better  time — organized,  indeed,  on  Im- 
perialist-annexationist  lines. 

The  first  meeting  at  Belgrade  was  a  startling  revelation 
to  the  whole  of  Austria-Hungary  of  what  our  enemies  thought 
of  Karolyi  and  his  rule,  his  character  and  personality,  his 
whole  attitude  during  the  war ;  the  treatment  accorded 
to  him  and  his  staff  (Ludwig  Hatvany  and  Co.)  by  Franchet 
d'Esperey  was  so  derogatory,  so  calculated  to  show  the 
traitor  the  contempt  felt  for  him  by  the  adversary,  that 
no  Hungarian  non-commissioned  officer  would  have  put  up 
with  it,  if  he  had  had  any  feeling  of  honour  and  of  what 
was  due  to  him. 

General  Franchet  d'Esperey  must  undoubtedly  have 
already  been  aware  (of  what  I  discovered  shortly  after- 
wards) that  among  the  documents  at  the  Quai  d'Orsay 
there  is  a  receipt  from  Karolyi  for  the  amounts,  said  to  be 
five  million  francs,  he  had  received  from  the  French  Govern- 
ment for  defeatist  purposes.  The  French  General  gave 
him  to  understand  that  the  French  did  not  think  him  any 
better  than  a  common  spy. 


334  MY  MEMOIRS 

The  foreign  Commissions,  which  were  on  their  way  to 
Austria  and  Hungary,  were  pounced  on  in  Berne  and 
taken  possession  of  by  Karolyi's  representatives  and 
propagandists ;  but  these  kindly  disposed  Commissions 
brought  nothing  with  them ;  on  the  contrary,  they  came  to 
investigate,  to  study.  Just  as  Europeans  went  to  America 
formerly  to  see  Indians,  so  these  Americans  came  to  us 
now  to  see  live  Magyars.  They  did  not  find  them  ;  they 
only  found  a  self-torturing,  humiliated  country  in  the 
corrupt  hands  of  fifteen  newspaper  writers  thirsting  for 
power,  who  made  cowed  bourgeois  and  aristocratic  marion- 
ettes dance,  while  they  pulled  the  wires  as  they  pleased. 
When  I  was  still  in  the  country,  I  had  drawn  up  a  list  of 
only  thirty-two  persons  I  intended  should  be  arrested  if 
I  came  into  power.  This  one  clearance  would  have  sufficed 
to  save  Hungary.  As  no  one  made  the  clearance,  the 
country  was  utterly  perishing  in  its  own  corruption.  But 
I  took  care  that  what  was  going  on  should  be  known  in 
other  countries.  The  list  I  had  drawn  up  was  found  among 
my  papers  in  Buda  Pesth.  I  understood  now  why  the 
pack  had  got  their  knife  into  me  and  were  doing  all  they 
could  to  bring  me  to  the  gallows,  to  prevent  my  fore- 
stalling them  and  bringing  them  to  the  gallows. 

I  also  discovered  how  disgracefully  men  of  my  own  rank 
had  behaved.  One  of  the  Knights  Banneret  of  the  Realm, 
one  of  the  Monarch's  highest  officials,  who  had  never  taken 
part  in  politics  in  his  life,  who  only  put  in  an  appearance 
when  Court  festivities  were  announced,  who  had  taken  the 
oath  of  allegiance  twenty  times  over,  whenever  he  entered 
on  a  fresh  Court  function — great  Hungarian  magnates, 
holders  of  the  highest  offices  and  dignities,  owners  of  in- 
numerable acres,  who  had  grown  fat  and  rich  and  influential 
on  the  corruption  of  the  old  regime — sought  out  the  deserted 
King  in  his  retirement  and  urged  him  to  renounce  the 
throne  for  himself  and  his  heirs.  Many  now  bowed  down 
before  Karolyi's  majesty,  because  they  feared  for  their 
property,  their  material  possessions,  and  were  shaking  in 
their  shoes  lest  the  anger  of  the  people  should  be  turned 
against  them,  the  aiders  and  abettors  of  the  old  system, 
the  truth  being  that  the  Karolyi  Government  had  begun 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  335 

to  proclaim  measures  of  socialization.  The  great  land- 
owners knew  that  the  terror  would  wrest  their  acres,  their 
power  and  their  wealth  from  them,  unless  they  formed 
some  kind  of  alliance  with  this  terror.  They  competed 
against  one  another  in  howling  with  the  wolves,  and  were 
betrayed  into  unprincipled  conduct  of  which  no  decent 
Hungarian  peasant  or  workman,  no  Hungarian  soldier, 
would  have  been  guilty,  if  he  had  ever  been  allowed  an 
insight  into  the  truth. 

The  people,  the  Magyar  people,  had  a  right  to  be  Repub- 
lican if  they  wished.  No  one  could  have  blamed  these 
brave,  good,  self-sacrificing,  honest  fellows  if  they  had 
preached  and  brought  about  a  revolution.  They  had  been 
imposed  on,  deceived  and  misled;  they  had  to  submit  to 
be  torn  from  their  land,  their  little  homes,  their  business, 
their  wives  and  children,  sacrificed  and  massacred  ;  they 
would  have  been  justified  in  demanding  their  rights,  in 
expecting  reparation  to  be  made  for  all  that  had  happened; 
they  had  a  moral  right  to  be  up  in  arms  against  the  highest 
quarter,  which  was  to  them  the  only  clear  symbol  of  the 
power  which  had  ground  them  down  and  sacrificed  them 
in  a  disastrous  war. 

They  had  a  right  to  be  Republicans.  But  these 
men  had  no  such  right  ;  these  professional  politicians, 
these  opportunists,  these  journalists  who  had  stirred  up 
the  war  from  the  security  of  their  editorial  offices,  and 
who  wanted  to  change  the  world  from  a  point  of  view  they 
professed  had  no  such  right. 

Anyone  who  has  read  my  notes  so  far  knows  that  I 
have  nothing  whatever  in  common  with  the  ordinary  absurd 
anti-Semitism.  Jews  are  among  my  best  and  most  reliable 
friends — I  have  had  practical  experience  of,  and  have  done 
full  justice  to  Jewish  intellect  and  efficiency,  Jewish  good 
faith  and  Jewish  courage,  both  in  peace  and  war  time  ; 
but  these  mercenary  creatures — these  cynics,  to  whom 
nothing  in  this  world  is  sacred ;  these  materialists,  who 
make  a  business  of  politics  with  their  lawyers'  tricks,  who 
poison  our  public  life  with  their  surface  culture  and  their 
philosophy  borrowed  from  all  countries  and  all  schools  of 
thought,   who   have   controlled   and   misguided   the   public 


836  MY  MEMOIRS 

life  of  the  last  few  years  and  decades  in  the  most  intolerable 
way,  in  conjunction  with  the  weak  and  effete  aristocrats 
and  bureaucrats,  and  the  courtiers  who  fill  all  our  public 
offices  and  departments,  our  Embassies,  Legations  and 
Chanceries,  without  having  the  least  aptitude  for  sound, 
upright  life — these  men  have  been  the  real  traitors  in  their 
own  country ;  they  are  to  blame  from  beginning  to  end  for 
the  downfall,  the  collapse  of  our  nation  ! 

The  revolution  should  have  been  directed  against  them. 

Meanwhile,  however,  they  were  uppermost. 

Baron  Haupt,  a  Czecho-Slovak,  represented  the  German 
Austrian  Republic  in  Switzerland  ;  a  millionaire  represented 
the  Vienna  Socislist-G ommunist  Government.  The  explana- 
tion is  simple  :  Baron  Haupt  had  part  of  his  property  in 
Switzerland  ;  he  wanted  to  be  on  the  spot  to  look  after 
it.     To  save  himself,  he  howled  with  the  wolves. 

One  of  the  most  important  banking  houses  in  Vienna 
withdrew  300  million  crowns  and  the  family  jewels  from 
the  country,  with  the  full  consent  of  the  Secretary  of 
State  for  Foreign  Affairs,  Dr.  Otto  Bauer,  and  sent  these 
valuables  to  Switzerland  by  a  friend  of  Dr.  Bauer's  youth 
named  Somary.  Formerly  Count  Stiirgkh,  or  some  other 
pillar  of  the  old  State,  would  have  done  this  little  service ; 
now  it  was  done  by  the  first  official  of  the  new  Republic. 
The  good  old  relations  between  important  banking  houses 
and  the  Government  had  not  changed ;  the  same  sour 
wine  was  still  poured  into  apparently  new  bottles! 

A  man  of  quite  another  stamp  came  to  Berne  with  Baron 
Haupt,  Slatin  Pasha.  Up  to  the  spring  of  1919  the  German 
Austrian  Government  had  not  succeeded  in  getting  into 
any  kind  of  communication  with  the  Entente.  In  fact, 
the  German  Austrian  peace  delegation  which  went  to  St.- 
Germain  to  accept  the  conditions  had  to  set  out  on  the 
journey  with  Imperial  and  Royal  passports.  But  Slatin 
had  personal  influence:  he  was  well  known  to  the  English 
and  Americans,  who  thought  well  of  him  ;  they  talked  to 
him,  and  it  was  he  alone  who  (with  private  help  from  Count 
Mensdorff)  managed  to  get  Vienna  supplied  with  food  and 
who  saved  German  Austria  (once  more)  from  starvation  by 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  337 

his  strenuous   efforts.     The    Socialist    Government   claimed 
the  credit. 

In  the  spring  of  1919  Andrassy  arrived  in  Switzerland. 
He  was  just  as  much  a  thorn  in  the  flesh  to  the  Buda  Pesth 
rulers  as  I  was,  for  he  was  also  a  living  witness  to  unpleasant 
occurrences.  They  were  afraid  of  him  and  tried  to  com- 
promise him  too  ;  but  the  agitation  against  him  was  carried 
on  in  a  much  more  subdued  tone,  as  his  nature  is  far  less 
aggressive  than  mine. 

At  first  Karolyi  tried,  with  Dr.  Bauer's  help,  to  prevent 
his  father-in-law  from  leaving  Vienna.  Every  effort  had 
to  be  made  to  keep  him  from  other  countries  ;  for  he  could 
have  talked  and  told  tales.  But  he  was  not  to  be  found 
in  Vienna  and  the  plan  miscarried.  For  Karolyi,  this 
unsuccessful  intrigue  was  a  further  reason  for  reducing 
Andrassy  to  silence.  When  he  discovered  that  his  father- 
in-law  had  succeeded  after  all  in  getting  to  Switzerland, 
he  was  mean  and  hypocritical  enough  to  write  him  a  long 
letter  of  twenty  sheets,  the  tone  of  which  suggested  that 
there  was  not  the  smallest  disagreement  between  them, 
and  in  which  he  gave  him  a  delightful  description  of  a 
nationally  solid  Hungary  working  at  its  consolidation,  now 
that  the  commonalty  had  gained  inherent  strength.  "  There 
can  be  no  question  of  a  Bolshevist  danger  or  Party,"  he 
wrote  three  weeks  before  the  Bolshevist  revolution. 

But  this  time  Andrassy  was  not  going  to  be  deceived 
again. 

It  was  a  source  of  amazement  to  us  that  London,  Paris 
and  Rome  allowed  themselves  to  be  deceived  as  to  the  true 
state  of  affairs  in  Hungary,  or  at  all  events  were  in  the  dark. 
Colonel  Cuninghame  and  Prince  Borghese's  reports  appear 
to  have  been  composed  with  one  eye  shut.  These  two 
gentlemen  were  very  intimate  with  Karolyi,  and  later  on  there 
are  said  to  have  been  relations  with  Bela  Kun  too  ;  they 
embarked  on  gigantic  transactions,  initiated  the  purchase 
of  Hungarian  State  stud  farms,  discussed  the  question  of 
carrying  off  Hungarian  objets  d'art  from  the  museums, 
etc.  There  were  strange  rumours  going  about  Vienna  and 
Buda  Pesth. 

22 


338  MY  MEMOIRS 

But  the  journalists  staying  at  the  "  Bellevue  Palace"  in 
Berne  were  commissioned  to  asperse  and  run  down  Andrassy 
to  the  Entente  ;  they  were  to  do  all  they  could  to  prevent 
the  Entente  from  finding  out  through  Andrassy  or  me  the 
real  part  Karolyi  had  played,  and  from  gaining  a  true  idea 
of  the  conditions  in  Hungary. 

The  more  serious  things  grew  for  Karolyi,  the  nearer 
the  danger  seemed  that  I  might  make  revelations  in 
Hungary  and  other  countries,  the  more  recklessly  and 
mendaciously  we  were  both  slandered. 

I  was  the  object  of  very  special  attention;  all  the  spies 
were  set  on  to  me.  But,  after  the  manner  of  spies,  they 
offered  me  their  services  as  well.  By  this  means  I  obtained 
an  interesting  insight  into  the  squalid  ant-heap  of  the 
foreign  espionage  in  Switzerland.  There  were  intrigues 
between  the  Governments  in  Austria  and  Hungary,  between 
the  individual  members  of  the  individual  Governments: 
Batthyanyi  conspired  against  Karolyi,  the  Czechs  and 
Rumanians  intrigued  against  Hungary,  the  German  Austrians 
in  Vienna  mutually  aspersed  and  complained  of  one  another, 
and  conveyed  their  complaints  here,  that  they  might  be 
brought  to  the  notice  of  the  Entente.  But  even  the 
Entente  States,  with  the  exception  of  France,  intrigued 
amongst  one  another.  Italy  intrigued  in  the  most  shame- 
less way  with  Germany  and  with  Japan  against  all  her 
allies  ;  English  agents  worked  against  Wilson ;  the  Czechs 
were  now  with,  then  against  Italy,  with  America,  against 
England,  and  so  on.  Unknown  individuals  introduced 
themselves  to  me  and  offered  their  services  to  checkmate 
this  or  that  stroke  of  policy  ;  it  was  quite  amusing  to  see 
the  Entente  diplomats  sitting  peaceably  alongside  of  one 
another  at  lunch  at  the  "Bellevue,"  knowing  what 
comedies  they  were  getting  up  against  one  another  behind 
the  scenes. 

The  representatives  of  the  Hungarian  Government  were 
there  too,  throwing  money  about  with  an  unsparing  hand. 
Frau  Rbsika  Schwimmer,  for  instance,  said  good-bye  to 
Switzerland  leaving  a  debt  of  forty  thousand  francs, 
although  she  was  sent  here  with  considerable  sums  of 
money ;   as   their   own   people   betrayed    them  and  showed 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         339 

me  copies  of  their  reports,  I  knew  how  unscrupulously 
they  lied  to  their  Government  and  reported  personal 
successes  which  only  existed  in  their  imagination. 

Vazsonyi  had  arrived  in  Switzerland  in  the  course  of 
the  winter.  When  he  heard  that  the  Socialist  leader 
Garami  was  also  expected,  he  was  delighted,  because,  seen 
from  a  distance,  Garami's  activities  appeared  honest  and 
patriotic,  and  we  should  have  been  very  glad  to  work  with 
him.  He  was  one  of  the  few  in  Karolyi's  Ministry  whose 
work  had  earned  him  respect.  When  the  Councils  Govern- 
ment came  into  existence,  he  would  not  be  absorbed  into 
the  Communist  Party  with  the  Socialist  followers,  and 
withdrew.  On  his  arrival  in  Switzerland,  the  Hungarian 
journalists  (it  is  hardly  necessary  to  mention  that  after  the 
retirement  of  their  idolized  Karolyi  they  immediately 
went  over  with  flying  colours  and  in  the  greatest  patriotic 
enthusiasm  to  the  camp  of  the  Soviet  Government)  were 
afraid  that  Garami  might  meet  me  and  Vazsonyi ;  they 
therefore  told  him  that  I  had  asked  the  Swiss  Government 
to  expel  him.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  Garami  was  very  well 
supplied  with  money,  and  had  left  Hungary  in  a  saloon 
carriage  ;  through  this  he  had  incurred  the  suspicion  of 
the  Federal  Government,  which  naturally  wished  to  keep 
Bolshevists  at  a  distance. 

When  I  heard  of  this  calumny,  I  wrote  of  my  own 
accord  to  the  President,  Calonder,  and  asked  him  to  grant 
Garami  the  right  of  asylum,  as  I  was  quite  willing  to 
take  full  responsibility  for  his  political  opinions. 

But  it  appears,  seen  in  the  light  of  later  events,  that 
Garami  had  in  reality  come  to  Switzerland  with  the  fore- 
knowledge of  the  Hungarian  Soviet  Government,  and  had 
kept  up  an  active  correspondence  with  Bela  Kun.  The 
part  he  played  at  that  time  is  not  quite  clear. 

The  moment  the  Councils  Government  at  last  came  to 
grief,  through  its  own  doing,  and  had  to  make  way  for 
Peidl's  Socialist  Government,  after  unspeakable  crimes 
against  the  country,  a  court  was  instantly  formed  in  Berne 
round  the  Socialist  Garami.  The  journalists  swarmed  round 
him  like  bluebottle  flies — they  greeted  him  as  the  coming 


340  MY  MEMOIRS 

man  in  Hungary  and  asked  him  for  office  and  posts  ;  he 
was  already  distributing  Ministerial  posts  :  Ignotus  was  to 
be  Minister  of  Education,  Herr  von  Ottlik  Foreign  Minister. 
The  gentlemen  all  went  home  together,  to  take  up  the  reins 
of  government. 

But  when  they  reached  Innsbruck  they  heard  of  the 
fresh  change  in  the  political  situation  ;  Archduke  Joseph 
had  taken  over  the  government,  and  consequently  there 
was  not  much  hope  for  a  Socialist  combination  just  now. 
That  was  a  disappointment.  But  the  good  fellows  soon 
knew  what  to  do.  Hardly  arrived  in  Vienna,  they  hastily 
called  on — Andrassy,  and  offered  him  their  services,  full  of 
patriotic  enthusiasm  as  ever. 

I  had  known  and  honoured  the  Swiss  Federal  President, 
Calonder,  to  whom  I  had  written  on  Garami's  behalf,  for 
months.  He  is  a  man  of  superior  statesmanlike  intellect, 
who  has  a  correct  insight  into  the  foreign  political  require- 
ments of  his  country.  The  nobility  with  which  he  under- 
stood how  to  guide  Swiss  policy  through  the  muddy  waters 
of  international  intrigue  during  the  war  is  worthy  of 
all  admiration.  The  political  department,  which  was  directed 
by  M.  Paravicini,  did  not,  indeed,  always  succeed  in  keeping 
clear  of  intrigues,  although  mostly  through  good-nature, 
naivete  and  ignorance  of  the  actual  conditions.  Thus  it 
was  that  during  the  Hungarian  Bolshevist  regime  the 
accredited  Minister,  Szilassy,  resigned  his  Swiss  post,  but 
in  spite  of  this,  Bela  Kun  was  in  constant  communication 
with  his  agents  here.  The  communication  was  kept  up 
by  the  young  secretaries  of  our  Legation,  who  had  placed 
themselves  at  the  service  of  these  agents  in  ignorance  of 
the  part  assigned  to  them  ;  and  as  they  were  on  good  terms 
with  M.  Paravicini,  they  could  manage  to  procure  pass- 
ports to  admit  these  elements,  of  whose  personal  qualities 
they  perhaps  knew  little  or  nothing.  In  this  way  the  Swiss 
authorities  were  duped,  and  many  Bolshevists  were  enabled 
to  come  in  and  out  of  the  country  and  do  great  harm. 

When  Rosika  Schwimmer  had  sufficiently  proved  her 
inefficiency    as    an    ambassadress,    she    was    replaced    by 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         341 

Szilassy.  Szilassy  was  a  man  of  peace  ;  attracted  by  the 
Karolyi  theories,  and  inspired  by  a  wish  to  put  an  end 
to  the  war  as  quickly  as  possible,  he  had  placed  himself 
at  Karolyi's  service  some  time  before,  without  ever  having 
been  at  all  intimate  with  him  personally.  He  came  to 
Berne  as  Minister  and  did  his  best  to  serve  his  country 
loyally. 

At  that  time  the  agitation  against  me  had  reached  its 
height,  and,  knowing  my  position,  he  set  his  face  in  every 
possible  way  against  the  aspersions  and  lies. 

In  March  1919  the  King  took  up  his  abode  in  Switzer- 
land. The  last  of  the  Habsburgs  returned  to  where  the 
first  of  his  race  had  come  from. 

I  did  not  communicate  with  him  at  first,  as  I  did  not 
wish  to  supply  agitators,  who  were  pursuing  me  as  a 
monarchist  propagandist,  with  fresh  material. 

It  need  not  be  said  that  the  Republican  Legations  in 
Switzerland  took  no  notice  of  him,  nor  need  it  be  said  that 
Baron  de  Vaux  lived  in  perpetual  fear  lest  he  might  chance 
to  meet  his  former  lord  and  master. 

But  a  man  very  soon  appeared  on  the  scene,  the  former 
military  attache  in  Berne,  Baron  Berlepsch,  a  Colonel  on 
the  General  Staff,  one  of  the  most  loyal  adherents  of  the 
throne  during  the  old  regime,  black  and  yellow  to  his 
finger-tips. 

Although  Austria  no  longer  kept  up  an  army,  this  Colonel 
continued  to  be  the  Austrian  State's  military  attache,  and 
also  continued  to  draw  the  pay  to  which  his  rank  and  duties 
entitled  him. 

In  plain  English,  he  organized  the  espionage  service 
round  about  the  Monarch  for  the  protection  of  the  new 
republic.  Who  associated  with  a  member  of  the  Imperial 
House,  who  went  in  and  out  of  Prangins,  what  was  said 
behind  the  walls  of  the  park,  was  known  the  next  minute 
to  the  deserving  and  expensive  former  Staff  Officer  of  the 
Austro-Hungarian  Army. 

Concern  for  his  pay  accounted  for  reports  of  monarchist 
propaganda  being  received  from  time  to  time  ;  he  had  to 
reveal  a  plot  against  the  German  Austrian  Republic  at  least 


842  MY  MEMOIRS 

once  a  month,  in  order  to  show  some  justification  for  his 
existence. 

In  the  meantime  I  have  spoken  to  the  King.  He  realizes 
his  position  and  bears  his  fate  with  dignity.  No  one  can 
blame  him  for  not  believing  that  his  expulsion  expressed 
unbiassed  public  opinion,  or  for  feeling  that  his  views  had 
been  misunderstood.  He  is  surely  justified  in  assuming 
that  his  real  wishes  were  not  represented  to  his  peoples  in 
the  right  light.  I  told  him  the  plain,  unvarnished  truth 
now,  as  I  had  always  done  during  my  term  of  office.  Neither 
the  dynasty  nor  the  person  of  the  Monarch  can  play  any 
decisive  part,  in  themselves  alone,  in  the  lives  of  the  nations 
at  a  time  of  such  absolute  debacle.  Will  Hungary,  will 
Austria  exist  ?  That  is  the  sole  problem  to-day.  Austria- 
Hungary  could  exist,  because  this  confederacy  was  never 
at  any  time  an  empty  formality  ;  on  the  contrary,  it  was 
a  necessity,  it  was  an  organic  coalescence. 

It  is  idle  to  prophesy  or  to  indulge  in  speculation  with 
regard  to  the  form  of  State  ;  useless  and  harmful  to  try 
and  exercise  any  influence  or  force  from  without.  It  is 
foolish  to  carry  on  monarchist  propaganda  outside  the 
frontiers  ;  all  propaganda  must  be  in  the  heart  and  mind, 
consequently,  within  the  frontiers. 

I  had  been  absent  from  home  for  a  year.  When  I  left 
and  Karolyi's  associates  began  to  hunt  me  down,  most  of 
my  so-called  friends  and  partisans  very  soon  went  over  to 
the  camp  of  the  new  rulers.  There  was  much  to  be  hoped 
for  in  that  quarter,  and  it  is  so  easy  to  say  :  "  It  is  a 
'  patriotic  '  duty  to  bow  to  the  facts." 

Later  on,  when  the  policy  I  had  pursued  had  unfor- 
tunately been  justified  up  to  the  hilt  in  blood — when  there 
appeared  a  possibility  of  regeneration  after  the  overthrow 
of  the  Councils  system — these  people,  who  had  so  quickly 
and  thoroughly  turned  their  coats,  who,  from  being 
admirers  of  Tisza,  had  become  Karolyi's  train-bearers,  were 
suddenly  seized  with  anxiety  lest  I  might  bring  unpleasant 
facts  to  light  if  I  came  home.  I  have  a  letter  before  me 
from  a  former  friend  and  "  equal  in  rank."  I  was  warned 
against  returning — asked  to  refrain  from  making  statements, 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         343 

in  the  interest  of  the  Fatherland — of  unravelling  the  tangle 
— and  so  forth.  If  certain  particulars  of  the  latter  part  of 
1918  became  known,  it  might  militate  against  the  formation 
of  political  Parties — and  more  to  the  same  effect. 

There  are  certainly  many  to  whom  it  would  probably 
be  disagreeable  to  hear  the  facts  recorded  here  related, 
but  the  public  has  a  right  to  the  truth.  Those  who  have 
always  unreservedly  recognized  any  and  every  ruler,  regard- 
less of  his  character,  from  personal,  Party  or  class  interests 
— the  members  of  the  "  leading  classes  of  society  and  of 
political  life,"  who  have  placed  themselves  unreservedly 
at  the  service  of  the  passing  usurpers  and  their  accomplices, 
out  of  cowardly  anxiety  for  their  personal  interests — these 
elements  cannot  be  taken  into  account  in  the  process  of 
reconstruction. 

My  notes  are  not  intended  for  them.  The  large  number 
of  those  who  have  been  deceived,  duped  and  misled,  who 
have  fought  and  suffered,  and  who  were  and  still  are  ready 
to  make  any  sacrifice  now,  as  in  days  gone  by,  for  the 
Fatherland — without  distinction  of  class,  religion  or  dress 
— these  will  gain  a  clear  idea  of  the  past  from  my  experiences, 
an  idea  of  the  terrible  state  of  decay,  and  fresh  strength  to 
sustain  them  on  the  hard  and  thorny  path  we  must  and 
shall  tread.  For  whatever  may  have  happened,  the  still 
suffering  nation  yet  presses  on  to  the  heights  once  more.  .  . 

Clarens,  in  the  summer  of  1919. 


AND    YET! 

The  development  of  political  organisms  in  Central  Europe 
on  both  banks  of  the  Danube  was  due  to  natural  causes. 
A  categorical  imperative  of  a  purely  economic  nature  au 
fond  threw  heterogeneous  peoples  on  one  another.  The 
East  Mark  threw  in  its  lot  with  the  half  Asiatic  Magyar 
people,  the  buffer  to  what  was  still  at  that  time  the  barbaric 
East.  In  this  way  the  central  block  of  the  Austro-Hungarian 
Monarchy  was  formed,  in  the  course  of  centuries,  round 
about  the  mountain  chains  and  the  Hungarian  plains  on 
either  side  of  the  Danube. 

The  schoolbooks  of  our  childhood  tell  us  that  it 
was  the  reigning  dynasty  which,  rightly  or  wrongly, 
co-ordinated  and  formed  the  German  Austrians,  Slavs  and 
Magyars  into  a  great  political  structure  in  days  of  yore. 
That  is  a  superficial  view,  and  a  traditional  improvement 
on  the  facts,  which  has  been  encouraged  by  the  dynasty. 
For  the  experience  of  our  riper  years  has  taught  us  that 
the  coalescence  of  heterogeneous  peoples  was  the  basis  of 
our  economic  existence,  in  spite  of  the  reigning  House,  in 
spite  of  century-old,  for  the  most  part  unsuccessful,  Habsburg 
policy. 

Nevertheless,  in  the  centuries  gone  by,  the  artificial 
political  structure  influenced  by  such  different  architects 
was  still  the  only  possible  organism  of  the  Danube  countries 
adapted  to  the  requirements  of  the  various  peoples.  The 
best  proof  of  the  vitality  and  necessity  of  this  German- 
Magyar  conglomerate  was  that  foreign  nationalities  from 
north,  south  and  east  joined  it,  and  owe  what  is  best  in 
their  civilization  to  German-Magyar  influences.  In  their 
calamity,  the  German  Austrians  and  the  Magyars  can  point 
with  pride  to  the  fact  that  the  level  of  civilization  of  the 

344 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         345 

peoples  which  found  a  home  within  the  frontiers  of  the  old 
Danube  Monarchy  was  still  higher  than  that  of  their  kins- 
men living  in  independent  States  beyond  the  frontiers. 

As  a  result  of  misguided  Cabinet  policy,  the  Magyars 
and  German  Austrians  were,  so  to  speak,  defenceless  beside 
the  powerful  German  Empire  in  the  World  War.  Although 
our  ultimatum  to  Serbia  set  light  to  the  powder-barrel, 
the  causes  of  the  war  were  to  be  found  (not  even  then 
ultimately)  in  the  difference  between  the  Potsdam  view  of 
life  and  the  democratic  views  held  in  the  West.  Ultimately 
the  war  was  in  no  way  attributable  to  Court  motives, 
though  Court  policy  had  a  hand  in  it  ;  the  war  was  a  natural 
necessity,  an  economic-technical  test  of  the  nations'  strength, 
which  finally  changed  into  class  warfare. 

In  spite  of  the  fact  that  Austria  worked  like  a  boiler 
overheated  by  Imperialist  German  engine-drivers,  and  at 
last  burst  under  the  pressure  of  this  overheating,  yet  the 
alliance  with  Germany  was  a  matter  of  logic.  From  the 
moment  when  Russia's  Pan-Slav  tendencies  threatened 
the  existence  of  the  Monarchy,  Austria-Hungary  had  hardly 
any  choice  but  to  look  for  help  from  Germany. 

Goluchowski's  was  the  only  policy  which  had  recognized 
the  danger  and  pointed  out  the  right  course,  which  would 
have  served  the  real  interests  of  the  whole  of  Central  Europe  : 
an  understanding  with  Russia.  Having  neglected  this  was 
Wilhelm  the  Second's  great  sin  against  the  German  people. 

World  political  problems  are  geographical  problems. 
Economic  facts  are  evolved  from  geographical  conditions. 
Failure  to  recognize  this  principle  drove  Germany  into  her 
senseless  colonial  adventures.  If  the  immense  economic 
strength  of  the  German  Empire  had  been  directed  into  its 
natural  channels,  if  Germany  had  rightly  understood  her 
world  historical  duty — to  look  on  herself  as  the  fashioner 
of  the  raw  material  from  European  and  Asiatic  Russia, 
instead  of  indulging  in  a  taste  for  colonial  expansion  and 
revelling  in  melodramatic  catchword  politics — Germany's 
policy  would  have  achieved  gigantic  results,  Germany's 
future  would  not  be  wrecked  as  it  is  to-day. 

The  former  state,  when  the  rise  or  fall  of  industries  was 
regarded  as  a  question  of  fluctuating  Stock  Exchange  values, 


346  MY  MEMOIRS 

will  cease.  In  future  it  will  be  impossible  to  convey  raw 
material  long  distances  unnecessarily.  In  other  words, 
the  plus  the  world  had  stored  up  and  on  which  the  Stock 
Exchange  gambled  is  consumed.  To-day,  products  can 
only  be  transported  in  large  quantities  on  the  basis  of 
economic  necessity. 

This  theory  necessitates  free  trade  in  international 
economic  life.  Free  trade  is  the  indispensable  basis  of  its 
future  development.  Extreme  Socialism  and  Bolshevism 
are  ideas  of  yesterday — diseases  whose  causes  are  to  be 
found  in  the  circumscription  of  the  economic  life  of  the 
nations.  The  barriers  to  free  development  are  called  customs 
barriers.  They  serve  the  capitalistic  interests  of  the  indi- 
vidual States,  have  the  same  obstructive  effect  as  economic 
transportation  of  products  in  large  quantities,  and  only 
benefit  a  privileged  Phaeacian  class.  Modern  policy  must  take 
the  simple  geographical  and  economic  facts  into  account. 

The  vital  economic  and  geographical  conditions  of  the 
Germans  and  Magyars  in  the  Danube  countries  have  not 
been  altered  by  the  war.  What  was  right  in  the  past  is 
right  in  the  present,  and  will  remain  so  for  all  time.  The 
fact  that  the  peoples  who  were  formerly  our  fellow-citizens 
(Slavs  and  Rumanians)  have  broken  away  from  the  rule  of 
the  German  Magyars  does  not  bring  about  any  economic- 
geographical  change  in  Central  European  life.  The  customs 
frontiers  have  been  shifted,  nothing  more — the  tariff 
policy  altered  (the  natural  result  of  which  is  that  the 
working  classes  will  be  ground  down  under  altered  con- 
ditions). This  reorganization  and  frontier  redistribution  in 
Central  Europe  only  took  place  a  few  months  ago,  and  it 
has  already  given  conspicuous  proof  of  its  inefficiency. 
The  cataclysm  of  the  World  War,  the  loss  of  economic  values 
running  into  milliards,  necessarily  led  to  the  break-up  of 
all  weak  political  and  social  ties  ;  but  the  economic  and 
geographical  facts  remain  and  will  compel  adequate  organ- 
izations. 

The  policy  of  the  future  will  show  us  a  regrouping  of 
the  European  States  under  the  categorical  influence  of 
their  economic  interests.  We  shall  see  the  formation  of  a 
uniform  economic  sphere  from  Vladivostock  to  the  Rhine. 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         347 

Petty  intrigues  and  particularist  interests  may  try  to  divert 
Russian  and  Siberian  raw  material  to  America,  England 
and  France,  but  in  future  these  raw  material  supplies  will 
be  more  profitably  and  economically  turned  to  account  in 
Germany  than  elsewhere  ;  the  transport  to  Germany  will 
be  cheaper  than  shipping  them  anywhere  else.  The  oppres- 
sive peace  imposed  on  Germany  is  just  the  stimulus  which 
will  give  the  people  a  salutary  insight  into  the  sphere 
of  their  real  interests,  after  decades  of  mistaken  policy. 
The  outcome  of  a  Russo-Siberian-German  agreement  would 
be  a  system  of  forces  unparalleled  in  the  world.  In  a 
contest,  whether  economic  or  physical,  with  no  matter 
what  other  combination  of  States,  this  system  must  always 
be  victorious. 

In  spite,  or  rather  in  consequence,  of  the  Versailles 
peace,  we  shall  have  fresh  wars  before  many  years,  unless 
a  broadminded  policy  of  understanding  finds  ways  and 
means  of  eliminating  sources  of  friction  which  have  become 
apparent  almost  all  over  the  world  to-day. 

Wilson  tried  to  fix  the  principles  of  a  peaceful  organ- 
ization of  the  world  ;  but  he  lacked  the  strength  to  carry 
his  ideas  into  effect.  He  did  not  succeed  in  securing 
pacifist  defensive  capacity — military  defensive  capacity 
remains.  As  to  this  there  can  be  no  doubt :  even  Socialist 
and  Bolshevist  circles,  which  came  into  power  in  the  last 
stages  of  the  war,  began  their  work  of  organization  by 
armed  force. 

World  problems  and  epochal  ideals,  which  change  the 
spirit  of  the  world,  are  clear  and  simple.  The  ideal  of  Christ- 
ianity and  Buddha's  ideal  are  expressed  in  simple  maxims. 
The  maxim  which  has  really  brought  the  world,  as  consti- 
tuted to-day,  nearer  to  the  complicated  theories  of  Pacifism, 
is  free  trade.  This  one  maxim,  carried  into  effect  honestly, 
and  consistently  with  its  sense,  means  more  than  the 
theories  and  developments  of  Wilson's  Fourteen  Points. 
And  the  victorious  Entente  rulers  had  it  in  their  power  to 
take  these  steps  which  would  revolutionize  the  world. 

Meanwhile,  it  is  clearer  to-day  than  ever  before  the  war 
that  questions  of  strength  and  power  alone  count  and  in- 
fluence the  world  to-day.     The  gleam  of  hope  of  a  peaceful 


348  MY  MEMOIRS 

future  has  vanished.  It  will  only  be  possible  to  maintain 
peace  and  the  cultural  and  economic  development  of  the 
peoples,  even  in  the  near  future,  by  a  balance  of  strength 
and  power.  The  political  theories  of  the  past  still  hold 
good.  Compromises  and  half-measures  continue  to  decide 
the  system  of  the  world. 

One  thing,  however,  must  not  be  forgotten,  that  a  five- 
years'  mortal  combat  has  schooled  the  peoples  of  the  earth. 
In  the  last  years  before  the  war,  human  beings  fighting 
one  another  to  death  was  not  a  problem  so  intelligible 
as  to  speak  for  itself;  to-day,  every  schoolboy  has  the 
key  to  the  mystery.  The  ultima  ratio  re  gum  that  war  is  an 
instrument  to  be  turned  to  account  for  attaining  wishes 
wholesale  has  sunk  into  the  minds  of  the  people.  Formerly 
there  were  Cabinet  and  Court  wars;  to-day  we  are  faced 
with  the  probability  that  every  race,  every  village,  which 
is  dissatisfied  with  its  conditions  of  life  will  take  up  arms. 
The  World  War  has  been  at  an  end  for  a  year,  and  already 
quite  a  number  of  groups  of  power  are  starting  fresh  con- 
flicts, whose  causes  are  to  be  found  in  the  chance  wishes 
of  a  few  individuals. 

The  World  War  has  further  shown  us  the  importance  of 
great  economic  spheres.  Just  as  the  working  man  has 
found  that  a  coalition  of  forces  is  the  most  practical  instru- 
ment for  attaining  the  wishes  of  his  daily  life,  so  races, 
nay,  even  small  groups  of  individuals,  have  found  by  experi- 
ence during  the  war  that  their  coalescence  with  others  of 
similar  views  brings  them  nearer  the  fulfilment  of  their 
wishes.     This  principle  promises  war  after  war  in  the  future. 

As  in  political  so  in  economic  warfare.  Efforts  to 
prevent  mutual  destruction  in  future  can  only  be  in  the 
direction  of  a  broadminded  policy,  based  entirely  on  the 
principle  of  balancing  the  power  of  great  antagonistic 
groups  of  interests.  Geographico-economic  systems  will  be 
the  sole  basis  of  such  future  groups  of  forces.  The  great 
constructions  of  this  description  will  probably  be  :  (i)  the 
Russo-Siberian-German  coalition  ;  (2)  the  Pan-American 
Union  (to  which  the  whole  of  South  America  will  belong 
for  geographico-economic  reasons)  ;  (3)  the  Anglo-French 
group  of  interests. 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         349 

The  small  States — Italy,  Rumania,  South  Slavonia, 
Poland,  Hungary  and  Austria — do  not  come  into  question 
at  all  in  future  as  concurrent  world  factors.  Nothing  but 
their  inclusion  in  one  of  the  existing  systems  can  guarantee 
their  economic  and  political  existence. 

The  policy  which  aimed  at  a  Central  Europe  was  quite 
illogical.  The  great  problem  of  the  present  day  is  that 
of  the  small  nations  (mixed  language  territories  have  always 
been  hotbeds  of  wars  .  .  .).  The  development  and  organiza- 
tion of  the  American  nationalities  has  given  us  an  example. 
Nothing  but  the  union  and  economic  co-operation  of  peoples 
which  are  thrown  upon  one  another,  and  interested  in  one 
another  as  neighbours,  will  make  it  possible  for  the  small 
formations  within  the  great  economic  units  to  live  together 
in  peace.  In  this  sense  England  and  France  are  also  small 
formations,  which  will  probably  have  to  join  one  of  the 
great  geographically  logical  complexes. 

This  view  applies  to  Central  and  East  Europe  as  well. 
There  are  only  two  possibilities  for  the  small  Central,  Eastern 
and  Southern  European  States :  either  to  be  entirely 
absorbed  in  the  Russo-German  bloc  or  for  the  individual 
States  to  be  crystallized  into  a  common  economic  organ- 
ization which  takes  the  essential  conditions  of  the  individual 
nationalities  into  the  fullest  account. 

We  have  come  back  to  the  century-old  facts  to  which 
the  old  Monarchy  owed  its  existence.  The  mental  and 
spiritual  motives  which  induced  millions  of  human  beings 
in  the  old  Monarchy  to  sacrifice  their  lives  can  only 
ultimately  be  attributed  to  their  instinctive  recognition  of 
these  facts.  It  is  based  upon  historically  correct  discern- 
ment, and  is  as  indestructible  as  the  idea  of  adhering 
more  or  less  to  the  outlines  of  the  old  Monarchy. 

Their  native  soil,  their  homes  and  livelihood,  the 
happiness  of  the  individual  were  points  of  defence  the 
people  could  understand,  and  motives  for  self-sacrifice.  These 
motives  continue  to  take  ineradicable  root  in  every  nation. 
The  greatest  mistake  made  by  the  victorious  Entente  is  in 
asking  the  defeated  adversary  to  renounce  his  own  par- 
ticular /.  The  future  construction  of  the  world  will  not 
be  on  the  lines  imagined  by  well  or  ill  disposed  theorists, 


350  MY  MEMOIRS 

but  in  accordance  with  the  sound  instincts  of  the  peoples 
inhabiting  the  individual  territories.  The  victor  was  able 
to  destroy  everything  external — but  one  thing  is  the  in- 
destructible property  of  the  soul  of  a  nation :  national 
pride,  pride  of  race,  pride  in  the  actual  social  work  their 
fathers  and  forefathers  have  done,  not  for  a  reigning  House, 
not  for  abstract  ideas,  but  in  the  interest  of  their  own  nation, 
their  native  country.  It  is  childish  to  suppose  that  new 
economic  measures,  which  play  havoc  with  vital  autoch- 
thonous interests,  can  be  forced  on  the  defeated  adversary 
for  all  eternity,  or  even  for  decades,  by  a  shortsighted  para- 
graph from  a  green  table — to  suppose  that  sane,  able-bodied 
peoples  (such,  for  instance,  as  Magyars  and  Tirolese)  can 
be  rendered  powerless  by  petty  armament  limitations. 

Reconstruction  is  urgent,  but  whither  we  shall  be 
driven  by  the  St. -Germain  reconstruction  is  the  great 
question  of  the  future. 

Both  Hungary  and  German  Austria  find  themselves  in 
a  hopeless  economic  and  political  position  at  the  end  of 
1919.  Whilst  regeneration  has  already  created  a  working 
State  machine  in  the  German  Empire,  frightful  chaos  reigns 
in  the  two  States  which  formed  the  old  Monarchy.  There 
is  a  collision  of  opposed  opinions  in  the  German  Empire  as 
well,  it  is  true ;  different  views  of  life  are  fighting  out  the 
struggle  for  the  upper  hand  before  adjusting  themselves 
to  the  school  of  thought  which  has  most  in  common  with 
the  instinct  of  the  nation.  Still,  people  in  the  German 
Empire  are  not  required  by  any  Party  to  deny  their  con- 
victions ;  in  Socialist  Germany  a  monarchist  may  speak  his 
mind  and  propagate  his  ideas  as  freely  as  a  republican, 
a  bourgeois  democrat  as  freely  as  a  Leninist.  The  Press 
may  reflect  the  various  opinions,  the  administrative 
machinery  functions  within  a  well-regulated  representative 
assembly.  In  both  States  of  the  former  Monarchy,  on  the 
other  hand,  terror  of  the  elements  which  are  struggling  for 
personal  power  reigns.  The  physical  welfare  of  the  working 
classes,  the  interests  of  the  masses,  are  subordinated  to 
Party  manoeuvres.  Bread  and  coal  have  become  objects 
of  political  jobbery. 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         351 

The  old  regime,  under  which  Court  flunkeys,  a  clique 
of  bureaucratic  upstarts,  exercised  arbitrary  power,  was 
pernicious.  But  never,  not  even  under  the  most  incom- 
petent rulers,  under  the  most  corrupt  Governments  of  the 
last  few  centuries,  has  anything  approaching  to  so  much 
evil  been  heaped  upon  the  innocent  masses  of  the  people 
through  misguided  Government  measures  as  now.  The 
Republican  Governments'  finance  has  destroyed  milliards' 
worth  of  values  ;  in  no  direction  have  they  succeeded  in 
rescuing  or  safeguarding  the  material  interests  of  the  Ger- 
man Austrian  people  or  of  the  Hungarians,  and  what  culture 
(tact  and  character)  and  pride  still  remained  to  the  people 
has  been  trampled  underfoot.  When  did  the  corruptibility 
— in  general — of  individuals  reach  such  a  pitch  ?  When 
was  the  level  of  our  conduct  in  life  lower,  more  sordid  ? 
When  the  character  of  the  citizens  and  their  administrators 
more  pitiful  ? 

Events  of  daily  occurrence  in  Vienna  and  Buda  Pesth 
supply  the  answer.  Karolyi's  treachery,  the  bankruptcy 
of  the  Councils  Government,  have  shown  only  too  plainly 
that  though  there  were  differences  between  the  new  schools 
of  thought  in  Hungary,  all  were  based  on  nothing  but  per- 
sonal interest.  At  the  end  of  the  ill-starred  war  it  was 
easy  for  the  Bolshevist  school  to  attain  power. 

It  must  have  already  become  clear  to  the  country  and 
the  world  that  a  republic  in  Hungary  is  an  absurdity,  but 
to  raise  the  question  of  the  form  of  State  in  the  present 
chaotic  state  of  affairs  is  nothing  but  shameless  prosecution 
of  personal  Party  policy.  Two  Archdukes,  each  of  them 
rulers  of  some  neighbouring  country,  and  even  non-existent 
foreign  Princes,  ostensibly  have  a  Party  in  Hungary.  Con- 
venticles are  formed  in  the  name  of  Christianity,  in  the 
name  of  Judaism,  in  the  name  of  friendship  for  France  or 
England,  whose  policy,  claiming  the  monopoly  of  all  means 
of  grace,  is  to  guide  Hungary  out  of  the  abyss. 

And  yet :  Hungary  can  only  be  helped  from  the  Hun- 
garian national  standpoint;  the  adoption  of  a  uniform 
attitude  by  a  strong  and  proud  nation  suffices  to  create  a 
future   for   it.     Hungary    must   find   herself   again,    as   she 


852  MY  MEMOIRS 

has  always  found  herself  on  other  occasions  in  the  past 
thousand  years,  at  times  of  the  most  serious  national 
misfortunes. 

What  we  need  is  to  become  Hungarians  again.  National 
sentiment  is  the  basis  of  our  life. 

Material  restoration  to  sound  conditions  must  go  hand 
in  hand  with  moral  recovery.  Financial  reconstruction  is 
the  burning  problem  with  which  the  new  States  have  to 
deal,  for  their  existence  depends  on  it.  How  do  the  Socialist 
theorists  suppose  reconstruction  and  repayment  of  the 
milliards  of  State  and  National  debts  will  be  possible  if 
fresh  burdens  continue  to  be  imposed  on  all  productive 
work  ? 

The  principle  on  which  present-day  international 
economy  is  based  is  turning  natural  products  to  account 
and  working  them  up  as  cheaply  as  possible.  They 
could  be  worked  up  cheaply  within  the  wide  borders 
of  the  Monarchy  and  customs  barriers  far  distant  from 
one  another ;  but  how  will  cheap  production  be  possible 
when  several  customs  frontiers  are  set  up  between  indi- 
vidual centres  of  production  and  the  point  where  the 
products  are  worked  up  ?  With  such  differentiated  pro- 
duction, such  increased  cost  of  administration  and  finance 
burdened  to  such  an  extent,  the  best  of  all  that  should 
accrue  to  the  people  in  years  to  come,  as  the  fruit  of  their 
labour,  would  be  consumed  from  the  start. 

Economic  construction  must  be  begun  on  a  plan  which 
has  not  been  tried  yet.  Our  economy  cannot  exist  with- 
out connection  with  international  credit  and  international 
economic  life.  The  failure  of  the  Soviet  policy  from  the 
financial  standpoint  was  its  refusal  to  conform  to  the 
rules  which  govern  the  international  economic  complex. 
What  we  need  in  Austria  and  Hungary  is  increased  pro- 
duction. The  first  duty  of  those  who  guide  the  State  is 
therefore  to  stimulate  the  power  of  production  under  State 
supervision.  Before  the  State  takes  from  the  citizen  by 
imposing  taxes  on  him,  it  will  have  to  give,  and  give  in 
the  form  of  credit.  Credit  must  be  given  until  industry, 
agriculture    and    all    commercial    undertakings    have    been 


PRINCE   LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ  353 

given  the  utmost  possible  opportunity  of  development. 
The  worst  mistake  of  our  financial  policy  is  the  idea  of  a 
levy  on  capital.  That  may  sound  paradoxical,  and  suggest 
that  I  want  to  speak  in  favour  of  capitalism.  Far  from 
it.  But  a  levy  on  capital  brings  in  comparatively  minimum 
financial  values  to  the  States,  particularly  as  the  largest 
fortunes  have  already  been  conveyed  into  safety  across 
all  the  frontiers  in  good  time,  apart  from  this.  It  is  con- 
sequently too  late  to  assess  a  levy  on  capital  fairly.  The 
sale  of  Gobelins  or  other  works  of  art  is  a  na'ive  and  very 
temporary  emergency  measure.  But  the  fact  that  every 
deduction  from  capital  diminishes  the  "  stimulus  "  in  the 
industrial  works  of  the  person  concerned  is  a  serious  con- 
sideration ;  the  production  of  his  business,  which  ought  to 
be  stimulated,  intensified  and  increased,  both  now  and  in 
years  to  come,  will  naturally  fall  off  and  be  curtailed. 
Where  he  should  and  could  have  done  ten  times  the  amount 
of  work,  the  withdrawal  of  a  tenth  of  his  capital  will  result 
in  his  producing  ten  times  less.  The  only  salvation  of  our 
economic  existence  lies  in  carrying  one  idea  of  the  communist 
programme  into  effect.  This  idea  is  to  subordinate  the 
efforts  of  each  citizen  of  the  State  to  the  general  welfare 
up  to  a  certain  point ;  the  production  of  every  industry  must 
belong  up  to  a  certain  percentage  to  the  State,  to  the  general 
public,  and,  converted  into  money,  will  be  spent  by  the 
State  on  reconstruction. 

The  existing  values,  which  cannot  be  hidden  or  carried 
off — landed  property,  private  trade  and  industrial  enter- 
prises, factories,  woods,  waterworks  and  commons — should 
be  mortgaged  for  the  benefit  of  the  State.  These  mortgages 
would  make  it  possible  for  a  great  uniform  State  loan  to 
be  raised  in  a  wealthy  foreign  State.  This  would  be  a 
practical  financial  scheme  on  a  very  ambitious  scale,  but 
it  is  the  only  way  in  which  the  question  of  taxation 
and  of  obtaining  credit  can  be  satisfactorily  solved.  Any 
immediate  improvement  in  our  industrial  and  financial 
position  is  inconceivable  unless  the  State  secures  a  mortgage 
on  all  Hungary  and  Austria's  real  estate. 

This  theory  could  easily  be  fitted  into  the  existing 
organism.      Outwardly,    everything    would    be    as    before. 

23 


354  MY  MEMOIRS 

The  owner  has  received  money  and  can  increase  his  pro- 
duction, the  workman  draws  stable  wages,  every  owner 
must  squeeze  the  interest  out  of  his  industry  and  at  the 
same  time  amortize  the  capital.  The  State  as  such  remains 
mobile  and  will  receive  the  necessary  sums  from  abroad  so 
long  as  the  work  is  sustained. 

Hungary  still  has  untold  natural  wealth,  and  German 
Austria  also  has  mines,  woods,  land,  factories  and  water. 
A  "  reconstruction  mortgage  "  would  bring  colossal  amounts 
into  the  country,  not  in  worthless  Austro-Hungarian  crowns, 
but  in  money  of  real  value,  international  value. 

A  levy  on  capital,  on  the  other  hand,  continues  to  supply 
the  State  with  its  own  poor  worthless  crowns.  It  is  an 
amateur  game  with  paper  money,  whereas  my  proposal 
fits  in  with  international  economy;  our  worthless  crowns 
form  no  part  of  it.  International  economy  is  based  on  the 
mortgage  system.  As  a  result  of  the  new  economy,  large 
surpluses  would  comparatively  soon  be  available,  which 
could  again  be  invested  in  the  various  undertakings.  The 
State  would  be  giving,  not  taking.  At  any  rate,  it  would 
no  longer  be  the  banks  but  the  State  which  would  lend 
money  on  mortgage  and  earn  milliards,  and  it  would  spend 
these  milliards  on  reconstructing  the  individual  industries 
and  thereby  reconstructing  the  whole  organism. 

When  our  finances  are  set  in  order,  the  question  of 
Judaism  will  have  to  be  specially  considered  and  dealt 
with,  both  in  Hungary  and  Austria,  for  in  no  country  in 
the  world  has  Semitic  co-operation,  both  mental  and  material, 
so  permeated  national  life  as  with  us.  The  struggle  between 
the  Jewish  and  Christian  standpoints  has  been  productive 
of  convulsions  in  the  two  Danube  States,  to  which  these 
countries  are  no  longer  economically,  any  more  than  poli- 
tically, equal.  A  change  must  be  made.  It  should  be 
observed  that  it  is  only  politicians  who  have  no  positive 
constructive  programme  to  offer  their  country  who  foist 
the  catchword  of  anti-Semitism  on  the  dissatisfied  masses. 
What  we  need  is  constructive  policy. 

Above  all,  economic  union  between  Austria  and  Hungary. 
The  more  small  States  are  formed  and  cut  themselves  adrift, 
the    more    costly    the   separate   measures  each  must   take 


PRINCE  LUDWIG  WINDISCHGRAETZ         355 

to  protect  its  interests  within  its  own  borders.  The  new 
customs  barriers  and  separate  administrations  will  absorb 
the  peoples'  best  efforts.  Why,  even  now  the  Czech 
State's  army  budget  is  far  higher  than  that  of  the  old  Dual 
Monarchy. 

Sowing  strife  between  Austria  and  Hungary,  whether  by 
promising  Hungarian  German  districts  to  Austria  or  driving 
in  other  wedges,  can  only  serve  all  the  more  surely  to  rein- 
force the  great  Russo-German  block  by  the  accession  of  these 
individually  weakened  States,  whereas  united  we  could 
hardly  be  permanently  refused  an  outlet  to  the  sea.  The 
old  Monarchy's  misguided  foreign  policy  barred  the  six 
million  Serbian  people's  way  to  the  sea.  Such  a  policy  was 
a  direct  incentive  to  the  World  War.  To-day,  twenty  million 
Austrians  and  Hungarians  are  cut  off  from  the  sea.  .  .  . 

We  are  poor  and  helpless.  For  the  present  we  must 
bear  our  cross. 

And  yet  the  spirit,  which  is  the  essence  of  all  reality, 
still  lives.  The  longing  to  accomplish  what  is  necessary  lives, 
the  strength  to  uphold  what  has  been  accomplished  lives. 
The  strength  which  achieved  such  great  things  in  the 
war  is  imperishable.  It  will  tell  in  peace-time  as  well, 
if  the  rest  of  the  world  is  minded  to  let  us  live,  and  will 
tell  in  war  again,  if  the  world  shows  an  intention  of  destroy- 
ing us.     For  the  strength  is  based  on  the  people. 

When  I  was  in  the  trenches,  I  saw  how  noble  and  self- 
sacrificing,  what  gentlemen  the  masses  are  ;  as  a  statesman 
I  had  an  opportunity  of  learning  from  experience  the 
devotion,  the  humility  and  strength  of  precisely  the  lowest 
and  poorest  classes.  Hence  my  optimism  for  the  future, 
hence  my  unalterable  belief  in  the  rebirth,  in  the  recon- 
struction of  the  old  fact  of  Austria-Hungary. 

The  social  order  of  the  Central  Powers  before  the  war 
has  proved  its  absolute  unreality  and  futility.  The  classes 
which  have  guided  the  destiny  of  the  Danube  Monarchy 
for  centuries  were  not  equal  to  their  task.  The  work  of 
reconstruction  must  be  carried  out  with  the  help  of  new 
forces  of  a  more  sterling  genus.  This  genus  is  available ;  it 
has  shown  its  gigantic  strength  for  five  whole  years  in  the 


356  MY  MEMOIRS 

trenches  and  at  home.  What  was  accomplished  was  by 
the  masses. 

If  the  leading  classes,  who  are  responsible  for  Austria- 
Hungary's  political  and  military  downfall,  had  been  in 
the  trenches,  the  struggle  would  have  been  decided  against 
us  in  a  few  weeks.  If  the  Czernins,  Stürgkhs,  Burians, 
Conrads  and  Potioreks  had  had,  figuratively  speaking,  to 
defend  the  first  line  of  any  frontier,  the  Russians,  Italians 
and  Serbs  would  have  been  masters  of  the  Monarchy  within 
a  very  few  weeks.  That  they  were  not  proves  the  existence 
of  a  latent  energy  in  the  people  which  alone  counts  in  the 
work  of  reconstruction. 

Healthy  evolution  must  bring  those  elements  into  power, 
in  the  countries  of  the  former  Danube  Monarchy,  to  which 
we  owe  what  was  actually  achieved  during  the  years  of  war. 
But  the  revolution  of  the  autumn  of  1918  brought  a  class 
of  adventurers  into  power  who  knew  how  to  turn  the  down- 
fall of  the  old  regime  to  account  for  personal  or  Party 
interests.  It  is  now  quite  certain  that  public  morality 
was  never  so  corrupt,  both  in  great  things  and  small ; 
assuredly,  unhealthier  conditions  never  existed  than  under 
the  present  Governments.  The  revolution  has  fallen  to 
the  ground,  has  been  a  somersault ;  the  cataclysm  over- 
threw a  throne  indeed,  but  it  has  not  changed  the  inmost 
character  of  those  who  brought  it  about.  This  change  is 
essential. 

Convictions  are  essential !      Convictions  are  essential ! 

Have  what  opinion  you  will,  but  have  an  opinion — and 
respect  that  of  others.  Have  what  character  you  will, 
but  have  a  character !  Spiritual  revolution  is  essential ! 
Drainage,  canalization  of  the  individual  organism  is  essen- 
tial !  The  taint  of  servility  must  be  washed  away,  the 
intolerable  stink  of  the  faint-hearted  poltroons  who  bow  to 
the  temporary  powers  that  be  must  be  smoked  out ! 
Honest,  upright  human  beings  must  not  bend  the  knee  ! 

Man  muss  nicht  mit  den  Wölfen  heulen  / 


.  Printed  in  Great  Britain  by 

»WIN  BROTHERS,  LIMITED,  THE  GRESHAM  PRESS,  WOKING  AND  LONDON 


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